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1
Shah, Dr Paresh. « Validating the Need of Social Welfare State in 21St Century ». Journal of Business Strategy Finance and Management 04, no 01 (8 juin 2022) : 01–04. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/jbsfm.04.01.01.
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The Indian Economy is under severe pressure for the last ten years. The reduction in demand for goods and services, and at the same time policies of the Government to create demand-driven economy results in the demand for goods being majorly restricted to the necessity and need. The demand for products and services for the improvement of the standard of living is restricted nearly among 70% of the population. The policies of the Government lead the situations towards the suffering by the orphanage, superannuated people, and that results in the productive population (between the age of 19 to 55) suffering a loss. These changes will largely determine and strongly suggest to move towards Social Welfare State, in the nearest years, to maintain the productivity of the country in the longer term. Such Indian cataclysms usually re-shape recently established trends, turning them into socially beneficial levels.
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Gupta, Asha. « From the Welfare State to the Welfare Society : A Shift in Paradigm ». Indian Journal of Public Administration 68, no 1 (3 février 2022) : 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211058770.
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Covid-19 and its aftermath brought home the lesson that in future we just cannot rely on welfare state to deal with sudden outbreaks or natural calamities. We would have to empower individuals in the era of digitalisation for quick support and social solidarity. We are living in a world today where profound socio-economic, political and cultural changes are taking place due to rapid technological changes and globalisation. The 2008 fiscal crisis made it clear that the new liberal philosophy is no longer valid in early 21st century. Unless and until there is solidarity at the societal level, the woes of modern men and women cannot be mitigated effectively. This study seeks to explore the possibility of a shift in paradigm from the welfare state to the welfare society in order to deal with some of the challenges faced by the welfare states in the 21st century. It concludes by highlighting the urgent need for associating participatory society and various stakeholders in the enterprise of welfare in future. The methodology adopted is analytical, comparative and empirical.
3
Ferrera, Maurizio, Anton Hemerijck et Martin Rhodes. « Recasting European Welfare States for the 21st Century ». European Review 8, no 3 (juillet 2000) : 427–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004981.
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This article places European welfare states squarely in today's European integration context and looks optimistically at social policy perspectives ‘top down’ from the European level. It has the needs of European policy makers in mind, and thus their interests in optimal policy mixes, lessons from national experiences and in a new institutional architecture that links EU member states more effectively into All-European corridors of reform efforts. The authors argue that the overriding need in welfare state reform is to identify new value combinations and institutional arrangements in national systems that are both mixed – in terms of solidarity and growth objectives – and virtuous, that is capable of producing advances on all necessary fronts. The authors recapitulate the EU's present social agenda – where the search for ‘new value combinations’ is seen to be most actively undertaken. They take up the nature of the ‘bottom up’ challenges to, and the adjustment problems of, the four different sets of European welfare states at length and also their differing needs for functional, distributive as well as normative re-calibration. They present core components of an optimal adjustment strategy that could reconcile growth with solidarity. Finally, they focus on different instruments that might further substantiate the role the EU could play in preserving and developing the ‘European Social Model’ in different welfare domains.
4
Haughton, Miriam. « Irish Theatre in the 21st Century ». Cadernos de Letras da UFF 31, no 60 (16 juillet 2020) : 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/cadletrasuff.2020n60a772.
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My research examines the staging contexts of these case studies, locating them among the traumatic histories they were drawn from, which centre on women saying, sometimes loudly, and sometimes quietly, #MeToo. However, they said this traditionally in isolated historical contexts, dominated by the overwhelming power of the Irish institutions of church, family, and nation, and without the immediate collective community that one can access online today. For the women depicted in these productions, there was little opportunity to challenge the normalised patterns of abuse they were subjected to as part of conservative ideologies regarding gender, the family, and religion that were inextricably linked to the strong relationship between church and state in twentieth century Ireland.
5
Duarte, Filipe. « T.H. Marshall is alive ! A manifesto for a 21st-century public welfare state ». Critical and Radical Social Work 6, no 1 (31 mars 2018) : 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986018x15199226335097.
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Muksinin, Ladlul, et Aminah Aminah. « Environmental Law, Populism, and Welfare State : Discourse on Environmental Law in the 21st Century ». LAW REFORM 17, no 1 (31 mars 2021) : 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/lr.v17i1.37553.
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In the 21st century, the problems of environmental law in various parts of the world are getting more and more alarming. The research results by Elizabeth Fisher (2019) and Sanja Bogojevic (2019) indicate that several environmental law policies have been controlled by populism, as happened in several countries in Europe. Populism is transformed into a movement of people's will which certainly has an impact on the enforcement of environmental laws by various countries around the world. For this reason, this paper intends to discuss the law and to find the definition and influence of populism in protecting environmental laws in the welfare state. The aim was to determine a picture of populism and its influence on the development of environmental law. The result is that populism as an idea or ideology also means a discursive style, and it can also be interpreted as a form of political mobilization. The rise of populism threatens the development of environmental law. Populist attitudes lead to climate skepticism on environmental protection. Environmental protection may provide idealized targets for populists by framing this issue area as an elite project. Individuals who display highly populist attitudes perceive a lack of representation in these issue areas and, therefore, because of the problem of anti-elitism, reject climate and environmental policies. In other words, elite resistance tends to be associated with climate skepticism and lower support for environmental protection.
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Johnstone, Marjorie, et Eunjung Lee. « Branded : International education and 21st-century Canadian immigration, education policy, and the welfare state ». International Social Work 57, no 3 (mai 2014) : 209–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872813508572.
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KERSTENETZKY, CELIA LESSA. « Why we need an allocative (and resourceful) welfare state ». Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 41, no 4 (décembre 2021) : 745–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572021-3356.
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ABSTRACT In this essay, I propose an agenda for the welfare state of the 21st century that emphasizes its role as a mechanism of resource allocation. Since social and environmental problems are getting out of hand, the time for mere compensation is over: we need a mechanism for directly influencing systems of production and patterns of consumption in the direction of addressing those problems. This partially translates into a decisive sectoral shift towards public social services led by the welfare state. Among the advantages of this move, in addition to more socially balanced outcomes, are quality jobs and fulfillment of social needs in an environment-friendly way. The allocative task which gives the welfare state a constitutive role in shaping the socioeconomy complements its classic function as problem fixer. The allocative welfare state must be prepared to limit the domain of market allocation.
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Powell, Jason L. « Governing Globalization and Justice ». International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 48 (février 2015) : 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.48.52.
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This article explicates how 21st Century changes in the form of globalization are of historical scale, how they play out in terms of risks and inequalities shaping human experience, and how they have changed social welfare and public policy making worldwide. After presenting facts of inequality and such consequences as planetary poverty and gender stratification, it highlights the reformulation of economic power associated with burgeoning free-market economies and accompanying diffusion of instrumental rationality, standardization and commodification. In contrast with the recent US economic downturn and global softening of labor markets which cry for greater social protection, the welfare state of the last century has been replaced by a competitive state of the 21st century, as a “non-sovereign power” mindful of its global positioning but less powerful in shaping daily life among social forces including the role of NGOs. Indicating a lag between transnational developments and the way analysts think of social policies, the paper asserts that nation-states nonetheless serve important administrative functions in a world dominated by transnational corporate interests. In considering all the challenges to justice and governance, the authors argue that social welfare needs to be redefined and extended while market economy must be guided by moral principles that embody fundamental human values.
10
Pukenis, Robertas. « The Strategy of Lithuanian State Security in the 21st Century ». European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no 19 (31 juillet 2017) : 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n19p15.
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The article analyses state security as harmonious functioning of the constitutional system without interference of any outside forces, protection of territorial integrity and undisturbed functioning of a state in all public spheres. The state security in the broadest sense is strengthened by the factors of foreign and home policy. The security is based not only on strong, well trained armed forces, equipped with modern guns but also on the entire potential of a state: the approval of citizens for armament and the willingness to defend the country; economic stability, functioning of democratic principles, positive contribution of national communities into the welfare of the society, harmonious agreement of national communities, loyalty to the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania and the competence of the Department of State Security to neutralise the forces willing to harm the consolidation of the State; they penetrate into the governmental institutions, instigate slanderous moods against the leaders or institutions of the state via mass media. The history reminds us that the West often used to betray nations; thus the question may arise whether the NATO will succeed in defending the Baltic countries according to the binding provision of Article 5 that obligates the parties for collective defence. Therefore, Lithuania urgently needs an augmented distribution of NATO toops in the Baltics. Further strategy requires insightful diplomatic steps in oreder to preserve peace and establish friendly alliances, e. g. a stronger military cooperation with Scandinavian states, brotherhood with Latvians and Estonians and approval of the dispositions of the Polish President to create a union “from the sea to the sea”. Conclusive thoughts are based on the arguments of serious political observers, sociological research, official statistics and verified data. The aim of this article is to describe the strategy of Lithuanian Republic in the field of security in the beginning of the 21st century. The object of the article is the analysis of the ways and measures for preservation of Lithuanian statehood. The author referred to the most recent media and provided political analysis of geopolitical and historical context.
11
Macková, Zuzana. « Social protections in Slovak Republic in the first decade of the 21st century ». Bratislava Law Review 1, no 2 (31 décembre 2017) : 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2017.1.2.83.
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The article is a critical analysis of neoliberal approach to system of social protection in Slovakia, especially after the year of 2004, when a major reform of the Social Security Law and social policy took place. The focus is on specific sub-systems of the social protection – i.e. the system of social insurance, the system of state support and the system of social assistance – in the light of the constitutional and fundamental principles of law (liberty, equality, justice and solidarity), the actual content of the abovementioned systems of social protection and values and principles of the European social model of welfare state – and leads to author’s overview of major flaws and spaces for improvement.
12
Ser, Tan Ern, et Irene K. H. Chew. « The New Role of Trade Unionism in the 21st Century : Lessons from Singapore ». Economic and Labour Relations Review 8, no 1 (juin 1997) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469700800102.
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This paper examines the different types of ideological positions (welfarist, realist, and socialist) and, by extension, the roles that trade unions may adopt in the future. It suggests that a distinction can be made between what trade unions should be, by definition, and what they can be as we move into the 21st Century. It argues that the optimum role that trade unions can assume is one in which they are autonomous, yet choose to work in close partnership with a state which is dedicated to improving the welfare of the citizenry. The rationale for this argument is that a strong state is in a position to garner support for beneficial development programs, while autonomous trade unions can ensure that the interest of members are factored into state policies, even as they seek to enhance their voice and ownership at workplace level. The Singapore case is used as a template to support the arguments generated in this paper.
13
Macková, Zuzana. « Wither the social security and the welfare state in the 21st century - A relic or necessity ? » Bratislava Law Review 2, no 2 (31 décembre 2018) : 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2018.2.2.114.
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Article provides for an overview of core terms, definitions and recent developments in the area of social rights and social security in context of Central and Eastern Europe, with focus on Slovakia. It advocates for protection of social standards through the universalist, social-democratic model of welfare state, in order to uphold and enhance democracy and human rights in the region, with a view of their genuine, daily realisation and enjoyment by everyone and all.
14
Virtanen, Suvi, et Herman Savinen. « Changes in the gendered nature of homicides : Comparing 20th- and 21st-century Finland ». European Journal of Criminology 14, no 4 (4 octobre 2016) : 451–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370816669170.
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Women commit fewer homicides than men, yet recent research has suggested that the nature of female-perpetrated homicides has started to resemble that of male perpetration. This study examines gender differences and changes in the nature of female and male homicides, and aims to demonstrate how developments in Finnish society, such as the formation of the welfare state, are reflected in the gendered nature of homicide offending. Data consist of samples from the early 20th and 21st centuries. Comparisons in frequencies are made concerning the profiles of the victim and the offender, as well as the context of the crime. Results indicate that female offending is more similar to male offending in the 21st century than it was in the early 20th century.
15
Wagner, Antonin. « Redefining citizenship for the 21st century : from the National Welfare State to the UN Global Compact ». International Journal of Social Welfare 13, no 4 (31 août 2004) : 278–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2004.00323.x.
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Kilgannon, David. « The death of Veronica L. : intellectual disability and statutory welfare in mid twentieth-century Ireland ». Irish Historical Studies 45, no 167 (mai 2021) : 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.24.
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AbstractVeronica L., a woman with an intellectual disability, died of starvation in 1961 while the recipient of a Disabled Person's Maintenance Allowance (D.P.M.A.) from the Dublin Health Authority. Her death occured after a prolonged period of deficient care, a neglect that was exacerbated by flaws in statutory welfare. During the preceding decade the state intervened in disability provision to an unprecedented degree through the expansion of institutional care and social welfare reform. Yet, these services remained characterised by a chronic pressure on resources and a reluctance to intervene in potentially neglectful family situations, which allowed cases of failing care to go unaddressed. Drawing on contemporary documents, in particular the depositions collected for the coroner's court inquest into Veronica's death, this article offers an insight into the exigencies underlying the later life of one woman with an intellectual disability. In doing so, it explores the way in which this singular case provides a distinctive avenue for better understanding the experiences of the intellectually disabled more broadly, including the nature of community care and the operation of statutory welfare during the mid twentieth century.
17
Klimonova, Anastasiia N. « Historical development of the state policy of Russia in the sphere of increasing the well-being of the population ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 193 (2021) : 238–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-193-238-245.
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The work is devoted to the study of the state policy of Russia in the field of improving the welfare of the population, changes in its influence on the welfare of the country’s population in different periods of history. We consider various interpretations of the concept of welfare, their changes in the course of history. We conclude that the state policy to ensure and improve the well-being of the population was constantly subject to transformation and reorientation depending on the level of society development, the nature of social relations, the political system, the state system, the priority of external and internal problems. It is determined that in the population welfare system a special place is occupied by the income category, as one of the indicators characterizing the quantitative aspect of the population’s welfare. The nature of state policy in different periods had a direct impact on the situation in the sphere of the population’s well-being. Particular attention is paid to the fact that a sharp change in the state policy in the field of population welfare from the command-administrative methods of the Soviet period to the almost complete “withdrawal” of the state from the social sphere in the 1990s, caused a noticeable decline in welfare, especially the incomes of most of the population of Russia, the negative consequences of radical political changes are felt in early 21st century.
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Koziuk, Victor, Oleksandr Dluhopolskyi, Yurij Hayda et Oksana Shymanska. « Typology of welfare states : quality criteria for governance and ecology ». Problems and Perspectives in Management 16, no 4 (21 novembre 2018) : 235–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.16(4).2018.20.
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In the 21st century, in addition to the generally well-known indicators of material well-being, in the modern paradigm of the welfare state, the quality of the ecological environment is gaining an ever-increasing role. Besides that, the modern definition of welfare state takes into account not only environmental dimension, but also the quality of institutions through the governance system that affects the supply of environmental goods. The study provides the classification of countries according to indicators that can ensure the identification of welfare states and the assessment of the classification role of the criteria for environmental state.The strong direct correlation between environmental state and government efficiency has been established. The results of the classification of the studied countries obtained by k-means clustering methods indicate the possibility of using the Environmental Performance Index (EPI), Government Effectiveness Index (GEI) and government expenditures indicators as complementary attributes to the classical criteria for the welfare state.The level of country EPI can be regarded as an important complementary criterion for the welfare state. The country environmental state is much more determined by the government efficiency, the quality of state institutions and their activities, rather than by an extensive increase in the funding of such institutions and environmental measures.
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Moore, Linda. « The CRC comes of age : assessing progress in meeting the rights of children in custody in Northern Ireland ». Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 62, no 2 (10 mars 2020) : 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v62i2.417.
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This article focuses on the extent to which Convention rights are complied with regarding the treatment of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland, and in particular the rights of incarcerated children. Relevant children’s rights instruments and principles are identified to establish the benchmarks for this discussion. There follows discussion of the particular social, economic and political context which impacts upon the lives of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland. The legislative context for the detention of children in custody in Northern Ireland is explored, and the regimes in the Juvenile Justice Centre (JJC) for Northern Ireland and Hydebank Wood Young Offenders Centre (YOC) are assessed for compliance with children’s rights standards. Primary research conducted by the author and her colleagues with children in custody in Northern Ireland 2 and recent inspection and research reports form the basis for the analysis of the state of children’s rights in custody in Northern Ireland in the 21st century.
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Moriarty, Elaine. « Telling Identity Stories : The Routinisation of Racialisation of Irishness ». Sociological Research Online 10, no 3 (novembre 2005) : 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1111.
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During the last decade, the emergence of what has been coined ‘the celtic tiger economy’, the Good Friday Agreement on Northern Ireland and net immigration following decades of emigration, represent critical moments in Irish history that have opened up the question of identity in Irish public culture. This paper examines the processes involved in mediating who belongs and who doesn't belong in early 21st century Irish society by examining the creation and circulation of an urban legend in Dublin in 2004. I consider how such a story gains legitimacy, bestows meaning and constructs reality, to explore what it says about 21st century Ireland. To develop this argument, I firstly posit identity construction as processual rather than fixed (Hall, 1996), and examine the forms of knowledge through which the story is constituted and elaborated into objects, concepts and theories. Secondly, I use fragments of the story to examine the construction of self/other and us/them dichotomies through the interaction between narrator and listener, and the construction of threatened Irish identities and invading ‘non-national’ identities. Thirdly, I locate this story in global regimes of representation which are highlighting the paradoxical positioning of the nation state as subject to significant global changes such as population movement but also enabled by such phenomena in the shaping of belonging. In order to examine how these patterns of enacted conduct become routinised in the context of the nation state, I examine the context of the debates around immigration and racism in Ireland, highlighting the remarkable continuities over time in the images and discourses circulating about the Other, particularly migrant women. Ultimately, I argue that a dialectical approach is required to understand the current debate in Ireland around immigration and racism through considering the interrelationships of discourses, narratives and the constitution of identities.
21
Mohanty, Manoranjan. « The Great Odisha Famine of 1866 : Lessons for the 21st Century ». Social Change 47, no 4 (21 novembre 2017) : 608–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717728002.
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Not only did the great Odisha Famine of 150 years ago result in the death of a million people, it formed a tentative start of formulating an official response to major calamities in modern India. The Famine Commission Report of 1867 and the Indian Famine Code of 1880 were considered part of the relief and welfare measures to address the countless casualties caused by famines, food scarcity, starvation, epidemics and malnutrition. It is argued here that historical episodes, such as the 1866 famine and the Paika Rebellion of 1817, fought against the British, should be seen as a ‘process’ rather than simply as an ‘event’. Therefore, we should examine deeper causes such as land relations, uncontrolled market and free trade apart from administrative failures as the common perception does. This conceptual discourse on the famine takes a human rights perspective to examine the role of the state, civil society organisations and the media in preventing disasters and alleviating human suffering. Over 150 years after the occurrence of the famine and 200 years after the rebellion, some of the structural reasons behind them still continue to deprive the masses to their right to life.
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Rooth, Hetty, Ulla Forinder, Maja Söderbäck, Eija Viitasara et Katarina Piuva. « Trusted and doubted : Discourses of parenting training in two Swedish official inquiries, 1947 and 2008 ». Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 46, no 20_suppl (février 2018) : 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1403494817747168.
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Aim: The aim of this study was to analyse discourses of parenting training in official inquires in Sweden that explicitly deal with the bringing up of children and parental education and how the representations of the problems and their solutions affect parental subject positions in the early welfare state and at the onset of the 21st century. Method: We carried out a discourse analysis of two public inquiries of 1947 and 2008, drawing on theories about governmentality and power regimes. Tools from political discourse analysis were used to investigate the objectives of political discourse practices. Results: Both inquiries referred to a context of change and new life demands as a problem. Concerning suggestions for solutions, there were discrepancies in parents’ estimated need of expert knowledge and in descriptions of parental capacity. In a discourse of trust and doubt, the parents in 1947 were positioned as trusted welfare partners and secure raisers of future generations, and in 2008, as doubted adults, feared to be faltering in their child-rearing tasks. Conclusions: The analysis revealed how governmental problem descriptions, reasoning about causes and suggestions of solutions influenced parents’ subject positions in a discourse of trust and doubt, and made way for governmental interventions with universal parenting training in the 21st century.
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PETRUSHYNA, TETIANA. « MULTIPLE FACTORS OF POVERTY IN THE 21ST CENTURY. METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS ». Sociology : Theory, Methods, Marketing, Stmm 2021 (1) (7 avril 2021) : 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2021.01.042.
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The article is devoted to the sociological understanding of the poverty analysis methodological aspects as a topical social problem of today. Despite the defining poverty eradication as the number one goal in the Millennium Declaration and the priority task of sustainable world development by 2030, numerous scientific/political discussions and practical recommendations for overcoming poverty, it remains one of the most acute socio-economic and moral-ethical problems of humankind. The manifestation of multiple poverty factors — situational, socio-demographic, socio-economic, socio-political, socio-cultural, institutional — only increases the need for a clear understanding of the root causes of the existence and reproduction of this phenomenon. Within capitalism, they consist of abandoning the principles of Keynesianism and the welfare state and the transition to the principles of neoliberalism, which determine the socio-economic essence of the society in today’s globalized world. It is no coincidence that analysts of all the most influential international organizations directly or indirectly recognize that the ineffectiveness of the fight against poverty is a consequence of the existing rules of modern social life. Poverty is an integral part of capitalism, one of the most acute and widespread forms of inequality and injustice inherent in this social order. The multifaceted nature of poverty phenomenon and the variety of approaches to its assessment led to the emergence of a giant thesaurus on these issues (absolute, relative, social, multidimensional poverty etc.). Identifying and assessing poverty, adequately to the complex realities of life, are essential points not only from a cognitive-analytical point of view but also for the elaboration of effective measures to overcome it.
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Pembroke, Sinéad. « Foucault and Industrial Schools in Ireland : Subtly Disciplining or Dominating through Brutality ? » Sociology 53, no 2 (6 avril 2018) : 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518763490.
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Industrial Schools run by Catholic Religious Orders in Ireland were a form of institutionalised child-welfare that incarcerated children in need for most of the 20th century. During the last decade, Industrial Schools were one of the most controversial elements of Ireland’s recent history; the abuse scandal associated with such places has led to a state apology, the setting up of an inquiry and redress process, with its final report (the Ryan Report), published in 2009. Although a fast growing literature exists on Industrial Schools, they do not analyse the precise nature of the regime inside these institutions. This article contributes to understandings of Foucault by looking at the regime and practices imposed on children incarcerated in Industrial Schools in Ireland in the 20th century, and exploring why they were used. Twenty-five interviews were conducted with male and female Industrial School survivors and analysed using a grounded theory approach.
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Kumar, Suman, et D. C. Pandey. « Overview of Higher Education in the 21st Century ». RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no 9 (20 septembre 2022) : 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i09.005.
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No nation gets world-class topper status in higher education overnight. Investment made in the field of education proves its significance or futility after one and a half to two decades. In the contemporary Indian scenario, higher education is shifting away from quality to being market-oriented. The imprecision which is seen in it results in a shift from the traditional pass to the state-of-the-art. It doesn't seem to fit our needs. The level of human resources that are expected to be created from higher education is completely lacking in practical life in our country. Following the policies of Lord Macaulay Mahaprabhu, our education system is sowing the seeds of inequality instead of social harmony. Ignoring the national needs and requirements, our higher education society cannot be relative without the air planners getting acquainted with the ground reality. Where is the adoption of higher education policies of developed nations in societies without basic infrastructure, leading us blindly, social governments can be established in higher education by connecting modern global ideas with traditional knowledge. In this country full of diversities, it is possible to implement a perspective higher education policy. The need is strong willpower. By keeping higher education away from appeasement and political ambivalence, it can be saved from being frivolous.
Education is the backbone of human civilization. Education is the foundation of civilization and culture. Education is the most effective means of all-round development and transformation of human beings. From ancient times, education in Indian society was broad, knowledge-oriented, well-planned, and well-organized. Through education, our lives are not only refined, refined and refined, pure, intelligent and advanced, but by following the sattvik and moral values-directives of the entire society, human welfare is achieved. Perhaps that is why education is declared as an important parameter of development. Higher education works to strengthen any society and nation within the world. Higher Education Objectives To acquire knowledge or to earn money, in the Indian context, whether higher education is deviating from its original objectives, the seeds of the present form of the Indian education system can be traced in the mirror of the British rule that ruled for almost two hundred years. If it is to be said that the present entire education system is a gift of the British Raj, then there will be no exaggeration. Charles Grant, who is called the father of this education system.01 what they must have imagined in this present distorted form is well known that the British used education in their own interest. They planned to create a new educated class in India who could conduct their colonial rule according to their vision plan. The goal of English education in the early stages was to nurture the roots of the British government while spreading Christianity in India.
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Ala-Fossi, Marko, Mikko Grönlund, Heikki Hellman, Katja Lehtisaari, Kari Karppinen et Hannu Nieminen. « Prioritising National Competitiveness over Support for Democracy ? Finnish Media Policy in the 21st Century ». Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no 4 (1 janvier 2023) : 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.4.2022.6.
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Ever since the launch of the World Press Freedom Index almost 20 years ago, Finland has always been among the top fi ve countries of that index. According to the annual Reuters Digital News reports, Finnish people also have the highest level of trust in the news media and one of the highest levels of press readership in the EU. Most of the media companies are doing quite well, while Google and Facebook have a much less dominant role in the advertising market than elsewhere in Europe. In this context, you might expect Finland to have a comprehensive and visionary media and communications policy to support democracy. However, our meta-study of Finnish media and communications policy based on two recent reportsto the Ministry of Transport and Communications, other earlier studies, along with official documents as well as statistical data suggests that is not the case. Our analysis shows that most decisions have been pragmatic ad hoc solutions serving economic interests rather than any specific media and communication policy goals. A closer examination also proves that Finland does not fit into the Nordic Media Welfare State model either, despite a long, shared history and cultural ties.
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Garmany, Jeff. « Strategies of conditional cash transfers and the tactics of resistance ». Environment and Planning A : Economy and Space 49, no 2 (3 octobre 2016) : 372–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16672453.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines how poor people negotiate obligations placed on them by social welfare initiatives. More specifically, it considers conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs), and the ways beneficiaries harness program conditionalities to make demands on authorities, in some cases even enacting subtle forms of resistance to state governance. Drawing from Michel de Certeau, it argues that while CCT conditionalities function as strategies of state development, they are not always/already under exclusive state control. Marginalized groups like CCT recipients can tactically harness these conditionalities. Through such tactics, poor people make demands on the state and deflect program obligations, but in calculated ways that avoid exposing them to greater vulnerability. Drawing from empirical data collected as part of a case study in rural northeastern Brazil, this article contributes to existent bodies of literature on CCTs, governance, and critical development studies in the 21st century.
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Supyan, V. « American Model of Capitalism : Advantages and Challenges of 21st Century ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 9 (2022) : 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-90-97.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article aims to show the evolution of the American model of capitalism and its opportunities to adapt to new challenges of the 21st century. The author reviews the basic characteristics of this model and its destinction from other market economy models. It is demonstrated that in the USA, the leading role in economic development is played by private sector, and the government occupies much more modest positions. The ideas of independence, self-reliance and individual success definitely prevail both in ideology and in economic practices. It is noted that the American model has underwent several stages in its evolution – from the 17th century until recently, and only the last 50–60 years may be regarded as a liberal period of economic development. The author demonstrates that due to the liberal model the country has reached significant economic and social results, including high economic growth and high living standards. The driving force of the American model is definitely a private sector, which generates about 90% of GDP and most investments into the economy. The liberal model is undoubtedly advantageous for the competitive part of society, for efficient workers. At the same time it is not good for a social state focused on a general welfare. However, in total, the advantages of the American model are quite obvious: commitment to high economic efficiency, development of science and innovations, economic growth and high living standards. The shortcomings of the American model are also quite evident. Among them there are: a problem of social and income inequality, the emergence of new economic challenges, including those connected with pandemics and climate change, which test the American model for its sustainability and effectiveness. Another issue is new emerging markets that are not liberal at all. Especially we can talk about China which became the real rival to the American economy. The modern stage of globalization puts several new problems before the American capitalism, such as the is exacerbation of contradictions between old industrial countries and emerging economies, between strengthened multinational corporations and the governments of the countries they came from. The author makes a conclusion that despite both internal and external challenges the existing potential of the American economic model is still not exhausted. At the same time, it is evident that the question of its adaption to all existing issues is quite real and demands solution.
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Reckendrees, Alfred. « Why Did German Early Industrial Capitalists Suggest Workers’ Pensions, Arbitration Boards and Minimum Wages ? » Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 61, no 2 (25 novembre 2020) : 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2020-0015.
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AbstractToday at the beginning of the 21st century, there is a debate across Europe about how much welfare society should provide, and how much private insurance is possible. Two hundred years ago, in the formative period of industrial capitalism, social problems had long been left to private initiative. Commodification of labour and its concentration in large factories, however, created demand for social protection beyond the limited shelter provided by charity. Representatives of industry in Aachen suggested compulsory factory rules granting rights to workers, compulsory workers’ pension funds, minimum wages and maximum working hours. The article argues that the industrialists’ aim was to stabilize the social order of industrial capitalism by using ideas of social partnership. Labour should not just be pacified, but reconciled with capitalist society. While interpreting social policy as a capitalist aim, the article aims to contribute to the discussion about the origins of the welfare state.
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Harrison, Bridget. « Factory and workshop legislation and convent laundries, 1895–1907 : campaigning for a Catholic exception ». Irish Historical Studies 45, no 168 (novembre 2021) : 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.53.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractConvents and convent-run institutions occupied an undefined legal space during the late nineteenth century. As homes for unmarried women, they combined religious ideas of holy seclusion with contemporary ideas of the feminine private sphere. However, women religious were also major providers of charity and welfare in Britain and Ireland, with many running charitable institutions. This brought them in closer contact with the state. As factory and workshop legislation towards the end of the nineteenth century expanded to include laundries, Catholic politicians used this ambiguous societal role to argue that Magdalene asylums deserved less inspection than for-profit laundries. In so doing, they both re-enforced nuns’ right to domestic privacy and promoted their operations as a social good. This created a legal exemption for convent-run laundries, which allowed them to operate with limited scrutiny or interference. An examination of the debates surrounding factory and workshop legislation from 1895 to 1907 exposes a precedent which continued well into the twentieth century.
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Underwood, Greg, Daniel Andrews et Tin Phung. « Advances in genetic selection and breeder practice improve commercial layer hen welfare ». Animal Production Science 61, no 10 (2021) : 856. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/an20383.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Modern commercial layer breeds represent the culmination of ~7000 years of natural genetic selection. This selection was driven in former times by a combination of genetic-shift and -drift events, that led to chickens being favoured as domesticated species for meat and egg production. More recently, in the early 20th century, the concept of hybrid vigour was discovered and accelerated the natural breeding progress that delivered new genetic lines and more favourable production traits. In the mid-20th century, the broiler-type and egg layer-type lines diverged and, in the 21st century, genetic analysis has further accelerated the progress made towards extended primary breeding characteristics such as egg quality, production and feed-intake traits, together with secondary breeding characteristics such as behavioural traits that have improved robustness in different housing systems, climates and feed types, which together have significantly improved welfare traits. Most recently, there has been the adoption of higher-powered computational analytics together with quantitative trait loci and single-nucleotide polymorphism assessment, which have further improved the uniformity of production traits within breeds. Most importantly, this has provided the primary breeding companies with improved and broader basis of selection of the modern commercial layer breeds, which also improved the alignment of layer strains with market requirements, and diverse variations in housing, nutritional and environmental conditions. This is also testament to the speed with which the commercial layer geneticists can respond to changing welfare policy on factors such as stocking density and beak treatment. The present paper reviews the modern approaches to genetic selection, including considerations of and benefits to the welfare state of commercial layers.
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Guleva, Maria A. « The Main Trends in the Development of Non-state Education in the People's Republic of China in the 21st Century ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no 2 (2022) : 176–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.202.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the beginning of the 21st century, educating a population capable to ensure high growth rates and to improve qualitative characteristics has become crucial for modern China. The Chinese authorities proclaimed science and education to be the “foundation” of socialist modernization and the “root” of further development of the Chinese society. To deepen the transformation in education initiated under the policies of reform and opening up, China’s educational system has come a long way. Until recently, the main focus for the authorities was the public education system. The private education sector, although formally enjoying political support from the state, nevertheless developed rather chaotically. Economic reforms in the country created the preconditions for increasing educational demand of the population not only for public but also private education, which was facilitated by a number of factors, including growth of welfare and urbanization. However, the development of the sphere of nongovernmental education had pronounced regional specifics, so it occurred rather unevenly. Recently, the development of private educational institutions has become one of the areas, on which the authorities have actively started working on. The article provides an overview of the development of private education in China, touches on the problems and peculiarities of the development of the private education sector, the impact of the pandemic, prerequisites and the upcoming reforms in the industry in the nearest future.
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Susanto, Siti Rokhmawati. « Germany’s Strategy in Handling COVID-19 : The Role of National Leadership Strength and The Maximization of Welfare State Continental System Support ». Jurnal Global & ; Strategis 14, no 2 (30 novembre 2020) : 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.14.2.2020.403-420.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pandemi Covid-19 merupakan krisis kesehatan terbesar pada abad ke-21. Diawali dengan kemunculan virus flu jenis baru di Wuhan-China pada Desember 2019, virus ini menyebar ke seluruh dunia dengan sangat cepat sehingga mengakibatkan kematian yang tinggi di seluruh dunia. Jerman merupakan salah satu negara yang terdampak pada periode awal virus muncul di Eropa. Setelah menyadari efeknya fatal, Pemerintah Jerman melakukan kebijakan nasional integratif mengatasinya, hingga Jerman perlahan keluar dari krisis. Fenomena ini disebut dengan “German exception”, karena banyak negara masih berjuang mengatasi pandemi. Paper ini meneliti strategi kebijakan nasional Pemerintah Jerman mengatasi Covid-19. Kerangka pemikiran yang dipakai adalah teori kepemimpinan nasional di masa krisis dan peranan sistem welfare state nasional. Argumen yang menentukan keberhasilan Jerman mengatasi Covid-19 adalah peran kepemimpinan nasional Kanselir Merkel yang visioner dan konsisten di masa krisis, serta dukungan sistem welfare state Continental yang dianut negara sehingga menguatkan masyarakat dan kestabilan politik nasional di masa pandemi.Kata-kata kunci: Jerman, Covid-19, kepemimpinan nasional, Kanselir Merkel, sistem welfare state Continental.The Covid-19 pandemic is the biggest health crisis of the 21st century. Starting with the emergence of a new type of flu virus in Wuhan-China in December 2019, this virus has spread throughout the world very quickly and resulting in high deaths worldwide. Germanywas one of the countries affected in the early period when the virus emerged in Europe. After realizing its fatal effects, the German Government carried out an integrative policy to overcome it until the German national came out of the crisis. This phenomenon is calledthe “Germany exception”, as many countries are still struggling with the pandemic. This paper examines the German Government’s national policy strategy to tackle Covid-19. The framework used is the theory of national leadership in times of crisis and the role of thenational welfare system. The arguments that support Germany in overcoming Covid-19 are the role of Chancellor Merkel’s national leadership, who is visionary and consistent in times of crisis and support for the welfare system of the Continental state is a state thatstrengthens society and national political stability during the pandemic.Keywords: Germany, Covid-19, national leadership, Chancellor Merkel, the continental welfare state system.
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Wójcicki, Włodzimierz. « Review of the Monograph “Unconditional Basic Income. A Revolutionary Reform of the 21st Century Society” By Maciej Szlinder, Pwn, Warsaw, 2018, P. 310 ». Economic and Regional Studies / Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne 13, no 3 (1 septembre 2020) : 363–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ers-2020-0027.
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SummaryThe economic forum currently sees the postulate of a multi-dimensional analysis of economic issues, as exemplified by behavioural and institutional economics, cliometrics, wikinomics and others – taking into consideration of the achievements of cultural anthropology, sociology, ethics, philosophy, the history of economics, as well as selected exact sciences, such as mathematics and physics. The redistribution economics, the relationship between capital and labour, the issues of the precariat, guaranteed minimum income for each citizen – both conditional and unconditional, which is a new idea for economy and the society – become more and more apparent in the aforementioned areas. The idea stems from the criticism of neoliberalism, and it interferes with the system of values shaped under capitalism, the role of the welfare state, the welfare system from the perspective of institutions and beneficiaries, who would replace their current privileges with inalienable rights. The author recommends unconditional minimum income upon providing a characteristic of a wide scope of postulated solutions, implemented on an experimental scale and applied in the practice of social policy. The monograph, while constituting the author’s moderate manifesto, provides a wide – in terms of time, authors and trends in economy – review of the standpoints on the participation in the national income.
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Winkworth, Gail. « Putting children's services in their place : A call for universal children's services to prevent child abuse and neglect in Australia ». Children Australia 28, no 1 (2003) : 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200005423.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper discusses the need for a national early childhood intervention policy in Australia, including a universal approach to children's services as a platform for the prevention of child abuse and neglect, supporting families and enriching the lives of all children.It considers the literature on early intervention, including the theoretical and research base of successful programs and the link between early intervention and the prevention of child abuse and neglect. It examines the way the child welfare and children's services sectors have grown and the imperative at the beginning of the 21st century for a closer alignment of services.The United Kingdom's ‘Sure Start’ early intervention strategy is considered in so far as it attempts to develop a more comprehensive approach to child welfare by developing programs which are based on the research. Finally the paper asserts that recent strategies introduced by Federal and State Governments to promote childhood health and wellbeing are positive first steps, but need to go further to seriously address increasing numbers of children reported as suffering harm through abuse and/or neglect.
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Meadway, James. « The Euro : Crisis and Collapse ? » Competition & ; Change 16, no 2 (avril 2012) : 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1024529412z.0000000007.
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By the end of the last decade, the European project appeared secure. Monetary union had been successfully negotiated and Eurozone members who had previously lagged, like Greece and Ireland, had sustained high rates of growth since their entry to the single currency in 1999. It did not seem ridiculous for a former foreign policy advisor to Tony Blair, Mark Leonard, to tell us in breathless style Why Europe Will Run the 21st Century (2005) . Citing Europe's new synthesis of social democracy's concern for welfare with the liberalism's support for freedom, Leonard happily forecast the spread of the European model to the rest of the world. That vision, needless to say, now lies in ruins. Europe, both as a constellation of supranational institutions making up the European Union, and as a collection of different nation states, is in a deep, and deepening, crisis. For the last eighteen months, its political leaders have met with increasing frequency to offer a succession of failed solutions, with the gap between the summit's final statement of intent and its collapse seemingly shrinking on every occasion. The malaise looks incurable.
37
Walsh, Dermot. « Raising the age of criminal responsibility in the Republic of Ireland : a legacy of vested interests and political expediency ». Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 67, no 3 (1 septembre 2016) : 373–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v67i3.124.
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Throughout much of its history, juvenile justice in the Republic of Ireland has been oriented towards a justice as distinct from a welfare model. In the twenty-first century this was heavily amended pursuant to a justice agenda that emphasised criminalisation and punishment for offenders as young as 10 years of age. The treatment of the age of criminal responsibility has been an integral part of this trajectory. Raising the age of criminal responsibility from the common law low of 7 years in the Republic of Ireland has proved a surprisingly difficult endeavour. This article examines why the age of criminal responsibility in the Republic of Ireland was maintained at the common law age of 7 years, why there should have been such dithering over the reform when it eventually did come, and why the current law still criminalises children of a very young age. It argues that answers to these questions can be found in a volatile combination of religious values and interests, economic and social constraints, public intolerance of childhood offending, a lack of principled political leadership at the heart of the state, and the relative neglect of expert knowledge from the behavioural and neuro-sciences.
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McAuley, James White, et Paul W. Nesbitt-Larking. « Imagining the Post-COVID-19 Polity : Narratives of Possible Futures ». Social Sciences 11, no 8 (5 août 2022) : 346. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11080346.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The COVID-19 crisis is arguably the most important development of the 21st century so far and takes its place alongside the great eruptions of the past century. As with any crisis, the current pandemic has stimulated visions and proposals for post-COVID-19 societies. Our focus is on narratives—both predictive and prescriptive—that envisage post-COVID-19 political societies. Combining narrative analysis with thematic analysis, we argue that societal changes conditioned by the pandemic have accelerated a turn toward five inter-related developments: A renaissance in rationality and evidence-based science; a return to social equality and equity, including wage equity and guaranteed incomes; a reimagining of the interventionist state in response to crises in the economy, society, the welfare state, and social order; a reorientation to the local and communitarian, with reference in particular to solidaristic mutual aid, community animation, local sourcing, and craft production; and the reinvention of democracy through deep participation and deliberative dialogical decision making. The empirical focus of our work is an analysis of predominantly legacy media content from the Canadian Periodicals Index related to life after the pandemic and post-COVID-19 society.
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Jacques, Olivier, et Alain Noël. « The case for welfare state universalism, or the lasting relevance of the paradox of redistribution ». Journal of European Social Policy 28, no 1 (février 2018) : 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717700564.
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In 1998, Walter Korpi and Joakim Palme proposed a political and institutional explanation to account for the greater redistributive success of welfare states that relied more on universal than on targeted programmes. Effective redistribution, they argued, resulted less from a Robin Hood logic – taking from the rich to give to the poor – than from a broad and egalitarian provision of services and transfers. Hence, the paradox: a country obtained more redistribution when it took from all to give to all than when it sought to take from the rich to help the poor. Recent studies, however, failed to confirm the existence of this paradox. This article suggests that the original argument was theoretically sound but inadequately operationalized. Korpi and Palme measured universalism indirectly, not by the design or character of social programmes, but rather by their outcomes, namely, by their income effects. These outcomes, however, are influenced by exogenous factors. We use two new Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) indicators to capture universalism directly, through the institutional design of social programmes: (1) the percentage of social benefits that are means or income tested and (2) the proportion of private spending in total social expenditures. These two indicators are combined into a universalism index and tested with a time-series cross-sectional design for 20 OECD countries between 2000 and 2011. This approach, we argue, better captures institutional design, in a way that is consistent with Korpi and Palme’s original argument, and it suggests that there is still a paradox of redistribution in the 21st-century welfare state.
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ZÜRN, MICHAEL, et STEPHAN LEIBFRIED. « 1 Reconfiguring the national constellation ». European Review 13, S1 (mars 2005) : 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000177.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The influence of the state on the trajectory of human lives is more comprehensive and sustained than that of any other organizational construct. We provide a definition of the modern nation-state in four intersecting dimensions – resources, law, legitimacy, and welfare – and review the history and status of each dimension, focusing on the fusion of nation and state in the 19th century, and the development of the ‘national constellation’ of institutions in the 20th. We then assess the fate of the nation-state after the Second World War and, with western OECD countries as our sample, track the rise and decline of its Golden Age through its prime in the 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, we identify the challenges confronting the nation-state of the 21st century, and use the analyses in the following eight essays to produce some working hypotheses about its current and future trajectory – namely, that the changes over the past 40 years are not merely creases in the fabric of the nation-state, but rather an unravelling of the finely woven national constellation of its Golden Age. Nor does there appear to be any standard, interwoven development of its four dimensions on the horizon. However, although an era of structural uncertainty awaits us, it is not uniformly chaotic. Rather, we see structured, but asymmetric change in the make-up of the state, with divergent transformations in each of its four dimensions. In general, nation-states are clinging to tax revenues and monopolies on the use of force, such that the resource dimension may change slowly if at all; the rule of law appears to be moving consistently into the international arena; the welfare dimension is headed in every direction, with privatization, internationalization, supra-nationalization, and defence of the national status quo, occurring at various rates for healthcare, pensions, public utilities, consumer protection, etc. in different countries. How, and whether, the democratic legitimacy of political processes will be ensured in such an incongruent, if not incoherent and paradoxical state is still unclear.
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Zufiaurre, Benjamin, et Maider Pérez de Villarreal. « Researching Gender Professions : Nurses as Professionals ». Journal of Curriculum and Teaching 7, no 1 (23 mai 2018) : 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/jct.v7n1p197.
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Nurses as professionals of health, childhood education teachers, social workers and caregivers, join a group of“feminine professions” which grew through policies of a welfare state in postwar constructive period, or in times ofpostwar accords (Jones, 1983). These professions are under challenge because of neoliberal policies and practices inthe 21st century. In the paper, we want to give lights to the contradictory situations nurses face, as workers and ascare keepers. Nurses, suffer of a combination of public and private functions, at work, at home, and when caringfamily relatives. The way women feel about their role as professionals, and as women and workers, is illuminative,as we enquired in a funded research developed with nurses in the community of Navarra, Spain, first from 1993 to1996, and next, checking a continuity each ten years, 2006 and next 2016.
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Hayden, Aideen, Paddy Gray, Ursula McAnulty et Bob Jordan. « The Private Rented Sectors in the North and South of Ireland : A Case Study in Convergence Analysis ». Journal of Economic Development, Environment and People 4, no 3 (30 septembre 2015) : 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26458/jedep.v4i3.117.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The theme of this paper centres on the convergence and divergence of housing policy between two regimes inhabiting the same geographical space on the island of Ireland, as reflected in the development of the private rented sector (PRS) in both jurisdictions. Using a historical comparative analysis of key indicators, this paper aims not just to present an accurate picture of the state of policy towards the sector in both jurisdictions today, but to place this analysis within a framework which looks at the backdrop of overall housing systems. The paper postulates that while Northern Ireland and the South of Ireland are reflective of the Anglo Saxon tradition in housing, major historical differences in their pathways have brought clearly identifiable policy outcomes indicative of their differing status in comparative welfare analysis. While both jurisdictions have diverged significantly during the course of the twentieth century in the profile of policy and housing tenure mix, showing examples of path dependency at work, there is clear evidence of more recent convergence. More recent changes in housing policy in both jurisdictions away from direct social housing provision and the changing role of the private rented sector are also examined and a convergence theory is proposed.
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Lucey, Donnacha Seán. « ‘These Schemes Will Win for Themselves the Confidence of the People’ : Irish Independence, Poor Law Reform and Hospital Provision ». Medical History 58, no 1 (16 décembre 2013) : 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2013.71.
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AbstractThis article examines hospital provision in Ireland during the early twentieth century. It examines attempts by the newly independent Irish Free State to reform and de-stigmatise medical relief in former workhouse infirmaries. Such reforms were designed to move away from nineteenth century welfare regimes which were underpinned by principles of deterrence. The reform initiated in independent Ireland – the first attempted break-up of the New Poor Law in Great Britain or Ireland – was partly successful. Many of the newly named County and District Hospitals provided solely for medical cases and managed to dissociate such health care provision from the relief of poverty. However, some hospitals continued to act as multifunctional institutions and provided for various categories including the sick, the aged and infirm, ‘unmarried mothers’ and ‘harmless lunatics’. Such institutions often remained associated with the relief of poverty. This article also examines patient fee-payment and outlines how fresh terms of entitlement and means-testing were established. Such developments were even more pronounced in voluntary hospitals where the majority of patients made a financial contribution to their treatment. The article argues that the ability to pay at times determined the type of provision, either voluntary or rate-aided, available to the sick. However, it concludes that the clinical condition of patients often determined whether they entered a more prestigious voluntary hospital or the former workhouse. Although this article concentrates on two Irish case studies, County Kerry and Cork City; it is conceptualised within wider developments with particular reference to the British context.
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Vershinina, Dar’ya B. « FAMILY VALUES IN A SECULARIZING COUNTRY. IRELAND’S GENDER POLICY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH – EARLY 21ST CENTURY BETWEEN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no 1 (2021) : 315–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2021-1-315-324.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper deals in the issues of the evolution in the gender policy in Ireland and the role in that evolution of the women’s movement and the Catholic Church – two actors who took opposite positions in the process. It considers an influence of the Irish movement for women’s liberation on the change in the gender policy of the state, fighting the influence of the Catholic Church. Based on documents of the women’s liberation movement, legislative documents and materials from periodicals, the dynamics of the gender agenda development is revealed, as well as the factors of its change. The article reviews the change in policy in such issues as contraception, abortion, same-sex marriage, divorce, etc. The author concludes that there was the key role of the Catholic Church in the formation of a patriarchal society in independent Ireland of the first half – mid 20th century and that the disappointment of the Irish in the authority of the church played a significant role in the change of the gender agenda. Contemporary Ireland’s progressive policy on the gender, family and sexuality is associated with the influence of liberation movements in other Western countries, the fall of the influence of the Catholic Church, and the tradition of active women’s participation in the Irish national liberation movement.
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Suzdaltsev, Ilya. « Modern English Historiography of the Communist International : A General Overview ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 4 (2021) : 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013465-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the analysis of the 21st-century English-language historiography of the Communist International. Contemporary historians are showing increasing interest in the study of this international organization. Three available conceptual approaches to this topic (“traditionalist”, “revisionist”, and “post-revisionist”) are considered and characterized, the works of historians from Great Britain, the USA, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand are analyzed. The article demonstrates an increase in research interest in the Communist International. In a fairly large volume of studies, there are monographs and articles devoted to the organization both directly (the historiography of the Comintern, the activities of its sections around the world, etc.) and indirectly, i.e., to related issues such as the history of communism, in particular, and the left forces, in general, international relations of Soviet Russia, the communist movement in individual countries, etc. These studies touch on the period of the Comintern's activity from 1920 to the end of the 1930s, including several controversial issues: the impact on the policy of the national communist parties of the “The Twenty-one Conditions”, united front tactics, Bolshevization, Stalinization, and the Popular Front. The author believes that most of the studies (especially those published in the first decade of the 21st century) are based on studies published long before the 2000s, however, archival materials are being used in increasing volumes, which makes modern research more objective. This gives grounds for a conclusion about the revision of the historiographic tradition of the Comintern that existed in the 20th century: new approaches (“revisionist” and “post-revisionist”) entailed a change in emphasis and a revision of some established points of view. Authors adhering to these approaches rely mainly on modern literature (including Russian) and a wide source base represented by materials from both national archives and the Russian State Archives of Social-Political History.
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O’Rourke, K. A. C. « Post-Brexit. The Politics of Resentment and EU Reintegration : Creating A New Legal Constitution for Capitalism ». International and Comparative Law Review 19, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 38–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2019-0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Summary The GeoNOMOS model introduced in Part I, is a qualitative descriptive taxonomy updating traditional notions of sovereignty for this century and was generally applied to the 2016–2018 BREXIT divorce negotiations between the U.K. and the remaining 27EU suggesting a reintegration and redefinition of the legitimate expression of sovereignty in the region.[Diagram 01] The taxonomy depicts a framework of liberty that functions simultaneously within the core function of the State at the intersection of a vertical axis depicting a State’s domestic operation and a horizontal axis depicting the State function as part of an international community of States. The GeoNOMOS confirms two primary roles for the 21st century sovereign State: [1] to protect participatory democracy based on individual liberty. This is generally accomplished by the State supporting broad diversity and its cultural heritage as well as fully funded, functional and integrated domestic institutions along its vertical axis, and [2]to promote an enterprise of law supporting a global society of economic traders along its horizontal axis. This primary role of the State occurs at its core when all three essential capital resources –economic capital, social capital, and human capital – remain highly integrated and in balance. Part II specifically highlights economic capital development and utilization at the core function of the State – a shifting dynamic that has influenced most all of the BREXIT 2017–2019 negotiations to date. The December 2018 EU – BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement a Declaration repeatedly failed U.K. parliamentary adoption between January – June 2019 forcing Theresa May’s resignation as Prime Minister. The most contentious quagmire of the BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement was in the structuring of rules of law around regulating economic capital, financial markets, and global marketplace function for any future UK – EU partnership. The political chaos around BREXIT was feared by the EU political elite in terms of its disruptive impact on the May 2019 European Parliament elections and future EU budget planning and priorities. But the 2019 EU Parliament election was already a process divided on questions of political party legitimacy since 2014 with a deepening of the “politic of resentment” on the Continent between 2016–2018.The EUP elections of May 2019 have caused the biggest political shift in the EU for forty years. Part II engages this “politic of resentment” best described as a steady rise of populism across the region and Continent that challenges the post-World War II notions of liberal democracy, the values of EU solidarity, and the traditional role of the “welfare state.” More to the point, the U.K. electorate was not the only EU member outlining an action plan based on its politic of resentment in the 2016–2018 national election cycles – electoral politics in Greece, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Germany, France, Czech Republic, and Spain aggressively promoted rights of sovereign States. These national elections and the 2019 EUP elections attacked fragmented EU economic policy and highlighted the democratic imbalances of EU institutions in their day-to-day operations. These calls for an institutional “course correction” within the EU are shattering fifty years of solidarity and crying out for a redefinition of democracy and new rules of law for economic models relevant to the 21st century. Economic, legal, and historical research by Piketty, Rodrik, Grewal, and others who support democracy, point to documented gaps in economic capital at the level of the State, in global capital formation and in growing wealth inequality, all alarming trends which are part of the “politic of resentment”. Their research calls for creating a new 21st century legal constitution for capitalism as a course correction for the first legal constitution for capitalism, eg, colonialism. Picketty and Grewal argue new approaches are needed to replace both the post-war “welfare State” [1945–1979]and now, the capitalist ideology of neoliberalism [c.1980–2010], decried as defunct even by the International Monetary Fund. Part II suggests a legal reconfiguration for economic capital development and utilization –one operating inside the GeoNOMOS framework of liberty, first to support its four cornerstones and its enterprise of law and, then, based on those choice sets, to design a new paradigm for capitalist globalization in the marketplace.1
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TOWNSEND, PETER. « 25th volume celebration paper Policies for the aged in the 21st century : more ‘structured dependency’ or the realisation of human rights ? » Ageing and Society 26, no 2 (27 février 2006) : 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x05004666.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By the late 20th century, the plight of millions of older people in many developed countries was regarded as serious and was acknowledged to require concerted cross-national remedial action. Sociologists and social gerontologists only then were beginning to put together explanations rooted in the evolution of social policy and its corresponding institutions. One thesis that attracted support was that the dependency of the aged had been ‘structured’ by long-term economic and social policies. During the final decades of the 20th century, older people were perceived and treated, according to accumulating research evidence, as more dependent than they really were or needed to be. This had been fostered by the emerging institutions of retirement, income maintenance, and residential and domiciliary care. This development had been the responsibility primarily of the State, which tried to deliver welfare but also to accommodate the market. Forms of discrimination against older people had become, or continued to be, as deep as forms of discrimination against women and ethnic minorities. Such ‘institutionalised ageism’ had to be countered. Hopes were invested in anti-discriminatory policies that reflected good reciprocal relationships between the generations in many families and the rights of individuals of any age to human dignity and opportunities to practise their skills. The globalisation of the market and affiliation to neo-liberal policies, together with the simultaneous passage of various instruments of human rights, have changed the nature of the problem, and therefore the debate, during the early 21st century. This paper argues that the release and implementation during and after the Second World War of collective liberal egalitarian values, expressed in many countries in international statements on human rights, as will be shown, had a big impact on the design of public services, including those for older people. If the claims for the elderly in the welfare states of 50 years ago were exaggerated, as we can now safely conclude, the claims for older people today are even more exaggerated – at a time of heightened emphasis on individual rights and individual market powers. The various problems of ‘structured’ dependency persist, and seem set to grow in many parts of the world. Human rights offer a framework of rigorous analysis and anti-discriminatory work. Success depends on good operational measurement, and the incorporation of international and national institutions and policies that reflect those rights.
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Hemerijck, Anton, et Ilze Plavgo. « Measuring returns on social investment beyond here-and-now redistribution : A commentary on Parolin and Van Lancker’s response article ». Journal of European Social Policy 31, no 3 (10 juin 2021) : 309–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09589287211018144.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Social policy research is truly interdisciplinary with academics from very different theoretical perspectives working together in fervent open-mindedness towards diverse methodological approaches. The exploration of social investment (SI) welfare provision is a clear example of this spirit of interdisciplinary engagement, having stirred up critical scholarly reception and debate over the past decade. On the one hand, some colleagues underscore the potential of SI policies to improve life chances. On the other hand, some researchers voice concerns about perverse unintended consequences of SI. The most worrying scholarly critique of SI is the conjecture that SI policies reinforce rather than alleviate inequality and poverty, because of the operation of so-called Matthew effects (MEs). Parolin and Van Lancker’s commentary on our article ‘The social investment litmus test: family formation, employment and poverty’ falls within the purview of the ME critique, with some extension to other shortcomings discussed in the literature. These criticisms certainly deserve engagement, and we are grateful to the editorial board of the Journal of European Social Policy for inviting us to do so fully. In our commentary, we commence with the multidimensionality of 21st-century welfare state provision. Subsequently, we turn to the welfare state’s carrying capacity, which we maintain needs to be taken into consideration for leveraging positive feedback mechanisms between the micro and the macro level of welfare provision. By so doing, we elaborate on the implications of our research approach for understanding MEs, with insights as to how they are exacerbated or mitigated through policy (in-)complementarities. We then discuss the importance of considering synergies between policies for an improved understanding of SI returns and possible source(s) of MEs. Finally, we turn to the misconception that capacitating SI policies and compensatory consumption-smoothing and poverty alleviation are somehow in competition with each other, and discuss the normative orientation underlying SI welfare provision.
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May, Peter, Charles Normand, Soraya Matthews, Rose Anne Kenny, Roman Romero-Ortuno et Bryan Tysinger. « Projecting future health and service use among older people in Ireland : an overview of a dynamic microsimulation model in The Irish Longitudinal Study on Ageing (TILDA) ». HRB Open Research 5 (21 mars 2022) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/hrbopenres.13525.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: Demographic ageing is a population health success story but poses unprecedented policy challenges in the 21st century. Policymakers must prepare health systems, economies and societies for these challenges. Policy choices can be usefully informed by models that evaluate outcomes and trade-offs in advance under different scenarios. Methods: We developed a dynamic demographic-economic microsimulation model for the population aged 50 and over in Ireland: the Irish Future Older Adults Model (IFOAM). Our principal dataset was The Irish Longitudinal Study on Ageing (TILDA). We employed first-order Markovian competing risks models to estimate transition probabilities of TILDA participants to different outcomes: diagnosis of serious diseases, functional limitations, risk-modifying behaviours, health care use and mortality. We combined transition probabilities with the characteristics of the stock population to estimate biennial changes in outcome state. Results: IFOAM projections estimated large annual increases in total deaths, in the number of people living and dying with serious illness and functional impairment, and in demand for hospital care between 2018 and 2040. The most important driver of these increases is the rising absolute number of older people in Ireland as the population ages. The increasing proportion of older old and oldest old citizens is projected to increase the average prevalence of chronic conditions and functional limitations. We deemed internal validity to be good but lacked external benchmarks for validation and corroboration of most outcomes. Conclusion: We have developed and validated a microsimulation model that predicts future health and related outcomes among older people in Ireland. Future research should address identified policy questions. The model enhances the capacity of researchers and policymakers to quantitatively forecast future health and economic dynamics among older people in Ireland, to evaluate ex ante policy responses to these dynamics, and to collaborate internationally on global challenges associated with demographic ageing.
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May, Peter, Charles Normand, Soraya Matthews, Rose Anne Kenny, Roman Romero-Ortuno et Bryan Tysinger. « Projecting future health and service use among older people in Ireland : an overview of a dynamic microsimulation model in The Irish Longitudinal Study on Ageing (TILDA) ». HRB Open Research 5 (10 juin 2022) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/hrbopenres.13525.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: Demographic ageing is a population health success story but poses unprecedented policy challenges in the 21st century. Policymakers must prepare health systems, economies and societies for these challenges. Policy choices can be usefully informed by models that evaluate outcomes and trade-offs in advance under different scenarios. Methods: We developed a dynamic demographic-economic microsimulation model for the population aged 50 and over in Ireland: the Irish Future Older Adults Model (IFOAM). Our principal dataset was The Irish Longitudinal Study on Ageing (TILDA). We employed first-order Markovian competing risks models to estimate transition probabilities of TILDA participants to different outcomes: diagnosis of serious diseases, functional limitations, risk-modifying behaviours, health care use and mortality. We combined transition probabilities with the characteristics of the stock population to estimate biennial changes in outcome state. Results: IFOAM projections estimated large annual increases in total deaths, in the number of people living and dying with serious illness and functional impairment, and in demand for hospital care between 2018 and 2040. The most important driver of these increases is the rising absolute number of older people in Ireland as the population ages. The increasing proportion of older old and oldest old citizens is projected to increase the average prevalence of chronic conditions and functional limitations. We deemed internal validity to be good but lacked external benchmarks for validation and corroboration of most outcomes. Conclusion: We have developed and validated a microsimulation model that projects health and related outcomes among older people in Ireland. Future research should address identified policy questions. The model enhances the capacity of researchers and policymakers to quantitatively forecast health and economic dynamics among older people in Ireland, to evaluate ex ante policy responses to these dynamics, and to collaborate internationally on global challenges associated with demographic ageing.