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1
Koch, Insa Lee. « Personalising the state : law, social welfare and politics on an English council estate ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4335c11c-c0a5-44dc-bd15-5bbbfe2fee6c.
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This dissertation offers a study of everyday relations between residents and the state on a post-industrial council estate in England. Drawing upon historical and ethnographic data, it analyses how, often under conditions of sustained exclusion, residents rely upon the state in their daily struggles for security and survival. My central ethnographic finding is that residents personalise the state alongside informal networks of support and care into a local sociality of reciprocity. This finding can be broken into three interconnected points. First, I argue that the reciprocal contract between citizens and the state emerged in the post-war years when the residents on the newly built estates negotiated their dependence upon the state by integrating it into their on-going social relations. A climate of relative material affluence, selective housing policies, and a paternalistic regime of housing management all created conditions which were conducive for this temporary union between residents and the state. Second, however, I argue that with the decline of industry and shifts towards neoliberal policies, residents increasingly struggle to hold the state accountable to its reciprocal obligations towards local people. This becomes manifest today both in the material neglect of council estates as well as in state officials' reluctance to become implicated in social relations with and between residents. Third, I argue that this failure on the part of the state to attend to residents' demands often has onerous effects on people's lives. It not only exacerbates residents' exposure to insecurity and threat, but is also experienced as a moral affront which generates larger narratives of abandonment and betrayal. Theoretically, this dissertation critically discusses and challenges contrasting portrayals of the state, and of state-citizen relations, in two bodies of literature. On the one hand, in much of the sociological and anthropological literature on working class communities, authors have adopted a community-centred approach which has depicted working class communities as self-contained entities against which the state emerges as a distant or hostile entity. I argue that such a portrayal is premised upon a romanticised view of working class communities which neglects the intimate presence of the state in everyday life. On the other hand, the theoretical literature on the British state has adopted a state-centred perspective which has seen the state as a renewed source of order and authority in disintegrating communities today. My suggestion is that this portrayal rests upon a pathologising view of social decline which fails to account for the persistence of informal social relations and the challenges that these pose to the state's authority from below. Finally, moving beyond the community-centred and state-centred perspectives, I argue for the need to adopt a middle ground which combines an understanding of the nature and workings of informal relations with an acknowledgement of the ubiquity of the state. Such an approach allows us to recognise that, far from being a hostile entity or, alternatively, an uncontested source of order, the state occupies shifting positions within an overarching sociality of reciprocity and its associated demands for alliances and divisions. I refer to such an approach as the personalisation of the state.
2
Zagel, Hannah. « Timing of single motherhood : implications for employment careers in Great Britain and West Germany ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9551.
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This thesis investigates how family–employment reconciliation issues associated with single motherhood affect women’s employment careers. The study fills a gap in the literature, which rarely considers single motherhood and employment as processes in the life course, much less in a cross-country comparative perspective. Patterns of employment trajectories during and after single motherhood are examined as the outcome of individual and institutional circumstances. Great Britain and West Germany are used as contrasting cases that represent relatively different contexts of labour market structures and family policy. Longitudinal individual-level data from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) are analysed, looking at the period between and including 1991–2008. The thesis develops a theoretical model that assumes differential career outcomes for experiencing single motherhood at different life stages. Higher difficulties of family–employment reconciliation are predicted for women experiencing single motherhood at a young age compared to later stages. The acquisition of marketable resources, which stands in the context of education systems, is assumed to be one of the central mechanisms mediating the relationship between age at single motherhood and employment. Moreover, policies directed at single parents affect reconciliation, shaping opportunity structures on which women can draw in single motherhood. Compared to the German context, Britain provides little institutional support securing labour market attachment for women in single motherhood, particularly when their children are young. Although providing more generous family policy measures in comparison, West German maternity leave regulations are often not applicable to women in single motherhood, and childcare is mostly granted on a half-day basis. The findings from three steps of empirical analysis provide new insights and highlight specific facets of established facts. First, fixed effects logistic regression is used, which exposes a negative association between single motherhood and entering full-time employment. No differences are observed between partnered and unpartnered mothers, but effective childcare arrangements support women’s transition in both Britain and West Germany. The second step of the analysis explores employment career patterns during and after single motherhood using sequence analysis. The emerging typical patterns are observed to different degrees in the two country contexts. On average, more employment trajectories dominated by non-employment are observed in Britain and by part-time employment in West Germany. In the last step, these findings are used in an explanatory framework, the results of which provide evidence for the life stage hypothesis. The analysis demonstrates that not only social class but also mother’s age, children’s age and skill levels seem to foster employment stability and labour market attachment during and after single motherhood.
3
Edwards, Sarah Elizabeth. « The significance of social enterprises in the reform of the British welfare state ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 2003. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/192763/.
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Increasingly, the United Kingdom Government is looking towards the social economy to deliver welfare services. The social economy, and specifically social enterprises, are envisaged by New Labour as having the ability to train and employ those disadvantaged in the labour market; engage individuals and communities in service provision and urban renewal; and, provide a model for future forms of welfare service provision. This research investigates the links between the social enterprise and the welfare reforms initiated by New Labour. In addition, the research considers the implications of an expanded role for social enterprises in welfare from the perspective of social enterprise practitioners. Using a grounded theory research design, and qualitative research methodologies, those running social enterprises in the cities of London and Bristol were interviewed (during the summer of 2001). This data, alongside policy documents, ministerial speeches, newspaper articles, think tank publications, and interviews with policy-makers and advocates for the social enterprise sector, provide the evidence presented here. The research develops a definition of the social enterprise as an organisation that uses a commercial venture as a tool to achieve social change. It is shown that the term 'social enterprise' refers to a diverse range of organisations that differ in legal and organisational structure and social mission, but which are linked by the common purpose of service delivery. The research reveals a subtle but important difference between social enterprise activity, and social enterprise as a business model. In spite of their diversity, it is demonstrated that a typology of social enterprises can be constructed by using the attributes identified by those running such organisations. This typology takes into account a diverse range of attributes that coalesce to form this hybrid social institution, instead of considering their organisational structure or social mission as defining features, as has been the case in the past. Using discourse analysis, social enterprises are shown to be significant within welfare reform because they embody the attributes that advocates for reform wish to promote. Social enterprises are shown to embody the postmodern attributes of'empowerment' and tailored localised service provision, alongside the politically attractive attributes of'enterprise', 'effectiveness', and 'efficiency'. These attributes offer 'challenges' to existing forms of public and third sector welfare provision. Through these challenges, the discourse of social enterprise is instrumental in current changes in welfare, not only in changing the practices of service delivery, but more significantly, in changing the culture and the way in which 'solutions' in welfare are sought. The thesis demonstrates how the notion of social enterprise is intertwined with broader academic debates concerning the scale and scope of the emerging postmodern welfare state, and the social enterprise is shown to be emblematic of those changes in welfare at a theoretical level. At a practical level, the social enterprise appears to be unlikely to have significant impact on the mainstay of the welfare state. However, it is suggested here that policy-makers need to take greater consideration of the 'appropriateness' of applying the social enterprise model in welfare than is the case at present.
4
Hennessy, Rachel A. « Deinstitutionalisation of the welfare state : the case of mental health care ». Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/94465.
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5
Munro, Lyle 1944. « Beasts abstract not : a sociology of animal protection ». Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7967.
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6
Ahmed, Shamila Kouser. « The impact of the 'war on terror' on Birmingham's Pakistani/Kashmiri Muslims' perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3635/.
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This thesis explores British Muslims’ counter discourse to the ‘war on terror’ through revealing the impact of the dominant ‘war on terror’ discourse created by the state. The research explores the counter discourse through investigating the impact of the ‘war on terror’ on Birmingham’s Pakistani / Kashmiri Muslims’ perceptions of the state, the police and Islamic identities before the ‘war on terror’ and since the ‘war on terror’. The theoretical perspectives of cosmopolitanism and citizenship are used as a foundation from which the ‘war on terror’ and the role of the state and the police in the ‘war on terror’ can be deconstructed, critiqued and reconstructed according to Muslim citizens’ perceptions. In particular attention is paid to the challenges and difficulties the 32 respondents interviewed for the research have faced since the ‘war on terror’. Many themes emerged through this framework and the core themes were injustice, legitimacy and human rights. The impact of the ‘war on terror’ showed the battle for Islamic identity construction versus resistance and the negative impact of regulatory discourses on perceptions of commonality, unity and shared identities.
7
Jian, Ke Yue. « Historical analysis of British welfare system :origin, development, and prospect ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953425.
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Porion, Stéphane. « Enoch Powell et le powellisme : entre tradition disraélienne et anticipation néolibérale ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030150.
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Cette thèse étudie le début de carrière d’Enoch Powell de 1946 à 1968 et analyse l’évolution de son système de pensée qui oscilla entre la tradition paternaliste disraélienne et la tradition libérale. Elle montre ainsi, d’une part, que le consensus butskellite de l’après-guerre fut très largement un mythe et, d’autre part, que la rupture thatchérienne ne fut pas seulement préparée par Mme Thatcher et ses gourous dans les années 1970, mais par un long travail de réflexion et d'expérimentation au cœur duquel on trouve Enoch Powell. Après une formation au Département de Recherche Conservateur pendant trois ans, Powell devint député pour la première fois en 1950 et rejoignit le groupe "One Nation" qu’il quitta en 1955. Lors de ses neuf premières années politiques, il s’intéressa principalement à la situation de l’Empire britannique et à la politique du logement. Il tenta à partir de 1952 de convaincre ses collègues du groupe "One Nation" de défendre plus activement des positions libérales au détriment du paternalisme disraélien. Puis, pendant ses trois expériences ministérielles successives – au Logement, au Trésor et à la Santé, il appliqua des idées libérales sans toutefois renier complètement la philosophie disraélienne, car le Premier Ministre Macmillan défendait une approche paternaliste qui visait à mettre en œuvre les conceptions qu’il avait développées vingt ans auparavant dans son ouvrage intitulé The Middle Way. Powell refusa de participer au gouvernement de Douglas-Home en 1963, décida dès lors de rompre avec l’héritage de Macmillan et inventa le powellisme. Il devint le chantre du libéralisme en Grande-Bretagne avant d’être marginalisé au sein de son parti en 1968 à cause de ses vues nationalistes exposées dans le discours des "Fleuves de Sang"This thesis is a study of the early stages of Enoch Powell’s career, from 1946 to 1968, and an analysis of his system of thought, which wavered between the disraelite paternalistic tradition and the liberal one. It thus shows that, on the one hand, the post-war butskellite consensus was mainly a myth, and on the other hand, the Thatcherite revolution was not only prepared beforehand by Mrs Thatcher and her gurus in the 1970s, but was also the outcome of a long process of reflection and experimentation Powell played a major role. After a three-year training at the Conservative Research Department, Powell was elected as Member of Parliament for the first time in 1950 and joined the One Nation Group, which he left in 1955. During his first nine political years, he focused primarily on the situation of the British Empire and on housing policy. From 1952 onwards, he tried to convince his One Nation colleagues that they should defend liberal stances more actively, at the expense of disraelite paternalism. Then, during his three mandates in the Ministries of Housing, of the Treasury and of Health, he applied liberal ideas without entirely denying the disraelite philosophy, for Prime Minister Macmillan defended a paternalistic approach aiming at implementing the ideas he had developed twenty years before in The Middle Way. Powell refused to be part of the 1963 Douglas-Home Government and consequently decided to break with Macmillan’s legacy thereby inventing Powellism. He became the champion of liberalism in Great Britain before being ostracized within his party in 1968 on account of his nationalistic views as presented through the "Rivers of Blood" speech
9
Moore, Dennis. « The British army officers' corps and the foundations of the British nation-state, 1689-1700 ». Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2000. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=1564.
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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2000.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iii, 148 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-148).
10
Alsabah, Mohammad. « Welfare Economics and Public Policy in Early 20th Century Great Britain ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1723.
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The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.
11
Nicholls, Angela. « Early modern English almshouses in the mixed economy of welfare c. 1550-1725 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/62710/.
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Almshouses providing accommodation for poor people are a common feature of the towns and villages of England, but in the historical literature are rarely considered to have made a genuine contribution to the poor and needy. This study examines the extent and nature of almshouse provision in early modern England, and places this within the context of overall approaches to the poor in the period. The archival research focuses on the contrasting counties of Durham, Warwickshire and Kent between about 1550 and 1725. Information on all the almshouse foundations in those areas is collated and summarised in an appendix, enabling both quantitative and qualitative evaluations to be made. A detailed analysis of the policy background to housing the poor provides the context for the study, and reveals that almshouses were initially seen as part of a national as well as local solution to the problem of poverty. Many of the diverse people involved in founding and running almshouses responded to this agenda, motivated by political responsibility and particular group identities, rather than just the desire for personal memorialisation. A case study of a single almshouse exemplifies the way this parish used the almshouse alongside other resources to meet the needs of the poor. Overall, there was a surprising variation in the socio-economic status of almshouse occupants and their experience of almshouse life. In many almshouses, occupants’ standard of living was similar to that of other poor people, including parish paupers. The guaranteed nature of the benefits and security of the accommodation were, however, distinct advantages, and most almspeople were able to enjoy considerable independence and autonomy, with women possibly benefiting most. Over the period, however, statutory poor relief and the introduction of workhouses enabled almshouses to develop as more exclusive institutions, which were less embedded in local welfare systems.
12
Monaghan, Claire. « Performance review in British local government : an investigation of the current state of the art ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3270.
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This thesis was precipitated by the observation that little is known about performance review activity in this country despite the introduction of a performance review system being proffered as one solution to the statutory value for money requirement. However, the research was not undertaken merely to fill an information vacuum. Delineating what lessons can be learned from current operations should assist local authorities embarking on the introduction of review systems in the future, particularly the `new' authorities emerging from Local Government Review and most notably in Scotland, where the statutory responsibility for ensuring value for money arrangements are in place, falls to the unitary authorities becoming operational on the 1st April 1996. Additionally, performance review may provide the framework in which policy achievements can be demonstrated, thus strengthening local government by reinforcing its policy role. This latter characteristicis likely to become critical if the trend towards enabling and decentralisation continues within the local government sector. An investigation of performance review was thus undertaken with postal questionnaires issued to chief executives and council leaders and a series of case studies, being used to accumulate research evidence. The findings are far-reaching and encompass the scale of review activity, the types of review system being utilised, attitudes to performance review, and establishing, operating and sustaining review systems. Insight was also gained about performance issues in authorities which had not implemented review processes. The operation of performance review is associated with significant benefits in many local authorities and there are useful lessons to be learned from these experiences as well as from those councils in which performance review has been less successful. These lessons are delineated within this thesis along with a set of good practice recommendations.
13
Kikas, Gabriel. « Not the end of history : the continuing role of national identity and state sovereignty in Britain ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14560.
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Francis Fukuyama's End of History paradigm critiques the post-Cold War era. His premise is that liberal democracy is emerging as a global phenomenon because of the collapse of communism as a viable ideology. As a result, the states of the international system are then able to concentrate their efforts in economic maximization and in the building of an international consumer environment. Fukuyama's paradigm is compared to the integration scholarship of David Mitrany and Ernst B. Haas. As Fukuyama perceives nationalism becoming a less relevant issue in Western Europe because of the progressive elements of economic and political integration, Mitrany was one of the earlier political theorists to articulate that the purpose of politics was about the solving of practical problems of states through the development of functional international agencies. Haas believed that not only was nationalism dormant in Western Europe, but that its states would slowly but surely relinquish their sovereignty because of pressure from economic and political groups interested in the development of a supranational Europe. What Haas came to realize, however, was that the concepts of sovereignty and self-determination remain important variables in certain regions of Western Europe. The purpose of this dissertation, then, is to examine the clash between economic maximization and the role of ideas in Western Europe focusing particularly on a state not known for its nationalistic fervour. This dissertation examines the British Conservative Party's and the Scottish National Party's (SNP) position regarding devolution (the Union) and the future scope of the European Union. The SNP is important to analyse because it offers a radical alternative to the status quo and, moreover, this project examines the Party's internal divisions over the EU and its relevance to the devolution principle. There are certain factions within the Tory Party which perceive the establishment of a single currency as detrimental to parliamentary sovereignty and that there should be a repatriation of functions back to the member states. This empirical exercise adds credibility to the argument that despite the alleged and perceived benefits of further economic and political integration, there are political groups who perceive certain issues, like self-determination, worth defending. In a liberal democracy there can exist clashes over fundamental issues. This, thus, offers a sound contribution to the End of History debate.
14
Humphris, Rachel Grace. « New migrants' home encounters : an ethnography of 'Romanian Roma' and the local state in Luton ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3af69cfa-2cd7-4972-afb2-14d92238d25a.
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This ethnographic study explores how 'Romanian Roma' migrants in the UK, without previous relationships to their place of arrival, negotiate their identity to make place in a diverse urban area. The thesis argues that state forms are (re)produced through embedded social relations. The restructuring of the UK welfare state, coupled with processes of labelling, means that the notion of public and private space is changing. Migrants' encounters with state actors in the home are increasingly important. I lived with three families between January 2013 and March 2014, during a period of shifting labour market regulations and the end of European Union transitional controls in January 2014. Through mapping families' relationships and connections, I identify encounters in the home with state actors regarding children as a defining feature of place-making. The thesis introduces the term 'home encounter' to trace the interplay of discourses and performances between state actors and those they identified as 'Romanian Roma'. Due to the restructuring of UK welfare, various roles assume different 'faces of the state'. These include education officers, health visitors, sub-contracted NGO workers, charismatic pastors and volunteers. The home encounter is presented as a public 'state act' (Bourdieu 2012) where negotiations of values take place in private space determining access to membership and welfare resources. In addition, blurring boundaries between welfare regulations and immigration control mean that these actors' seemingly small decisions have far-reaching consequences. The analysis raises questions of how to understand practices of government in diverse urban areas; the affect of labelling, place and performance on material power inequalities; and processes of discrimination and othering.
15
Larsen, David Mark. « The discursive function and the embedding of capitalism : British state policy on the pharmaceuticals and biotechnology sector ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608970.
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16
Kempson, Matthew. « The state and the country house in Nottinghamshire, 1937-1967 ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2006. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10259/.
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This thesis considers the state preservation and use of Nottinghamshire country houses during the mid-twentieth century, from the initiation of mass requisition in 1937 until 1967 when concerns for architectural preservation moved away from the country house. This thesis reviews literature on the landed estate in the twentieth century and the emergence of preservationist claims on the country house. Three substantive sections follow. The first discusses the declining representation of landowners within local governance in Nottinghamshire and the constitution of the County Council, and considers how estate space was incorporated within broadened concerns for the preservation of the historic environment and additionally provided the focus for the implementation of a variety of modern state and non-state functions. The second section considers how changing policy and aesthetic judgements impacted upon the preservation of country houses. Through discussion of Rufford Abbey, Winkburn Hall and Ossington Hall I consider the complexities of preservationist claims and how these conflicted with the responsibilities of the state and the demands of private landowners. The third section considers how estate space became valued by local authorities in the implementation of a variety of new modern educational uses, including the teacher training college at Eaton Hall and a school campus development at Bramcote Hills. The thesis concludes by considering the status of the country house in Nottinghamshire since 1967, and contemporary demands on the spaces considered historically in this study.
17
Wong, Chack-kie. « Ideology, welfare mix and the production of welfare : a comparative study of child daycare policies in Britain and Hong Kong ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1991. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1792/.
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This is a study of the inter-relationship between welfare ideology, welfare mix and the production of welfare. It has been hypothesized that the welfare ideology of a state is likely to affect its choice of welfare mix and the kind of social relations produced in the wider society. In this study, normative theories of the welfare state were reformulated by an analytical framework into theoretical models of the welfare state as pre-test patterns for comparison with practical policies under study. Child daycare provisions in Britain and Hong Kong were chosen as the data to test the hypothesis. A multiple-case-embedded design was used in organizing this comparative study. It was found that practising ideologies are more predictive than idealized ideologies of state social policy. It was also found that state social policy in the realm of child daycare was related to its ideology : state ideology affects the choice of a mix of welfare sectors and the form welfare is organised in the production of social relations in the two societies studied. Nevertheless, the inter-relationship between state ideology, welfare mix and welfare production is constrained by three intervening variables. They are bureau-professional autonomy, interplay between opposing ideologies and flexibility of ideology in the interpretation of state welfare because of a changing environment. When the findings were examined from another perspective, welfare sector and welfare production were seen to carry ideological meanings. This implies that a transaction of welfare goods and services is not only a transaction of material or tangible social services, but it is also an ideological transaction of different social principles which underlie the welfare sectors. This has led to the development of a theory of the ideological production of welfare as an explanation of the relationship between ideology and welfare sectors in the division of care and welfare responsibilities in a society. Based on this theory, the limitations of instrumental theories about the welfare mix were discussed. In conclusion, in the light of wider social and economic changes within capitalism, an integrative strategy concerning the welfare mix in particular and welfare in general has been proposed which duly recognizes the importance of ideology in maintaining social relations in a society as well as the social context which these social relations underlie.
18
Thompson, Stephen John. « Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
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Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
19
Kramer, Molly Baer. « A more humane society : animal welfare and human nature in England, 1950-1976 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.722570.
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20
Geall, Edward. « The palatinate of Durham and the Tudor state, c. 1485-1558 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/95896/.
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This thesis is an examination of several local families and their role shaping the palatinate of Durham’s position within the early Tudor state. Histories of the late medieval and early Tudor bishopric have tended to treat the palatinate as either an intractable obstacle to the consolidation of the English state, or as a highly distinctive and autonomous seat of power in the North-East, free from any meaningful encroachment by the crown. This thesis reframes Durham within the wider context of advancements in the early Tudor state and, particularly, more recent discussions on the nature and efficacy of patron-client or patronage networks. The central themes of this thesis are threefold. First, rather than see the history of Durham, its bishops, and landowners as a pitched battle against crown intervention, this thesis posits a new interpretation, one which foregrounds cooperation and mutual benefit. Early Tudor attitudes towards Durham were, for the most part, not grounded on a desire to abolish or undermine the bishopric and its political and administrative infrastructure. Where Durham’s resources could be applied for the betterment of the national polity, successive governments sought to work with, not against, the region’s landowners and officers, who in turn realised the benefits to be had from forging contacts with the court and other senior royal officials. Second, this increasingly pragmatic stance was nurtured through the formation and consolidation of patronage networks. It was through these symbiotic networks that both the crown and local landowners changed the nature of the bishopric’s role within the national polity; much like neighbouring Yorkshire, patron-client networks had the effect of bringing Durham more closely into line with central government, but not necessarily to the detriment of local customs and ideas of government. Finally, by examining the role of local landowners from outside the bishopric, in conjunction with Durham’s leading families and the bishops’ episcopal households, this thesis argues that the palatinate formed part of what was a highly effective regional community.
21
Ansari, Hina. « Inequities in access to health care by income and private insurance coverage : a longitudinal analysis ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112378.
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In 1997, the UK's Labour government introduced several health policy changes, including plans for greater collaboration with private providers. Building on previous cross-sectional research, we explore longitudinal inequities in physician access as these policy changes were materializing. Using GEE models we examine the effect of income and private health insurance (PHI) coverage on access to physicians in the general UK population from 1997 to 2003. The study finds no income inequities in GP access. In contrast, those in the highest income quintile are more likely to access consultants overall (OR:1.10, CI: 1.01,1.19), particularly private consultants (OR:2.49, CI:1.80,3.44). Not surprisingly, PHI is a strong predictor of private consultant access (OR:8.72 CI: 7.04,10.82), but a weak predictor of overall consultant access (OR:1.09, CI:1.01, 1.17). None of these findings exhibited significant time trends across the years of study, thus indicating that the existing inequities remained stable in the UK, despite the aforementioned reforms.
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Sweeting, Spike. « Capitalism, the state and things : the port of London, circa 1730-1800 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/67658/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines the activities of the Bowood Set, a group of merchants, intellectuals and radicals centred on Lord Shelburne, and their struggle with the late-eighteenth-century port of London. Having read Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations, they were awakened to his idea of markets and, more pointedly, the existence of the mercantilist institutions that were inhibiting them. Their response was to use technologies like the Docks, pensions, policeman and insurance companies to physically reorder the Thames and break the monopoly of London’s trading companies on political and economic power. The Bowood Set were not always successful. However, their belief that technology and infrastructure could shift political and economic culture simultaneously opens up a series of questions about the type of ‘things’ underpinning both mercantilism and liberalism. Drawing on actor network theorists like Michel Callon and Bruno Latour, the notion that the economy and state are simply networks held together by artefacts is here used to suggest that political economy is a material culture and, moreover, one that shifted in the late-eighteenth century from something resembling mercantilism towards something that increasingly recognisable as liberalism. Examining the Shelburnite Sir William Musgrave’s attempt to fight corruption in the Customs in London and the role of the West India Merchants lobby in coordinating London’s Quays shows clearly that the bureaucratic structures they mobilised were effective in altering the information that fiscal and commercial decisions were based on. Networks which were previously held together by close-knit cultural ties of friendship, patronage or customary agreements became increasingly contractual and monetised around the port. However, this was not always the case. Two investigations of London’s micro-economies suggests that Smith’s faceless markets were retarded by the cultures of consumption across London, and warehousing in the City, which were both sectors that accustomed communities to certain commercial practices that were not easily dislodged. What Michel Callon calls ‘calculative agency’, or the capacity to make economic decisions, was unevenly distributed across London because of material, political or social considerations, and the market was not understood by contemporaries as detached from them. As a result, the political economy advocated by Adam Smith progressed slowly across different social groups, geographies and networks. Examining how his discourse progressed in tandem with bureaucratic and material ‘things’ shows markets to have been multifaceted and socially embedded but not incapable of being redirected. Conversely, it shows that technologies designed to break open mercantilist monopolies, like the Docks, could become entangled in the social and political institutions they were designed to overpower. Examining the Dock campaign through the lense of material and bureaucratic culture in the City, this dissertation concludes that Vaughan and his associates surely did have some impact on shifting mercantilist commercial practices, though their’s was far from an outright victory.
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Packard, Edward Frederick. « Whitehall, industrial mobilisation and the private manufacture of armaments : British state-industry relations, 1918-1936 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/46/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis presents a comprehensive account of the complex relationship between the British government and the domestic military-naval arms industry from the armistice in 1918 until the period of rearmament in the 1930s. Challenging traditional 'declinist' assumptions, it offers a multifaceted interpretation of the industry's strengths and weaknesses and its place in national security. In this regard, British governments always prioritised national interests over the private armament manufacturers' particular concerns and never formulated a specific policy to help them adjust to peacetime conditions. Indeed, the wartime experience of industrial mobilisation – the mass production of war material by ordinary firms – made specialist arms producers appear less important in supply planning: a view that proved more important than disarmament and retrenchment in damaging state-industry relations and, together with Britain's liberal economic traditions, helped to foster an enduring but exaggerated sense of relative weakness. Faced with the government's apparent indifference, the overextended arms industry underwent comprehensive internal reorganisation, led by Vickers and supported hesitantly by the Bank of England. This reduced the overall number of manufacturers but it also brought modernisation and a comparatively efficient nucleus for emergency expansion. Internationally, British firms retained a large share of the global arms market despite rising competition. Policymakers rarely accepted widespread public criticism that private armaments manufacture and trading were immoral but believed that the League of Nations' ambition to enforce all-encompassing international controls posed a far greater risk to British security. Although the government imposed unilateral arms trade regulations to facilitate political objectives, and was forced to address outraged popular opinion, neither seriously damaged the manufacturers' fortunes as the country moved towards rearmament. Indeed, the arms industry was never simply a victim of government policy but instead pursued an independent and ultimately successful peacetime strategy, before rearmament led to a cautious renewal of state-industry relations.
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Peterson, Jody L. « Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.
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This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.
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Tokoro, Michihiko. « A comparative analysis of family policy in Japan and Britain ». Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323496.
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Riches, Helen Louise. « Pig transport in Great Britain : does the current legislation meet the welfare requirements of the pig ? » Thesis, Royal Veterinary College (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314087.
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Perry, Katherine Nicole. « Detesting brutality British Parliament and the method of detention during the state of emergency in Kenya, 1952-1960 / ». View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-3/rp/perryk/katherineperry.pdf.
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Lockett, Anthony E. « An analysis of the role of state, economy and civil society in the development, management and reform of the NHS, 1948-1997 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13343.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The NHS is the centrepiece of the UK welfare state. For fifty years it has provided the majority of health-care in the UK. However the running of the service has not been marked by a smooth operation. Repeated reforms have occurred since 1948 in attempts to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the service. These reforms have been credited with varying degrees of success. Even the most radical reforms, initiated in 1990, have been marked by some failures - particularly in respect to the provision of services to 'at risk' groups such as the elderly, leading to criticisms of a lack of coherent policy making. The reasons that underlie the success of the NHS in the midst of failure are complicated, but one hypothesis is that the structure of the NHS does not reflect its basic functions. Those functions can be broken down into 2. First is the relief of suffering from illness; second is the support of the industrial and economic base of the UK. The existence of this pluralistic purpose implies that the management of the service requires balancing the forces of economic, state and civil society requirements for the NHS. This management is embodied in a complicated institutionalisation of care, covered in chapter 1. The empirical evidence gathered in the thesis, in chapters 2 and 3 both from literature and case studies, would indicate that at least part of the problems seen in the NHS result from a failure to balance this institutionalisation. However, the situation is made more complex as the result of this imbalance creates further increased demands from some of the elements in the management of the service. Therefore the failure to balance the interactions that surround the NHS increases the pressures on it which in turn increases the imbalance leading to a feedback loop magnifying the problem. The source and problems of this feedback are best exemplified by a case study of the most recent reforms -covered in chapters 4-11 of this thesis. This case study demonstrates that the way in which the 1990 reforms were formulated and implemented took little notice of the impact of the changes on the street level NHS managers - with the results that the reforms did not represent a coherent policy. The result of the lack of coherence is that the changes have not generated efficiency gains, and in some cases have diverted resources away from those most in need. The underlying cause of this is the predominance of non- market forces in the decision making process - i.e. the values of the purchasers and the power of the providers to influence decision making. The linkages between these features of the post reform NHS are described in chapter 12. It is likely that the only way in which the circle of problems in the NHS can be addressed is re-establishing the corporate relationship that surrounds health care. However unlike previous relationships the evidence suggests that the relationship should be established at a policy level, rather than the current trends for a local level relationship. The NHS is not unique in this aspect, as this is the pattern of change seen in many European Countries.
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Allsop, Neil Colin. « A model for the nation : the development of unemployment relief in New York State, 1929-1937 ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298946.
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Lawrence, David. « British agricultural policy, 1917-1932 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55612.
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McGinnity, Frances. « Who benefits ? : a comparison of welfare and outcomes for the unemployed in Britain and Germany ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365534.
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Booker, Martin. « Corruption discourse and modern state legitimation : a historical comparison of Britain and Germany ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23502.
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This thesis examines the way in which corruption discourses are embedded in processes of state formation. It builds on the theoretical premise of social constructionism, namely that ‘corruption’ is not an entity that exists in reality but that it is an agreed-upon classification of certain types of behaviours. These processes of social and political construction are foundational for corruption discourse, conceptualised as a political practice through which the legitimacy of power and authority, of either persons, behaviours or institutions, can be challenged. As a socially and politically constructed entity, corruption discourse is shaped by political processes and in turn also shapes political processes. The comparison of corruption discourses in Britain in the 19th century and in Germany in the late 19th to mid-20th centuries endeavours to demonstrate the different ways in which they were shaped, as well as in turn shaped, contextual state formation processes. The two countries represent two different pathways through which high levels of corruption control were achieved, one democratic, the other authoritarian. While anti-corruption measures in Britain were introduced alongside democratisation processes in the 19th century, various German states implemented measures top-down in their 18th century efforts to modernise state administration. This study looks at the times when corruption discourses became a matter of public interest, and traces their role vis-a-vis subsequent institutional developments. In Britain this starting point is located in the early 19th century, in Germany in the Kaiserreich of the 1870s. Three case studies each exemplify and illustrate the different sequences in which corruption discourse unfolded. In Britain, these are the 1809 Duke of York case, exemplifying a ‘discovery phase’, in which corruption discourse first showed signs of becoming weaponised for political discourse; the 1830 to 32 Electoral Reform discourse exemplifying a ‘contestation phase’ in which corruption allegations were strategically used to undermine the legitimacy of Parliament and the system through which it was elected; and the 1889 Corrupt Practices Act discourse, exemplifying a ‘consolidation phase’ in which anticorruption measures became normalised rather than being subject to contest. In Germany, the 1896/97 Tausch Affair represents a different kind of discovery phase, one that is restrained and corrupted by authoritarian intervention; the Erzberger-Helfferich case of 1919 represents a different kind of contestation phase, one that is characterised by the hyper-mobilisation of corruption discourse that contributed to the eventual failure of the Weimar Republic; and the Spiegel Affair of 1962, in the context of the Spiegel’s role in post-war Germany more broadly, represents a successful consolidation phase in the Bundesrepublik, in which authoritarian intervention failed to corrupt corruption discourse. The cases thus highlight different ways in which corruption discourse was shaped by, and in turn shaped, state formation processes. They showcase a range of different institutional and political framework conditions as well as a variety of institutional outcomes, of reform, consolidation and destruction. The thesis argues that corruption discourse was thus a central driver of state formation processes, and that concepts of corruption were integral to the idea of the modern state.
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Bond, Marcia G. « Restructuring the welfare state, the targeting of the public housing systems in Britain and Canada ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MM16097.pdf.
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Khulpateea, Veda Laxmi. « State of the union cross cultural marriages in nineteenth century literature and society / ». Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2007.
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Hilton, Adrian. « Free schools : the role of Conservative and Liberal political thought in shaping the policy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:961415dd-a137-4f0d-b8e7-1b1927835053.
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'The landscape of schooling in England has been transformed over the last five years' (House of Commons Education Committee, 2015:3). More than half of secondary schools in England have become academies, independent of local authorities and funded directly by central government. The programme was begun by New Labour in 2002, and by the time they left office at the 2010 General Election 203 academies had been established. The policy was considerably extended between 2010-2015 by the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition, and 'Free Schools' were introduced by Education Secretary Michael Gove: that is, schools 'set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community' (DfE, 2013/2015). By the time of the 2015 general election, there were 4,674 newly-sponsored or converter academies and 252 'Free Schools', representing 64% of secondary school students (47% of all state school students), and 51% of secondary schools (32% of all state schools). This research argues the hypothesis that there is a high degree of philosophical continuity on this policy across the main political parties in England. It also analyses the extent to which the policy-makers invoke historical expressions of conservatism and/or liberalism in their articulation of that convergence. Drawing on past associations with politicians, the principal expositors and key architects of the 'Free Schools' policy were interviewed, and these transcripts have given insight into how the themes of policy are conceptualised and understood. The data suggests that there are convergent philosophical views across the main political parties, and agreement on the course of history of the policy. There are, however, ethical concerns about the pace of reform, the primacy of the 'market', and the extent to which democratic public goods are consistent with schools that are 'free'.
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Faust, Veronica T. « 'Music has learn'd the discords of the state' the cultural politics of British opposition to Italian Opera, 1706-1711 / ». Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/664.
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Langford, Peter James Edward. « State, law and prosecution : the emergence of the modern criminal process 1780-1910 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1993. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/80311/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with the emergence of the modern criminal process in England between 1780 and 1910 . It seeks to investigate this period from a standpoint which regards this development of the criminal process as intimately related to its internal structure and self-understanding. This is understood to occur through transformations in institutional structures produced by both the practices of the elements within it, and changes in the theoretical conceptualisation of the structure of the criminal process. The character of these developments, and the tendencies which they evince, are seen to be generally negative from the perspective of a theory of society which is intimately connected with an interest in emancipation. The relation between law, state and democracy is seen to be an essentially problematic one which does not conform to the ideas of progress, equality or liberty but to the maintenance of the survival of a social system which is seen as constantly at risk from a threatening environment of individuals whose obedience to the structure of the social order must be obtained continuously. The thesis is the result of original research which draws upon both original and secondary sources. The methodology used in writing the thesis is a combination of historical analysis and theoretical perspectives. There is a focus upon modern developments and it is hoped that the thesis will inform current debate on the future of the criminal process. The thesis is divided into four main chapters which concentrate upon particular parts of the criminal process in both their specificity and in their relation to the system and society as a whole. The first deals with the development of the institutional autonomy of the "New Police", during the nineteenth century, setting it in the context of the system of local governance. The second examines the system of prosecution describing the failure to institute a system of public prosecution and the predominance of the "New Police" as prosecutors in a system which remained private merely in form. The third deals with the position of the defendant during this process of transformation in the criminal process and presents its evolution as one which accorded with internal systemic considerations of the criminal process, and not as one which could be seen as the unfolding of the concept of freedom, equality or universality. The fourth deals with the creation of the Court of Appeal in 1907 which is seen, not as the institutional embodiment of justice, but as the product of the internal concerns of the Home Office Criminal Department with the systemic coherence and legitimacy of the criminal process.
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Wadley, Karen I. « The king and his council ». [Boise, Idaho] : Boise State University, 2009. http://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/td/14/.
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MacKinnon, Daniel Finlayson. « Local governance and economic development : re-figuring state regulation in the Scottish Highlands ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17575.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the politics of local, governance in the Scottish Highlands, taking the Highlands and Islands Enterprise (HIE) network - made up of a central core and 10 Local Enterprise Companies (LECs) - as its institutional focus. It synthesises regulationist approaches and neo-Marxist state theory to explain LECs as part of a broader process of re-regulation under consecutive Conservative governments. LECs are unelected, business-led agencies operating at the local level. The political discourse through which LECs were established and promoted created expectations of local autonomy among business representatives that clashed with the centralising tendencies of Thatcherism. The thesis examines how the resultant tension between local initiative and central control has been worked out within the HIE network. It relies on data collected from seventy semi-structured interviews with representatives of HIE, LECs, local authorities, businesses and community groups. The initial chapters introduce the research and consider key methodological issues, set out the theoretical framework, and review the practices of the Highlands and Islands Development Board (HIDB, HIE's successor). The thesis then explores the key tension between local initiative and central control, explaining how it has been mediated and resolved through routine institutional practices. It also examines HIE-LECs relations with other key agencies, notably local authorities, through selected examples of multi-agency partnerships and assesses LECs' local accountability and representativeness. Finally, a concluding chapter sets out the main findings and considers their implications. While key managerial 'technologies' such as targeting, audit and financial controls allow central government to monitor and steer the HIE network, the thesis argues that the authoritative resources of the HIE core - grounded in the combination of local knowledge and technical expertise inherited from the HIDB - enables it to adapt key aspects of the operating regime to its own purposes. Local autonomy is limited by the relative centralisation of the Network, and LECs operate in a system of structured flexibility in which their scope to adapt policy to local conditions is constrained by state rules and procedures. In emphasising that local autonomy is limited by hierarchical mechanisms of control, the thesis argues that local governance in the Scottish Highlands continues to be underpinned by government. It also points to the limits of the regulation approach and neo-Marxist state theory as theoretical perspectives, suggesting that neo-Foucauldian writings on govemmentality are useful in providing stronger analytical purchase on the specific mechanisms and procedures through which state regulation is practised.
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Bertram, Christine. « Caught in the middle : how employment advisers mediate between user needs and managerial demands in UK services ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2723.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Traditionally, employment advice and guidance services in the UK have occupied distinct realms despite government efforts to align and integrate the education and skills and welfare-to-work frameworks. Conceptually, studies of front-line service delivery have often adopted a street-level perspective. This study offers a governance approach that focuses on how adviser behaviour is steered through managerial methods and how advisers steer user behaviour through the use of discretion and trust. The study explored how advisers mediated the tensions between managerial concerns and user needs to achieve policy goals, among others to turn service users into more active citizens. Based on 38 semi-structured interviews with service managers and advisers in combination with service characteristics and policy aims, a service typology was developed which was then applied to eight case study services. The analysis showed that employment advisers in the different service types applied very diverse strategies to achieve an outcome for the service user, but that within service types the strategies were similar. Due to the different service structures and advisers’ varying ability to apply discretion, various kinds of trust could be established, which potentially allowed the advisers to influence a change of service user behaviour. This could range from highly coercive methods to empowering individuals. The findings showed that advisers were subject to similar pressures as they applied to service users when mediating managerial influences. There was evidence that ability to use discretion was a vital pivot point in how advisers mediated tension between the service demands and user needs. This in turn was related to the adviser’s ability to achieve sustainable outcomes for the service user.
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Miller, M. R. « The development of retirement pensions policy in Britain from 1945 to 1986 : A case of state and occupational welfare ». Thesis, University of Kent, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234184.
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Street, Sarah. « Financial and political aspects of state intervention in the British film industry, 1925-1939 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aeedf404-aa82-4a7e-a1b7-feb626ffff81.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During this period the state's interest in the film industry took several different forms. The area of films policy explored in this thesis is the economic protection of the commercial film industry against the high percentage of American films screened in Britain and the Empire. I begin in 1925 because it was not until then that active steps were taken by the government, in response to agitation from producers and those who saw film as a bond of Empire and advertisement for British goods and 'way of life', leading to the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927. This proposed, for political, cultural, moral and economic reasons, that renters and exhibitors should acquire and show a percentage of British films. There was no subsidy for producers or a heavy duty levied on American film imports. The origins, impact and character of official film policy are explored in the thesis with particular attention to financial and political aspects. An attempt is made to explain why policy was limited to film quotas together with an assessment of their impact on the industry's economic development. Details are also given on how the film industry's affairs became caught up in wider debates on tariff policy in the 1920s and in Anglo-American relations ten years later. The first three chapters deal with the evolution, promulgation and initial impact of the Cinematograph Films Act, 1927. Chapter 4 examines the deliberations of the Moyne Committee, established in 1936 to review the film industry's progress. The last three chapters analyse the three major influences on policy during the making of the 1938 Films Act: the campaigns of British film trade interests; the state of Anglo-American relations and film finance. In the final assessment the major influences that shaped policy are outlined together with conclusions on the industry's position and problems on the eve of the Second World War.
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Stoytcheva, Bistra. « The role of the state in the privatization of telecommunications : a comparison between British Telecom and Nippon Telegraph and Telephone ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31174.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis contains an analysis of the role of the state in the privatization of two of the world's largest telecommunications operators, British Telecom (BT) and Nippon Telegraph and Telephone (NTT), illustrated by a comparative examination of the different means of intervention of the state at the three stages of the process, and the impact that state intervention has on the corporate governance of the enterprises concerned.Chapter 1 clarifies the notions of privatization and control. The subsequent chapters are organized on the basis of the percentage of shares held by the state. Chapter 2 analyzes the legal problems accompanying "complete control" of the state during the corporatization stage of privatization, in which there is a one-man stock company with the state as sole shareholder. Chapter 3 outlines the different private and public law devices used by the state in order to exercise "internal control" on the company after the sale of part or all of the government-owned ordinary shares. Chapter 4 focuses on the "external control" which is the last weapon of the state to monitor enterprises that are already deemed to be "privatized" from an ownership point of view. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Makin, Dorothy. « Policy making in secondary education : evidence from two local authorities 1944-1972 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f976f873-c5c2-493a-87ab-1fa7ef8e4e19.
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The 1944 Butler Act laid the legal foundations for a new secondary education system in England, one which would see all children entitled to free and compulsory schooling up to the age of 15. The Act therefore represented a bold step forward in the pursuit of a fairer society: expanding access to training and qualifications, while promoting a more equal distribution of educational opportunities. This thesis explores the process of constructing and delivering secondary education policy in England following the 1944 Butler Education Act. It offers a close examination of two Local Education Authorities- Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire- exploring how they interpreted and implemented 'secondary education for all' after the Second World War. The dissertation is composed of two parts: Part One looks at how selective secondary schooling was developed and operated in the respective areas between 1945 and 1962; Part Two explores the response of both authorities to the prospect of reforming secondary education after 1962. By exploring the process of policy implementation after 1944, Part One of this thesis highlights the problems of delivering secondary education for all in an era of resource constraint. It is demonstrated in this thesis that Local Authority capacity to build new schools was firmly tethered to Ministerial control. The relatively low priority accorded to education created a decade-long delay between the announcement of policy change and its eventual delivery. The implications of this delay at the Local Authority and school level are explored in chapters three and six. Chapters four and seven question how resources were distributed between selective and non-selective school sectors, while chapters five and eight evaluate the treatment of selective education within each authority, asking how policy makers conceived of, and operated, the grammar school and secondary modern sectors. Part Two of this thesis turns to the question of secondary organisation. Debates surrounding the question of comprehensive rather than selective systems of secondary schooling dominated discussions about secondary education policy in the later twentieth century. When it came to comprehensive re-organisation, Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire opted for different paths: Oxfordshire adopted comprehensive schooling relatively early with a remarkable degree of county-wide consensus, while Buckinghamshire fiercely resisted external and internal pressure to reform. Chapter ten of this thesis is devoted to identifying the drivers of comprehensive reform in Oxfordshire. Chapters eleven and twelve explore the Buckinghamshire story establishing how and then why this county successfully held-out against wholesale policy change.
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Polley, Martin Robert. « The Foreign Office and international sport, 1918-1948 ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683112.
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McCulloch, Steven P. « The British animal health and welfare policy process : accounting for the interests of sentient species ». Thesis, Royal Veterinary College (University of London), 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701663.
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Devereaux, Simon. « Convicts and the state, the administration of criminal justice in Great Britain during the reign of George III ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27910.pdf.
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Hug, Tobias Benedikt. « 'I come of to highe a bloode to be a roague for I am kynge of the Realme' : representations and perceptions of impostors in early modern England ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2006. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/53116/.
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The thesis explores changes and continuities in the impostor phenomenon in England over the period c. 1500-c. 1770. Several historical developments can be said to have fostered a climate of social dislocation in which the language of deception and fraud became an important cultural phenomenon. Rather than following the discourse of imposture primarily through intellectual debates, the thesis focuses on social experience in a range of contemporary contexts. Drawing upon sources ranging from judicial archives and other official sources to chronicles, newspapers, pamphlets and autobiographical writings, the thesis investigates why someone might be considered an impostor and how he or she was perceived and represented. It asks too how the selfperception and fashioning of impostors - the shaping of their identities and stories, understood as a cultural practice - was influenced by their social environment. Part One focuses on the variety of impostors and their wider significance within the specific contexts of social, political, religious, institutional or cultural change. Part Two links the themes of imposture and autobiographical writing, and provides a micro-historical analysis of a notorious late seventeenth/early eighteenth-century impostor who during his lifetime assumed several different roles. By exploring these episodes as autobiographical practices, the thesis also contributes to the interdisciplinary debate on the nature of self-expression and individualism in early modern England.
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Mold, Alex Nicola. « Dynamic dualities : the ‘British system’ of heroin addiction treatment, 1965-1987 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2004. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/75/.
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This thesis is concerned with the treatment of heroin addiction between 1965 and 1987. It examines a series of conflicts between seemingly opposed forces: between the medical and the social, the specialist and the generalist, the public and the private provision of healthcare, and the short-term and the long-term prescription of drugs to addicts. The establishment of specialised Drug Dependence Units (DDUs) in 1968 demonstrated that addiction was seen as both a disease to be treated and a social problem to be controlled. It is argued that the effects of this dynamic duality can be observed in the subsequent response to heroin addiction. Tension existed between specialist consultant psychiatrists who treated addicts at hospital based DDUs and community based private and general practitioners involved in the treatment of addiction. This was the result of contrasting approaches to addiction and its treatment. Conflict between these groups was particularly evident in the General Medical Council’s (GMC) cases for serious professional misconduct in 1983 and again in 1986-1987 against Dr Ann Dally, a leading private practitioner involved in the treatment of addiction. These cases highlighted the continuing differences between medical and social approaches to addiction but also demonstrated how these elements were inseparable and equally crucial to the formulation of drug treatment policy in this period.
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Grant, Peter Russell. « Mobilizing charity : non-uniformed voluntary action during the First World War ». Thesis, City University London, 2012. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/2075/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study proposes that the voluntary sector in the UK underwent major managerial and state‐directional change during the period of the Great War, as a concerted response to but also enabling it to make important contributions to the war effort. It provides an important challenge to that scholarship which presents charity and voluntary activity in this period as marking a downturn from the high point of late‐Victorian philanthropy, as representing far less serious activities than those undertaken by munitions workers, and VADs; with charitably‐minded civilians’ efforts alienating rather than encouraging to men at the front. The study seeks to demonstrate that such a depiction is incorrect; suggesting that the degree of negativity that surrounds much previous work on voluntary action in this period is reaching a myth‐like status. The study draws on previously unused primary sources in publicly available archives; notably regarding the developing role of the UK’s Director General of Voluntary Organizations (DGVO) from 1916, and regulatory legislation of the period; and on the activities of specified local charities, in particular areas, notably Croydon and Blackburn. It utilises a crossdisciplinary approach drawing on philanthropic, social, military and political history as well as the history of management. The career of the DGVO, Sir Edward Ward, is examined in detail and analysed from the perspectives of both contemporary and current management practice. The late 19th and early 20th centuries did not represent the zenith of charitable activity, this came during the war itself. Charitable donations rose to an all‐time peak and the scope and nature of charitable work shifted decisively. Far more working class activists, especially women became involved, though there were significant differences between the suburban south and industrial north of England and Scotland. Far from there being an unbridgeable gap in understanding or empathy between soldiers and civilians the links were strong and charitable contributions were enormously important in maintaining troop morale. This bond significantly contributed to the development and maintenance of social capital in Britain, which, in turn, strongly supported the war effort. Issues of developing social capital within voluntary organisations, and a review of the nature of the deference exchanges occurring within charitable activity at this time follow. Finally, the extent to which responsiveness to wartime needs was able to trigger managerial change, if not a managerial revolution among active voluntary organisations is considered. A series of appendices illustrate key aspects of charities’ development and direction during this period.