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1
Behling, Felix. « Welfare beyond the welfare state : the employment relationship in Germany and the UK ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528851.
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Legg, Meredith. « WOMEN, WORK AND WELFARE : A CASE STUDY OF GERMANY, THE UK, AND SWEDEN ». Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2010. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002974.
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3
Bennett-Ruete, Jackie. « A social history of Bad Ems : spa culture and the welfare state in Germany ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/66766/.
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This thesis is about the spa town of Bad Ems in West Germany - its social and economic development. It analyses the town's rise to fame as a fashionable centre for relaxation and recuperation and the emergence of a 'spa culture' in the nineteenth century. It also studies the impact of the gradual 'democratisation' of cures i.e. how spa towns like Bad Ems changed in this century with the increase in the number of cure-guests funded by the statutory insurance bodies. This inevitably involves an examination of the system of national health provision from the late 19th century and the incorporation of spa treatment into benefit schemes. The subsequent analysis of medical knowledge and opinion, with particular reference to spa remedies and treatment considers both medical practitioners in Bad Ems and the development of the science of balneology over the past one hundred and fifty years. This analysis includes the debates and arguments about the modern cure and the growing concern since the Second World War with the efficiency and effectiveness of social insurance cures. Finally, this study looks at the cure-takers themselves, both in their relationship with the medical profession and their experience of spa life. Because no comprehensive study of Germany's spas has been attempted, this thesis aims to bring together different perspectives adopted by various disciplines. However, given the present state of research, it seemed that the only viable approach would be through a case study which analyses the town of Bad Ems at a grass-root level, though without ignoring the impact of national events and policies in Germany on cure-taking and spa culture. The findings of the research indicate that the introduction of cures as a benefit of national welfare policies ensured the survival of spas as health centres. No less importantly, today a cure is no longer the preserve of a wealthy elite as in the 19th century but available to all Germans. The success of cures in Germany today would also seem to reflect a culturally specific attitude to health and illness which stands in marked contrast to that in this country where spas have declined and where there is little interest in the forms of treatment offered by mineral springs and thermal waters.
4
Trampusch, Christine. « Sozialpolitik in Post-Hartz Germany ». Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4784/.
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The article points to the following causes of German social policy reform, as it has taken shape by the so-called ‘Hartz’-Acts: the self-inflicted financial crisis of the welfare state, the return of party leaders as agenda setters, and the weakening of employers associations and trade unions in this policy field. Through a large, informal coalition, the political parties have responded to various internal conflict constellations.
5
McGinnity, Frances. « Who benefits ? : a comparison of welfare and outcomes for the unemployed in Britain and Germany ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365534.
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Goldschmidt, Tina. « Immigration, Social Cohesion, and the Welfare State : Studies on Ethnic Diversity in Germany and Sweden ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-141582.
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Can social cohesion and solidarity persist in the face of large-scale migration? One particularly contentious hypothesis states that native majorities will be unwilling to support the provision of government-funded welfare to those whom they do not consider to be part of their own sociocultural ingroup, especially when sociocultural or ethnic otherness and socioeconomic disadvantage overlap. Consequently, majorities’ willingness to accept disadvantaged immigrant groups as legitimate and trusted members of the welfare community is central to the social cohesion of societies diversifying through migration. The dissertation consists of a comprehensive summary, followed by four original studies addressing the interplay between migration-induced diversity and social cohesion through the lens of majority attitudes and the micro and macro contexts within which they are embedded. The studies focus on Sweden and Germany, two European societies that host strong welfare states and large immigrant populations. Together, they seek to answer two central questions: First, does social distance between native-born citizens and immigrants lead the former to withdraw support from all redistributive policies, or are some types of welfare more affected than others? Second, how does the migration-induced diversification of societies come to matter for majority attitudes toward the welfare state and, as they are closely related, for majority attitudes toward the trustworthiness of others? Looking at the case of Germany, Study 1 shows that the conflict between diversity and welfare solidarity is not expressed in a general majority opposition to welfare, but rather in an opposition to government assistance benefiting immigrants – a phenomenon sometimes referred to as welfare chauvinism. Study 2 turns to the case of Sweden and investigates three pathways into welfare chauvinism: via the first-hand experience of immigrant unemployment and putative welfare receipt in the neighborhood context; via exposure to immigrant competition at the workplace; and via negative prejudice against immigrants. We find that the direct observation of immigrant unemployment in the neighborhood increases natives’ preference for spending on other Swedes over spending on immigrants, while competition with immigrants at the workplace does not. Using the same Swedish data, Study 3 hypothesizes that ethnically diverse workplaces imply trust-fostering inter-group contact. Yet, like in Study 2, we find a negative relationship between majority Swedes’ exposure to certain immigrant groups in the neighborhood and their trust in neighbors, while diverse workplaces neither seem to increase trust nor to affect the negative neighborhood-level association. Both Studies 2 and 3 show that negative attitudes toward immigrants increase welfare chauvinism and lower trust, even disregarding majority Swedes’ actual experience of immigrant presence or unemployment. Study 4 thus turns to a social force outside the realm of first-hand experience and explores German online news media debates on the welfare deservingness of various sociodemographic groups – among them, immigrants (as refugees in particular). However, rather than observing the persistent and particular stigmatization of immigrants as undeserving recipients or untrustworthy abusers of welfare, we find much more nuanced descriptions in our vast corpus of news stories.At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript. Paper 3: Manuscript. Paper 4: Manuscript.
7
Gardin, Matias Edvard. « States of education : reflections on the relationship between welfare state and education in Finland and the Federal Republic of Germany 1960-1970 ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/states-of-education(62ca8322-7ccd-4e4d-9b79-597ba57242a0).html.
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This PhD thesis examines the impact of political ideologies on the welfare-state developments of the Republic of Finland and Federal Republic of Germany from 1960 to 1970, a period of dramatic social expenditure expansion and economic growth. It explores the issue by asking whether different ideas of ruling parties mattered in these developments or were there other factors, such as the level of economic strength, which became more influential in explaining cross-national welfare variations. Whereas mainstream analysts of comparative social policy since the early 1990s have taken for granted that politics mattered in the immediate post- war era reflecting the more pronounced left-right, catholic-protestant and other historical cleavages, this research moves beyond the oversimplified traditional welfare regime typologies and instead considers how welfare systems became intertwined with other more control-focused aspects of state development: in effect, whether and how they became instruments of discipline through educating citizens. Drawing on the Foucauldian idea of power of normalisation - and using educational expansion of the 1960s as a case study - it is suggested that there are aspects of the development of Finnish and West German policing which had a direct bearing on the emergence of the welfare state. Welfare regimes became complex entities which structured the evolution of European nation states after WW2. Yet, it has often been assumed that strong economic development and welfare policies became incompatible. As this study demonstrates, this was not the case in Finland and the FRG. Quite the opposite, both countries emerged stable and democratic into the twenty first century. 1960-1970 was the timeframe during which the groundwork for this success was pioneered and the period was to have a lasting legacy which gave direction to the future. Therefore, a closer study on the interconnectedness between education and welfare state needs to be established. Whereas this thesis confines itself to Finnish-German developments as my original contribution to knowledge, it suggests some grounds for extending the research to other countries.
8
Egle, Christoph. « Reformpolitik in Deutschland und Frankreich Wirtschafts- und Sozialpolitik bürgerlicher und sozialdemokratischer Regierungen seit Mitte der 90er Jahre ». Wiesbaden VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2009. http://d-nb.info/985819227/04.
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SOBRINO, Irene. « Welfare state and federalism : a constitutional viewpoint : the cases of Germany and Spain within the framework of the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13172.
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Defence date: 4 March 2008Examining Board: Prof. Jacques Ziller, (EUI) ; Prof. Dieter Grimm, (Humboldt University, Berlin) ; Prof. Javier Pérez Royo, (University of Seville) ; Prof. Neil Walker, (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The question of the relation between the aims of current federalism and welfare states has often been portrayed as the idea of two dynamics addressing divergent senses: while federalism would essentially imply centrifugal tendencies, the fulfilment of welfare state postulates would require certain social standardization processes. However, the viewpoint from which this work departs is the constitutional intertwining of both concepts: it sets out to analyze how the welfare state principle and the federal territorial structure are constitutionally interrelated. In particular, the aspect of welfare state that is tackled refers to its fulfilment on a nation-wide basis, which requires focusing on the mechanisms needed to generate certain levels of socio-economic standardization. The main theme of the dissertation is therefore the analysis of the structural elements that embody the territorial scope of solidarity within the context of two politically decentralized countries, Germany and Spain. The dissertation is structured into five chapters. Chapter One, after analysing how the concepts of “welfare state”, “federalism” and their “interrelations” are tackled and explained by the existing literature, outlines an analytical framework for the examination of the territorial translation of welfare state. Chapter Two addresses the constitutional articulation of the search of a basic equality on the whole territory from the perspective of the allocation of social competences – i.e. health care, social assistance and social security and education - both in Germany and in Spain. Chapter Three focuses on some of the “constitutional structures” that are in charge of guaranteeing the basic uniformity of living conditions throughout the territory of each country (e.g. Art. 72 of the German Basic Law and 149.1.1 of the Spanish Constitution). Chapter Four analyses certain mechanisms that articulate the financial territorial redistribution in each system. Chapter Five is devoted to analysing the EU as a new territorial stratum involved in the social sphere regulation interacting with the nationally based welfare state.
10
Cadei, Fritz Matilda. « The welfare state and the social rights of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children who have reached the age of majority ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352646.
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In recent years, the numbers of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children (UASC) arriving to Europe have drastically increased. Due to delays in the asylum procedure, many UASC have turned 18 years old before the asylum procedure has ended. These adolescents need access to welfare services but they often lose several social rights when they reach adulthood. In this light, I have investigated the social rights of UASC who have reached the age of majority by using Esping-Andersen’s theory of welfare state regimes. I find that the social rights of this group vary between Germany, the conservative welfare state regime, and Sweden, the social democratic welfare state regime. However, in both of the countries, this group in general have limited access to welfare services. This is problematic since social rights are crucial for incorporation in the society. The findings are in several ways in line with the main characteristics in the two regimes but in order to fully understand what determines the social rights of UASC who have reached the age of majority further research is needed.
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Zagel, Hannah. « Timing of single motherhood : implications for employment careers in Great Britain and West Germany ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9551.
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This thesis investigates how family–employment reconciliation issues associated with single motherhood affect women’s employment careers. The study fills a gap in the literature, which rarely considers single motherhood and employment as processes in the life course, much less in a cross-country comparative perspective. Patterns of employment trajectories during and after single motherhood are examined as the outcome of individual and institutional circumstances. Great Britain and West Germany are used as contrasting cases that represent relatively different contexts of labour market structures and family policy. Longitudinal individual-level data from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) are analysed, looking at the period between and including 1991–2008. The thesis develops a theoretical model that assumes differential career outcomes for experiencing single motherhood at different life stages. Higher difficulties of family–employment reconciliation are predicted for women experiencing single motherhood at a young age compared to later stages. The acquisition of marketable resources, which stands in the context of education systems, is assumed to be one of the central mechanisms mediating the relationship between age at single motherhood and employment. Moreover, policies directed at single parents affect reconciliation, shaping opportunity structures on which women can draw in single motherhood. Compared to the German context, Britain provides little institutional support securing labour market attachment for women in single motherhood, particularly when their children are young. Although providing more generous family policy measures in comparison, West German maternity leave regulations are often not applicable to women in single motherhood, and childcare is mostly granted on a half-day basis. The findings from three steps of empirical analysis provide new insights and highlight specific facets of established facts. First, fixed effects logistic regression is used, which exposes a negative association between single motherhood and entering full-time employment. No differences are observed between partnered and unpartnered mothers, but effective childcare arrangements support women’s transition in both Britain and West Germany. The second step of the analysis explores employment career patterns during and after single motherhood using sequence analysis. The emerging typical patterns are observed to different degrees in the two country contexts. On average, more employment trajectories dominated by non-employment are observed in Britain and by part-time employment in West Germany. In the last step, these findings are used in an explanatory framework, the results of which provide evidence for the life stage hypothesis. The analysis demonstrates that not only social class but also mother’s age, children’s age and skill levels seem to foster employment stability and labour market attachment during and after single motherhood.
12
Sundström, Eva. « Gender Regimes, Family Policies and ATtitudes to Female Employment : A Comparison of Germany, Italy and Sweden ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Sociology, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185.
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In this study, attitudes towards female employment and the division of labour between men and women in Germany, Italy and Sweden are explored. Using a quantitative approach, the first objective is to examine how political ideologies and welfare political models are reflected in or accompany attitudes towards female labour market participation among different groups in the three welfare states. Welfare policies significantly influence women’s choices to enter and remain in employment and to achieve individual social rights. Based on a more qualitative approach, the second aim is to study policy dynamics in relation to changing value orientations, and to track the emergence of alternative policies and their intended target groups. For this purpose local political implementers in each country were interviewed.
The overall conclusion is that that the ways in which certain patterns of gender relations occur are closely related to the designs of national welfare policies. Still, within the groups of women and men factors such as age, educational attainment levels and family status are important or even decisive for attitudes towards female labour market participation. In addition, the extent to which attitudes correspond to actual female labour market behaviour seems largely to be a matter of public policy. While all three studies point at important national differences in welfare policies at the same time as patterns of value orientations converge, especially among women, the comparison of local policy levels reveals important withincountry variations. These variations concern the quantity as well as the quality of policy measures, that is, the political implications for gender on socio-economic situation, alternative political majority and historical and cultural heritage. Variations in local policy formulations are large in Italy and less pronounced in Germany and Sweden, and they illustrate the different political emphasis placed on the preservation, modification or transformation of what is defined as gender equality and as local or national cultural traditions. Local social and labour market policies depict quite different approaches. The degree of state control versus local autonomy is relevant for the outcome of local social policies on gender and both national and local policy formulations are important in determining whether the normative emphasis should be placed on the maintenance, reinforcement or alteration of gender relations. While such choices and decisions also include the acceptance or rejection of national, and even local differences in definitions of citizenship rights, they point at the inherent relativity of the concept and as a result, its gendering effects on social, economic and political equality.
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Thomsen, Stephan Lothar. « Evaluating the employment effects of job creation schemes in Germany ». Heidelberg : [Mannheim] : Physica-Verlag ; ZEW, Zentrum für Europäische Wirtschaftsforschung, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7908-1950-2.
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Arent, Stefan [Verfasser], Marcel [Akademischer Betreuer] Thum et Alexander [Akademischer Betreuer] Kemnitz. « Challenges of Reforming the Welfare State : Four Essays on the Impact of Institutional Reforms on Individuals in Germany / Stefan Arent. Gutachter : Marcel Thum ; Alexander Kemnitz ». Dresden : Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1069040622/34.
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Grönroos, (fd Johansson) Per. « Pension Reform in Continental Europe : A comparative study of pension reform in Germany and France during the years ofausterity 1990-2010 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-159219.
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As demographic and economic contexts have shifted, the need for pension systems to reform has increased. Often, however, these systems have proved difficult to change – especially in continental Europe. Despite this, Germany, by many considered particularly reform resistant, succeeded in reforming its pension system; while France, with its strong executive power, has not. As research has yet to find a consensus on what factors makes welfare retrenchment possible, this field requires more attention. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the developments of the German and French pension systems, from 1990-2010, and to unearth what factors made successful reform possible in Germany while it failed in France. Using a comparative case study, all major pension reforms in the two countries during the time period, are analysed from four institutionalist perspectives. The results point to three main factors explaining Germany’s successful reform. Firstly, the shock brought on by the reunification of East and West Germany forced politicians to act. France on the other hand, experienced no such shock. Secondly, the subduing of the unions removed the main veto player against reform. In contrast, the French unions, whose political power lies in their ability to call for manifestations and shift public opinion, could not be outflanked. Lastly, the new liberal ideas that permeated German politics around the turn of the century provided a locus for change that was lacking in France. These results suggest the importance of external pressure, veto players and ideational factors to major welfare reform.
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Glatte, Sarah. « Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.
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This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.
17
Barabasch, Antje. « Risk and the school-to-work transition in East Germany and the United States ». unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07262006-155533/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2005.Richard D. Lakes, committee chair; Philo Hutcheson, Jennifer R. Esposito, Philipp Gonon, committee members. Electronic text (451 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 363-411).
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Büdgen, Escario Christian. « The Consequences of the Social Contract in Income Inequality : A comparison study of Germany and Brazil ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669223.
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Reputable international organisations, such as OECD and ECLAC have revealed that although the tools actually do exist to tackle inequality, policy-makers have not been able to undertake effective policies to face this phenomenon (ECLAC, 2012) (OECD, 2011). Also a new team of researchers, led by Dani Rodrik, have created a network named Economics for Inclusive Prosperity (ECONFIP). In their introductory brief, they claim that the economy is not only the foundation of the market, but it should serve for the inclusive prosperity of all, not only for the top 1% (Rodrik, Naidu & Zucman; 2019). This ECONFIP group take some of their institutional approaches from Karl Polanyi, namely the double movement and embeddedness: “crucial markets (e.g. the “fictitious commodities” of labour, land, and capital) must be embedded in non-market institutions, the “rules of the game” supplied by government” (Rodrik, Naidu & Zucman; 2019: 6). Also, Kate Raworth (2018: 171) takes a multidimensional approach by delving into the correlation of income inequality with health - life expectancy – as well as education levels.
Two very different approaches of welfare state policies from Brazil and Germany are taken to study their impact on income inequality from 1990 to 2016. On the one hand the (a) Corporatist-welfare model, represented by Germany, and on the other hand; the (b) hybrid between a Residual and Universal model according to the Esping-Ansersen (1990) classification, as undertaken by Brazil. Both have been proven to possess advantages and drawbacks regarding their impact on income inequality.
This study goes in line with the literature that describe the welfare state models in emerging countries and more specifically, Latin American countries. The most known welfare state classifications from Titmuss (1974) to Esping Andersen (1990) are mainly focused on European countries. However, Latin American countries have not been the object of welfare state classifications until recently when Julianna Martinez (2007) has undertaken one of the most comprehensive study regarding Latin American welfare state classifications (Ubasart-González & Minteguiaga, 2017).
On the one hand, for the quantitative study, Germany and Brazil represent the cases of this longitudinal comparative study, which are analysed from 1990 to 2016, or the latest data available depending on the source of the database. The dependency relation between the explanatory variables together with the control is tested through a multiple linear regression. This statistical model is commonly used to test the relationship between two or more explanatory variables and a response variable by fitting a linear equation to observed data.
On the other hand, the descriptive study attempts to give an explanation for the results of the empirical study by analysing the following elements: the direction of social expenditure (how to spend the social budget) and the finance of this social budget (who contributes to the welfare state). Social expenditure allocations are divided and analysed through a longitudinal study from the early 1990s to the mid-2010s to understand the modifications in the social expenditure function in both countries. Afterwards, the different components of the social budget are classified from a sociological perspective following the so-called welfare classification of Esping-Andersen (1990). This descriptive analysis frames the results of this study within the current debates about the different outcomes of a welfare model in one and another socioeconomic context, especially within the discussions between less developed and OECD countries.
The conclusions of the thesis show that social contract plays an important role in reducing income inequality. In developing countries (Brazil) the focus on social assistance policies may help at first to bring people from the informal to the formal social contract. However, once most of the population work in formality conditions, welfare states policies become more complex and its power its more limited due to the existence of stronger forces that affect the strength of the formal labour market (dualization in the case of Germany).
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Leis, Annette. « Den kyrkliga diakonins roll inom ramen för två välfärdssystem : En jämförande fallstudie av två diakoniinstitutioner i Sverige och Tyskland ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Religionssociologi, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-4503.
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By conducting a case study of two diaconal institutions, Samariterhemmet in Uppsala/Sweden and the Evangelisches Diakoniewerk Schwäbisch Hall e.V. in Germany, the thesis compares the roles of church diaconal work within the Swedish and the German welfare system. These two systems are characterised by the different roles given to independent welfare organisations. The overarching research question is if and in which way the two diaconal institutions are effected by current changes within the field of welfare and how these changes challenge them to redefine their roles. The material analysed contains written documents, interviews with selected representatives and the results of participant observation in both institutions. As changes in the roles of independent welfare organisations were expected the results are unexpected. The two diaconal institutions show considerable persistence. Neither the orientation of their fields of work nor their own definitions of their roles within the welfare system have changed during the 1990s. In addition, the study reveals that both institutions regard themselves as a critical voice within the welfare system although their welfare engagement differs considerably. The German institution is a huge welfare provider while the Swedish institution conducts targeted initiatives. The analysis of four decisions within hospital work reveals that security of planning and freedom of action motivate the institutions to undertake responsibility for social services. The study points especially to the fields of education and research helping the institutions to maintain and to develop the diaconal profile. Altogether the results underline the need for more research on the meso-level of the third sector. This would contribute to a more nuanced discussion on the future role of independent welfare organisations within the Swedish and the German welfare system.
20
Wolff, Annabelle. « The British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party : changing attitudes towards the welfare state ». Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/10100.
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Placing politics in time can greatly enrich our understanding of complex social dynamics. The question this thesis tries to answer is which mechanism led to the change in attitudes of the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party towards the welfare state during the period from 1990 to 2010 and which effects in consequence these changes had on the existing welfare states. This thesis builds on the welfare state categorization work done by the Danish sociologist Gosta Esping-Andersen ("Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism"). However, the thesis focuses its in- depth analysis on Germany and the United Kingdom as prototypical conservative and liberal states. The heuristic text analysis, as well as the discourse analysis of party leader speeches, party manifestos and programmes, as well as the conducted expert interviews reveal that social, political, technological and economic changes during the given time period radically challenged and changed the norms and values of the welfare providers and with it the given welfare state, as well as the meaning, function and value of work. While many may argue that it was mainly the neo-liberal political and economic style that changed the attitude towards the welfare state, it was in fact just the trigger for a radical change in the interpretation of the basic social democratic values of freedom, justice and solidarity. This change made significant welfare state reforms inevitable and only with further changes can a balance and satisfaction within the welfare state system and within all welfare providing sectors (the state, the market, households and the third sector) be achieved. A new balanced social democratic approach for the 21st century is a ‘symmetrical welfare state’ that stands for mirror-image equality.
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Rake, Katherine. « Ageing and inequality : older women and men in the British, French and German welfare states ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286408.
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Bouiller, Sophie. « Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la justice sociale dans les années 1980. Une identité social-démocrate à l'épreuve de l'unification (1989-1990) ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL024.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse propose une analyse des notions de justice sociale et d'État-providence au prisme de la politique sociale du SPD dans les années 1980. À la fois parti d'opposition au Bundestag à Bonn et parti au pouvoir dans certains Länder en RFA, le SPD se trouvait dans une position ambiguë, propre au fédéralisme allemand. Afin de peser sur les réformes sociales initiées par le ministre du Travail Norbert Blüm (CDU) pour résoudre la crise de l'État-providence, les sociaux-démocrates adoptèrent une stratégie alternant opposition et coopération avec le gouvernement Kohl. Dans le même temps, ils engagèrent un travail de refondation programmatique en vue de reconquérir le pouvoir en 1990. Aux divisions générationnelles communément admises par la recherche se substitua une fracture entre une « aile sociale » adepte d'une politique traditionnelle et une « aile réformatrice » sensible aux valeurs post-matérialistes et « écosocialistes ». Du fait de son immédiateté, le processus d'unification de l'Allemagne (1989-1990) constitua un révélateur permettant de juger, à l'épreuve des faits, la validité des programmes et des discours sociaux-démocrates. Malgré les propositions concrètes de Rudolf Dreßler pour améliorer l'union sociale entre la RFA et la RDA, le SPD ne parvint ni à se faire entendre sur la question de l'unité allemande ni à imposer sa volonté de refonder l'État-providence. Les réserves d'Oskar Lafontaine sur l'emballement des coûts économiques et sociaux contribuèrent à entretenir la confusion concernant la position du SPD sur l'unité allemandeThis doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification.This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification
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Glaeser, Janina. « Politiques du 'care' en France et en Allemagne : étude des parcours des assistant-e-s maternel-le-s issu-e-s de l'immigration ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG030.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse de doctorat vise à étudier la manière dont les politiques du care agissent sur la mobilité sociale des assistant-e-s maternel-le-s issu-e-s de l’immigration en France et en Allemagne (de l’Ouest). Elle vise aussi à interroger la répartition du travail de care entre les femmes et plus largement la problématique globale du care dans l’État-providence européen. À partir d’entretiens biographiques avec des assistant-e-s maternel-le-s dans les deux pays, sont étudiées les conditions de la sous-traitance des tâches ménagères et de la garde des enfants qui permettent aux mères (et aux pères) d’être actifs-vesThis research project examines how care policies affect the social mobility of child minders with migrant backgrounds in France and (West) Germany. As an element of modern division of labour among women, the child minders’ situation influences the issue of care in the European welfare state within society as a whole. Taking biographical-narrative interviews with registered family home-based child minders in both countries as a basis, those actors are considered who enable mothers (and fathers) to go to work within the scope of outsourcing domestic housework and day care duties
Es wird in diesem Forschungsprojekt untersucht, wie care policies auf die soziale Mobilität migrantischer Kindertagespflegepersonen in Frankreich und Westdeutschland einwirken und damit, als Teil der modernen Arbeitsteilung unter Frauen, die gesamtgesellschaftliche Problematik von Care im europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaat beeinflussen. Anhand von biografisch-narrativen Interviews mit registrierten Tageseltern in beiden Ländern werden Akteure in den Blick genommen, die den Müttern (und Vätern) im Prozess des Outsourcings von Haushalts- und Fürsorgearbeit ermöglichen, erwerbstätig zu sein
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Schrenker, Markus. « Generationengerechtigkeit in der Alterssicherung ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17545.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Die Arbeit zeigt im Rahmen einer theoretischen Analyse, einer Institutionenanalyse und einer empirischen Einstellungsanalyse, welche normativen Konzepte von Gerechtigkeit in der Alterssicherung relevant sind, wie vor diesem Hintergrund bestimmte institutionelle Regelungen zu bewerten sind und welche Einstellungen in der deutschen Bevölkerung dazu vorliegen. Zunächst wird dargelegt, dass es kein a priori vollständig überzeugendes Konzept von Generationengerechtigkeit gibt. Insbesondere auf Generational-Equity basierende Ansätze, die suggerieren das Problem intergenerationaler Gerechtigkeit in der Rentenversicherung finanzmathematisch lösen zu können, muss mit Skepsis begegnet werden. Aufgrund theoretischer Überlegungen vorzuziehen sind hybride Konzepte, die sowohl universalistische als auch kultur- und demo-sensitive Aspekte in sich vereinen. Die Institutionenanalyse erbringt weiter, dass das zentrale mit Generationengerechtigkeit verknüpfte Problem weniger die Ungleichheit zwischen Generationen hinsichtlich ihrer durchschnittlichen Güterausstattung ist, sondern die in der Generationenfolge zunehmende intragenerationale Ungleichheit. Schließlich zeigt die empirische Analyse der Gerechtigkeitseinstellungen, dass Statussicherung bei den Renten wichtiger einzuschätzen ist als Beitragsäquivalenz. Die primären Vorstellungen von Gerechtigkeit in der Alterssicherung orientieren sich stark am institutionellen Status quo und kaum an abstrakten Generational-Equity-Konzepten, die die in der Bevölkerung verbreitete Verlustaversion vernachlässigen. Urteilsheuristiken und regimespezifische Sozialisation erklären dabei insgesamt mehr Variation als partikulare ökonomische oder altersspezifische Interessen. Die Probleme des Rentensystems im Zuge des demografischen Wandels werden gleichwohl gesehen, wobei Lösungsansätze eher in der Familien- und Bildungspolitik gesucht werden, während Reformen im bestehenden Rentensystem Ungerechtigkeitsgefühle kurzfristig sogar verstärken.This thesis demonstrates by theoretical, institutional and empirical analysis, which justice concepts are relevant in old-age provision, how specific institutional arrangements have to be evaluated in this context and which justice attitudes on that matter exist in the German population. Firstly, there is no a priori convincing theoretical concept of generational justice. Especially concepts based on generational equity that propose to solve the problem of intergenerational justice in old-age provision by generational accounting methods have to be considered with skepticism. For theoretical reasons, hybrid concepts that encompass universalistic as well as culture- and demo-sensitive aspects should be preferred. Institutional analysis shows furthermore that the central problem connected to generational justice has less to do with inequality between generations and more with growing inequality within cohorts in the generational succession. Finally, the empirical analysis of justice attitudes provides evidence for the relative priority of status conservation over input-equity in the determination of just old-age benefits. Primary notions of justice in old-age provision are strongly anchored in the institutional status quo and only marginally influenced by abstract generational equity concepts that also neglect widespread loss aversion among individuals. Heuristics and regime-specific socialization explain more variation in justice attitudes than particularistic economic or age-specific interests do. The general public does not neglect the problems of pension-systems in the wake of demographic changes however, but solutions are rather seen in family and education policies, while reforms in existing pension arrangements even amplify feelings of injustice in the short run.
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DALY, Mary E. « The gender division of welfare : the British and German welfare states compared ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5160.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 7 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch, European University Institute, supervisor ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier, European University Institute ; Prof. Jane Lewis, All Souls College, Oxford ; Prof. Ilona Ostner, Georg-August-Universität Götting ; Prof. Yossi Shavit, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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MAU, Steffen. « The moral economy of welfare states : Britain and Germany compared ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5275.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 April 2002Examining board: Prof. Richard Breen (EUI/University of Oxford - supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI) ; Prof. Stephan Leibfried (Universität Bremen) ; Prof. Karl Ulrich Mayer (MPI für Bildungforschung Berlin)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The welfare state can be regarded as the major institutional arrangement of western societies that contributes to a socially accepted allocation of resources amongst the members of a given society. It is a means by which the political sphere re-balances intolerable inequalities and outcomes that have occurred within the market. For this purpose, a significant proportion of income must be transferred between individuals and social groups. Most welfare measures, therefore, are redistributive measures that aim at achieving a distribution of societal resources that is preferable to the primary distribution of the market.
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PASTER, Thomas. « Choosing lesser evils : the role of business in the development of the German welfare state from the 1880s to the 1990s ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 June 2009Examining Board: Colin Crouch (Warwick Business School), Anke Hassel (Hertie School of Governance), Martin Rhodes (University of Denverm formely EUI) (Co-Supervisor), Sven Steinmo (EUI) (Supervisor)
First made available online on 13 November 2019
This thesis is an empirical study of the role of organized business in the formation of marketcorrecting industrial relations and welfare state institutions, relying on a historical-diachronic case study of welfare state development in Germany from the 1880s to the 1990s. How did the formation of the 'German model' become possible in the face of employers’ structural power? The thesis confronts two alternative theoretical approaches for explaining employers’ acceptance of market-correcting institutions: an economic-functionalist approach ('crossclass coalition thesis') and a political-strategic approach ('political accommodation thesis'). The first one focuses on economic benefits derived by specific types of firms from welfare state and industrial relations institutions, the second on political constraints and changes in the political power structure, and employers’ strategic responses to them. The thesis finds that the political accommodation thesis has greater explanatory power and challenges business interest-based explanations of welfare state development. The empirical analysis in the thesis traces the preferences (interest perceptions), strategic considerations, and resulting policy positions of the national employer federations in Germany during three different political regimes: the Wilhelmine Empire (1871-1918), the inter-war Weimar Republic (1918-1933), and the post-war Federal Republic (1949-1990s). The analysis focuses on those historical reform events that, in retrospect, came to shape welfare state and industrial relations institutions in Germany. Process analysis based on historical sources and diachronic comparison are used as methods to reconstruct (i) the motivations of employers for supporting or opposing specific policy options, and (ii) the socio-political and institutional environment within which employers formed their preferences and strategies. The thesis studies Germany as a crucial case study because of the paradigmatic character of this country as a type of non-liberal capitalism that is often understood to benefit certain types of firms today. Empirically, the thesis finds that socio-political and institutional constraints motivated employers to accept specific policies and institutions, rather than hard-wired economic interests. The thesis identifies two dominant employer strategies in welfare state politics: (a) pacification of radicalized elements within labor, and (b) containment of expansionary reform projects. Moreover, the thesis finds that employers consistently preferred conservative types of social policies to universalist (social democratic) alternatives, and explains this as a result of differential impacts on work incentives. The deliberate formation of cross-class coalitions is found to have been rare and to have happened only under conditions of extraordinary political and economic uncertainty. Issues of skill formation are found to have played a marginal role.
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Arent, Stefan. « Challenges of Reforming the Welfare State : Four Essays on the Impact of Institutional Reforms on Individuals in Germany ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A28359.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the first part of this doctoral thesis we analyse changes in old-age income risk in Germany using micro-simulation model due to changes in employment patterns and institutional reforms. We focus on the statutory pension scheme and we analyse the old-age income risk of individuals as well as of households with respect to the skill level. Our findings help to clarify the risk of post-retirement poverty for specific household constellations We find that the risk of old-age poverty will increase for almost all new pensioners in 2020-2022 compared to new pensioners in 2004-2006. Due to the characteristics of a PAYG pension system, political decision-makers have to improve labour market participation, e.g. by support the improvement of skill level.
Moreover we take a closer look at the impact of the Hartz-Reforms on wages. We use panel data to estimate the effect of the structural break on wages and find strong evidence that the decrease in unemployment benefit lowered wages. Our findings show that the Hartz-Reform induced wage restraint and may also be partly responsible for the favourable labour market situation in Germany.
After analysing the effect of institutional reforms on old-age income and wage, we examine whether households adjust their savings behaviour to a change in their individual unemployment, income and health expectations. We use survey panel data on German household savings and expectations. The findings suggest, in contrast to the theory of textbook models, that a higher unemployment expectation significantly decreases the (short-term) saving rate. This result may be due to labour market legislation after the Hartz-Reforms.:1 Introduction 1
1.1 Summary 3
1.2 Contribution to the literature 7
1.3 References 9
2 A Fragile Pillar: Statutory Pensions and the Risk of Old-age Poverty in Germany 11
2.1 Introduction 11
2.2 The German Statutory Pension Insurance 13
2.3 Methodology 16
2.4 Results 22
2.4.1 Male pensioners 22
2.4.2 Female pensioners 25
2.4.3 Relevance of skill 27
2.5 Sensitivity Analysis 31
2.6 Conclusion 34
2.7 References 37
2.8 Appendix 40
3 Is There a Growing Risk of Old-age Poverty in Eastern Germany? 44
3.1 Introduction 44
3.2 The German Pension System 46
3.3 Demographic Setting in Eastern Germany 48
3.4 Data and Methodology 49
3.5 Single-person Households 52
3.5.1 Males 52
3.5.2 Females 55
II
3.6 Two-Person-Households 57
3.7 Widows 62
3.8 Conclusion 64
3.9 References 65
3.10 Appendix 66
4 Unemployment Compensation and Wages: Evidence from the German Hartz-Reform 68
4.1 Introduction 68
4.2 The German Hartz-Reform 69
4.3 Data 71
4.4 Methodology 73
4.5 Results 76
4.6 Conclusions 82
4.7 References 84
4.8 Data 87
4.9 Appendix 88
5 Expectations and Saving Behavior: An Empirical Analysis 93
5.1 Introduction 93
5.2 Theoretical Discussion 95
5.3 Data 97
5.4 Empirical Strategy 100
5.5 Empirical Results 104
5.6 Conclusions 114
5.7 References 117
5.8 Data 119
5.9 Appendix 120
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Sun, Ming-Hui, et 孫名慧. « Early Childhood Care and Education Policy and Reform in the Federal Republic of Germany – in the View of Welfare State ». Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/43977989145099446122.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
96
Today, more and more women joint labour market. Family can not bear the responsibility of early childhood care and education by their own. It is no longer the private affairs, instead of family, government play an important role of this area. Government sould help parents a better work-family balance, especially the early childhood care and education policy. Nevertheless, because of the conservative corporatist welfare model, the early childhood care and education policy in german is limited. The level of defamilialization of conservative corporatist welfare state is low. German is widely recognized as a strong male breadwinner/female carer model, government offers various family and children allowances, in order to preserve functions of family. However, the early childhood care and education policy in german is lack of child day care centers, especially the children under the age of three. Recently, German faces social and demographical change. Not only the labour force participation rates of women in German continue to increase, the birth rates is even lower than EU’s average. Besides, German is one of the member of EU and OECD, and both two organizations propose some targets or advises for early childhood care and education. Because of those inside and outside causes, German has to reform this policy area. The main points of German’s reform include the reconciliation of children and family allowances, for example Elterngeld. On the other hand, the federal government establishes Day-Care Expansion Act(TAG) to support expansion of child day-care institutions and development of the quality of child day-care in institutions for all children under the age of three. The conclusion of the study is, although German’s early childhood care and education policy still keep the conservative corporatist character, it regards family as the most important carer for children. However, due to the inside and outside influences and challenges, German begin to take account of the care outside family. Day care institutions replace family’s care and education gradually.
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Nam, Hyun-Wook. « Die Politik und das Verwaltungssystem im Bereich der Wohlfahrt eines geteilten Landes / ». 1990. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=002729750&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Texte intégral
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WU, MEI-LING, et 吳美玲. « The Challenges and Responses of German Welfare State to Economic Globalization ». Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/22381678421408280640.
Texte intégralRésumé :
碩士淡江大學
歐洲研究所
93
After the Second World War, the European countries underwent heavy fall. Many governments in the postwar regarded Keynesism as their doctrine and this influenced the national economic policy. And under the Bretton Woods Agreement, every country had greater power to control his domestic economy. At this period, many states chose the welfare system and from 1945 to 1970''s was called the golden age of the welfare state. In the early 70''s broke the oil crisis and world economy growth was stagnant. International factors let welfare states face new challenges and the coming globalization in 90''s brought the bigger shock to them. Under the influences of economic globalization, the government gradually has less power to control its economic policy. The exodus of industries from developed countries, the free flow of capital across borders, and the decreases in public revenue make welfare states have huge deficit. The increasing unemployment rate even let these states understand that they have to innovate as soon as possible. This paper in the above-mentioned historic background addresses the challenges and problems of German welfare state to economic globalization and the responses and innovation of Germany against this international change. Germany is also one of the welfare states and she faces the same problems like other welfare states, but compared with the United Kingdom and Sweden, the innovation of Germany started quite late. In March of 2003, German chancellor — Schröder administration presented Agenda 2010 and intended to innovate and to build new Germany. Until now, it is still hard to judge whether this innovation plan succeeds or not, but the protest march in the summer of 2004 was a signal to Schröder. The continued process of German innovation is worthy to further observe and work.
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HIEN, Josef. « Competing ideas : the religious foundations of the German and Italian welfare states ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/24614.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 November 2012First made available on 21 October 2015
Examining Board: Professor Sven Steinmo (EUI Supervisor); Professor Stefano Bartolini (EUI); Professor Mark Blyth (Brown University); Professor Wolfgang Streeck (Max Planck Institute).
This thesis investigates the influence of political Catholicism and Catholic social doctrine on the evolution of the continental European welfare regimes. Paradoxically it finds that the doctrine had less influence on the formation of welfare regimes in countries where Catholicism was strong in contrast to countries where it was in a weak minority position. This finding does not only challenge many of the accounts that have perceived and analyzed religious influences on welfare state formation as a static and quantifiable variable but also addresses and rivals most postulations of mainstream welfare state theories such as Logic of Industrialism, Power Resource, Class Coalition and Employer Centered Approaches. In contrast to these postulations this thesis finds that welfare in continental Europe evolved during the 19th century and most of the 20th century as the result of a battle over ideas and worldviews between different societal groups and their political outlets. Which idea and worldview makes its way into institutional implementation is not primarily connected to the mere numerical strength or power resources of its societal and political representation but is a function of the performance of the programmatic ideas themselves. Decisive is how they strive in competition with other programmatic ideas. Two mechanisms stick out that determine whether programmatic ideas are successful: the performance and evolution of the idea in a process of ideational competition and the degree of ideational compatibility of a programmatic idea other ideas that enables the formation of ideational and political coalitions. The programmatic ideas and hence the worldview that performs these two tasks best wins its way into institutional implementation. Though, ideational competition, evolution and implementation is not solely endogenous to the battle of ideas but structured through a variety of exogenous factors such as the institutional (election system, mode of governance, degree of enfranchisement) and structural-material environment (pace of industrialization, spatial diffusion of economic development, number of ideational competitors). The thesis will show against the backdrop of the Italian and German welfare state development, from the end of the 19h century to the present, that these battles of ideas and worldviews were a major driver in how continental European political economies were structured during the 20th century.
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NAUMANN, Ingela. « Childcare politics in the West German and Swedish welfare states from the 1950s to the 1970s ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6348.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 2 October 2006Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (Humboldt-University, Berlin) ; Prof. Birgit Pfau-Effinger (University Hamburg) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (European University Institute) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (The University of Warwick)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Štroblová, Hana. « Komparace pojetí mateřských a rodičovských dávek v České republice a vybraných evropských zemích ». Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328754.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis Comparison of maternity and parental benefits in the Czech Republic and selected European countries dealing with the issue of support for families with children through social system. The paper briefly describes the benefits provided by the Czech Republic and other European countries. The other countries are the United Kingdom, Denmark, Italy and Germany. In the analytical part of the work is the concept of single doses compared and consequently are formulated recommendations for the Czech Republic, which should take from other states. At the same time, there are processed example term experience in other countries monitored. In conclusion, it is assessed that the setting of maternity and parental benefits corresponds to the theoretical concept of typology of welfare states. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
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Rivier, Sabine Anne. « Parentalité et travail familial en France et en Allemagne - le parentalisme, nouveau mode de régulation ? - ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-AF01-B.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les évolutions contemporaines de la famille ainsi que leur dynamique sont le point de départ de notre recherche. Notre objet est de montrer en quoi et comment ces changements placent nécessairement les relations de l'enfant avec ses deux parents au centre de l'attention et de la normalisation sociale. Nous appelons ce processus le "parentalisme" que nous analysons dans ses deux versions sociétales française et allemande. A cet effet, nous comparons les modes de construction de la parentalité dans ces deux pays, comme le résultat des pratiques familiales, des effets sur ces pratiques de la participation des parents au marché du travail, d'une part, des politiques familiales et des dispositifs publiques de protection sociale, de l'autre.Dans le premier chapitre, nous étudions les formes de parentalité à partir d'un bilan de l'évolution socio-démographique des configurations familiales et des pratiques parentales pour mettre en évidence la manière dont la parentalité s'est peu à peu imposée comme une nouvelle unité "théorique", puis comment il est possible de définir les formes actuelles de parentalité ("bilatérale" et "unilatérale" ; "première" et "composée"). Puis, nous comparons l'activité professionnelle des pères et des mères et leurs effets sur la nature et la forme du lien entre l'enfant et ses parents. Enfin, nous nous consacrons à ce que les évolutions des politiques sociales et familiales donne à lire du rôle parental et de son partage entre les genres, mais aussi entre les parents et les pouvoirs publics. Une nouvelle distinction est proposée entre le modèle de la "parentalité exclusive" (quant le parent est inactif) et celui de la "parentalité conciliée" (quant il y a un exercice concomitant d'une activité professionnelle et des fonctions parentales).Le deuxième chapitre est consacré aux normes de parentalité à travers le traitement des risques familiaux engendrés par les ruptures conjugales. D'abord envisagée sous l'angle des évolutions du traitement juridique du risque familial, nous analysons ensuite la manière dont la norme actuelle de parentalité est construite dans les cas des familles unies et séparées. Et si la place de l'enfant est bien la même dans les deux pays, les rôles des pères et des mères, dans leurs relations personnelles à l'enfant, comme dans leur dimension conjugale, sont différents. La conception des rapports de genre mais aussi la nature du rapport entre l'Etat et la famille expliquent ces divergences. Le chapitre conclut sur le modèle de la "coparentalité" dans le cas français (véhiculant une norme de coopération parentale) et de la "biparentalité" dans le cas allemand (qui désigne une différenciation sexuée, une individualisation du rapport à l'enfant, et une non- ingérence des pouvoirs publics dans les rapports conjugaux).Le troisième chapitre est consacré aux pratiques de parentalité et au partage du "travail familial" en tenant compte des possibilités de délégation à des institutions, à l'effet de l'activité professionnelle de chaque parent et au rôle du réseau informel des ménages. Notre concept de "travail familial" désigne la négociation de l'ensemble des activités effectuées par les mères et les pères : professionnelles, parentales et domestiques. Notre objectif est de montrer, comment varient les pratiques familiales de partage du "travail familial", en fonction des différents modes d'intégration au marché de l'emploi. La répartition du travail parental ne s'effectue plus uniquement suivant les distinctions de genre, mais surtout suivant l'exercice de la parentalité (laquelle s'oriente de plus en plus vers une norme égalitaire malgré des inégalités encore persistantes).En conclusion, nous montrons que les rapports entre l'enfant et ses deux parents régulent actuellement les rapports familiaux, le risque familial et le partage du travail familial, définissant ainsi le "parentalisme". Puis, nous retraçons l'évolution des modes de régulation publique de la famille : le "parentalisme" fait suite en France au "familialisme" de l'après-guerre, puis au "féminisme" des années 1970 et 1980. En Allemagne, le "parentalisme" a succédé dans les années 1990 au "conjugalisme" de l'après-guerre. Ainsi, les deux pays convergent actuellement vers ce nouveau mode de régulation sociale, au delà de leurs différences sociétales dues aux effets spécifiques entre le marché du travail, l'Etat et la famille.
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Ochoa, Fernández Esther. « Erwerbstätig oder Hausfrau ? » Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0020-5F16-4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Im Laufe der 70er, 80er und 90er Jahre nahm die Frauenerwerbsbeteiligung in Europa zu bei gleichzeitiger Abnahme der Männerbeschäftigung. Jedoch, und trotz des Politikwan-dels in Richtung eines „adult worker model“, sind Frauen weiterhin von diskontinuierliche-ren Erwerbsbiographien betroffen als Männer. In meiner Dissertation gehe ich der Frage nach, welche Faktoren die Erwerbsdiskontinuität von Frauen in den 90er Jahren beeinflus-sen. Dabei wird der Übergang von der Erwerbstätigkeit in die Hausfrauentätigkeit in Westdeutschland, Italien und Spanien untersucht.
In den 90er Jahren waren Westdeutschland und Italien in der Kinderbetreuung explizit fa-milialistische Wohlfahrtsstaaten, während Spanien implizit familialistisch war. Frauen wa-ren jedoch in Spanien und Italien kontinuierlicher erwerbstätig als in Westdeutschland. Anhand dieses Ländervergleiches wird in der Dissertation deutlich, dass die familienpoliti-schen Rahmenbedingungen einen Einfluss haben, jedoch nicht ausreichend zur Erklärung der Erwerbsdiskontinuität von Frauen sind.
In beiden südeuropäischen Ländern hat eine hohe Bildung einen relativ starken negativen Effekt auf den Übergang in die Hausfrauentätigkeit, der nicht in Westdeutschland vorhan-den ist. Ebenfalls zeigt die Zugehörigkeit zu unterschiedlichen Berufsklassen in beiden südeuropäischen Ländern signifikante Effekte, die nicht in Westdeutschland zu finden sind. Aufgrund der statistischen Kontrolle des Einkommens können die Ergebnisse von Bildung und von der Berufsklasse nicht ausschließlich auf materielle Gegebenheiten zu-rückgeführt werden. Die Erwerbsdiskontinuität von Frauen wird durch Ressourcen, Oppor-tunitäten und Restriktionen beeinflusst, aber auch durch kulturelle und Identitätsprozesse, die mit der Zugehörigkeit zu einer bestimmten Klasse oder mit einem bestimmten Bil-dungsniveau verbunden sind.
Dem Arbeitsmarkt kommt in Italien und Spanien ebenfalls eine zentrale Bedeutung zu. Obwohl in allen drei Ländern befristete Arbeitsverhältnisse sowie die Erwerbstätigkeit in einem kleinen Unternehmen den Übergang von Frauen in die Hausfrauentätigkeit positiv beeinflussen, ist der Einfluss in Westdeutschland nicht so stark ausgeprägt wie in Italien und Spanien. Die Teilzeitarbeit beeinflusst ausschließlich in den beiden südeuropäischen Ländern positiv den Übergang. In Italien spielt die Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Sektor außerdem eine zentrale Rolle: sie beeinflusst negativ den Übergang in die Hausfrauentä-tigkeit.
Die Analyse zeigt ebenfalls Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen allen drei Ländern. Die Episoden der Hausfrauentätigkeit beeinflussen in allen drei Ländern den Übergang in die Hausfrau-entätigkeit positiv. Sie gehören zum Lebenskonzept erwerbstätiger Frauen und weisen auf geltende traditionelle Wertvorstellungen bezüglich der Geschlechterrollen hin. Die Anwe-senheit eines Ehepartners zeigt ebenfalls in allen drei Ländern positive Effekte auf den Übergang, während das Erwerbseinkommen negativ den Übergang beeinflusst. Aufgrund der statistischen Kontrolle des Anteils des eigenen Einkommens am Haushaltseinkommen hat der positive Effekt der Anwesenheit eines Ehepartners weniger mit der Ressourcenver-teilung innerhalb des Haushalts als mit traditionellen Geschlechterrollen und Wertvorstel-lungen in der Ehepartnerschaft zu tun. Sowohl das Einkommen als auch die Episoden der Hausfrauentätigkeit zeigen in Westdeutschland stärkere Effekte als in Italien und Spanien. Diese Ergebnisse werden als Hinweis für die traditionellere Geschlechterrollenvorstellung westdeutscher erwerbstätiger Frauen als von erwerbstätigen italienischen und spanischen Frauen interpretiert. Dies wird durch eine deskriptive Analyse über die Einstellung er-werbstätiger Frauen bezüglich der Geschlechterrollen in allen drei Ländern bestätigt.
In den drei Ländern wurde außerdem ein zusätzlicher Übergang untersucht. Während in Westdeutschland dem Übergang in die Hausfrauentätigkeit bei gleichzeitiger geringfügiger Erwerbstätigkeit eine wichtige Bedeutung zukommt, ist in Italien und in Spanien der Übergang in die arbeitslose Hausfrauentätigkeit von Bedeutung. In allen drei Ländern konnten unterschiedliche Ergebnisse festgestellt werden, je nachdem ob die Hausfrauentä-tigkeit mit einer Nicht-Erwerbstätigkeit, oder mit einer geringfügigen Erwerbstätigkeit in Westdeutschland beziehungsweise mit einer Arbeitslosigkeit in Italien und Spanien kom-biniert wird. Dies weist auf die Notwendigkeit einer präzisen Beschreibung der Hausfrau-entätigkeit hin.