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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Voting – European Union countries »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Voting – European Union countries"

Saman Shojae Chaeikar, Mazdak Zamani, Christian Sunday Chukwuekezie et Mojtaba Alizadeh. « Electronic Voting Systems for European Union Countries ». Journal of Next Generation Information Technology 4, n^o 5 (31 juillet 2013) : 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4156/jnit.vol4.issue5.3.

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Grumstrup, Ethan J., Todd Sorensen, Jan Misiuna et Marta Pachoka. « Immigration and Voting Patterns in the European Union ». Migration Letters 18, n^o 5 (30 septembre 2021) : 573–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v18i5.943.

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Tempers flared in Europe in response to the 2015 European Refugee Crisis, prompting some countries to totally close their borders to asylum seekers. This was seen to have fueled anti-immigrant sentiment, which grew in Europe along with the support for far-right political parties that had previously languished. This sparked a flurry of research into the relationship between immigration and far-right voting, which has found mixed and nuanced evidence of immigration increasing far-right support in some cases, while decreasing support in others. To provide more evidence to this unsettled debate in the empirical literature, we use data from over 400 European parties to systematically select cases of individual countries. We augment this with a cross-country quantitative study. Our analysis finds little evidence that immigrant populations are related to changes in voting for the right. Our finding gives evidence that factors other than immigration are the true cause of rises in right-wing voting.

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Marchuk, M., et L. Gudz. « Local elections in the European Union and Ukraine : comparative characteristics ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, n^o 70 (18 juin 2022) : 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.16.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the electoral legislation of the EU countries and Ukraine at the local level and on the basis of this analysis, the proposals to improve the electoral legislation of Ukraine take into account the experience of the European Union. The main forms of direct democracy in most EU member countries and Ukraine are fixed at the constitutional level, and the procedure of preparing and holding elections is regulated by special election laws. Domestic electoral legislation is overloaded with detailed norms of procedural aspects, unlike the legislation of EU countries, in which much more attention is paid to the issues of transparency of party financial funds and transparency of election campaign financing, as well as protection of national minorities’ interests. The main ways of exercising the right to vote not at the place of inclusion in the voter lists in the EU member states were characterized: voting by absentee ballots at specially designated polling stations, voting on the territory of diplomatic and consular missions, voting by mail, proxy voting, mobile voting, voting via the Internet, distance voting. It is noted that the norms in which the institution of a cash deposit is enshrined are discriminatory since they violate the principle of equality of suffrage and create a situation in which candidates are excluded from the political arena on the basis of the property criterion. Relevant for EU countries is the adoption of measures to create appropriate conditions for the full implementation of the principle of equality of citizens before the law, in particular, to overcome the actual inequality of opportunities between women and men. In order to bring Ukrainian legislation in line with international standards set by the European Union, we propose: to grant the right to vote in local elections to citizens of other states or stateless persons who permanently reside on the territory of the respective territorial community and permanently pay local taxes and fees have common local interests related to everyday life, infrastructure, communication, recreation; to introduce electronic voting; not to apply the institution of cash deposit at the local level; to introduce individual (party) gender quotas, following the French example.

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Dąbroś, Wojciech, et Janusz Kudła. « The voting of EU members for common consolidated corporate tax base and the tax benefits ». Central European Economic Journal 7, n^o 54 (9 septembre 2020) : 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2020-0005.

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AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of European Parliament members on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) proposal and economic characteristics of their respective countries. We are concerned about the political and economy factors behind policy and decision making of CCCTB in European Parliament. The analysis is conducted with Logit model identifying factors affecting the voting consultation decision of the Parliament of the European Union in 2018. Particularly, we investigate the impact of four components taken from tax benefit index proposed by W. Orłowski. We have found that economic factors alone are responsible the voting behaviour of the European Union deputies, not their personal characteristics.

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Bryson, Alex, Rafael Gomez, Tobias Kretschmer et Paul Willman. « What Accounts for the Union Member Advantage in Voter Turnout ? Evidence from the European Union, 2002-2008 ». Articles 69, n^o 4 (21 janvier 2015) : 732–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1028110ar.

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Across countries, union membership and voter turnout are highly correlated. In unadjusted terms, union members maintain a roughly 0.10 to 0.12 point gap in voting propensity over non-members. We motivate empirically and propose a model—with three causal channels—that explains this correlation and then empirically tests for the contribution of each channel to the overall union voting gap. The first channel by which union members are more likely to vote is through the so-called "monopoly-face" of unionism (i.e., unionization increases wages for members and higher incomes are a significant positive determinant of voting). The second is the so-called "social custom" model of unionism, which argues that union co-worker peer pressure creates incentives to vote amongst members for the purpose of having cast a ballot or being seen at the voting poll. The third and final channel is based on the "voice-face" of unionism whereby employees who are (or have been) exposed to the formalities of collective bargaining and union representation at the workplace are also more likely to increase their attachment to structures of democratic governance in society as well. We test to see how much of the raw "union voting premium" is accounted for by these three competing channels, using contemporary data from 29 European countries. We find that all three channels are at work, with voice the dominant effect (half of the overall gap attributed to this channel) and the other two (monopoly and social custom), each accounting for approximately one-fourth of the overall union voting gap.

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Gorgosz, Adrian. « Kto i z kim ? Analiza rozbieżności stanowisk w głosowaniach w Radzie Unii Europejskiej, w latach 2009–20141 ». Przegląd europejski 2 (5 mars 2019) : 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0864.

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The purpose of the article is to analyse the cases of contestation of decisions in the Council of the European Union during voting on legislative acts in the ordinary legislative procedure, in the period 2009–2014. In the first step, two research hypotheses were delineated. The first one assumed the dominance of the coalition culture in voting, the second one assumed the opposite, the dominance of the culture of consensus. In addition, two further hypotheses were delineated which assumed conflicts in the European Union between the countries of the north and south and between the “old” vs. “new” Union. In order to verify the hypotheses, a multidimensional scaling technique was applied. Empirical analysis confirmed that the dominant culture of voting is the culture of consensus. Despite this, several countries strongly emphasised their separate positions, trying to form coalitions. Moreover, conflicts between the north and south Europe and the “new” and “old” Union were not confirmed.

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Dennison, James, Daniel Seddig et Eldad Davidov. « The Role of Human Values in Explaining Support for European Union Membership ». Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 52, n^o 4 (26 mars 2021) : 372–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220221211005082.

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In recent years, there has been greater scholarly enquiry into explaining variation in support for European Union membership. We theorise that one cause of such variation is likely to be non-political psychological predispositions, such as one’s personal values. We test this proposition by applying Schwartz’s theory of basic human values to predict voting intentions in hypothetical referendums on EU membership. We theorise that these values determine both voting intentions and more proximate explanatory variables of support for EU membership: attitudes to immigration and identifying as European. Using data on 13 countries from the European Social Survey ( N=24,703 citizens) and multigroup structural equation modeling, we demonstrate that this psychological framework effectively predicts voting intentions, notably in terms of the consistent cross-country evidence for indirect effects of values on support for membership via European identity and attitudes to immigration. We then discuss the implications of our findings, including differences in effects between countries.

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Kleinowski, Marcin. « The impact of Brexit on the voting power in the Council of the European Union ». Przegląd europejski 4 (6 août 2019) : 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3456.

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The article analyses the potential impact of Brexit on the voting power of member states and indirect voting power of EU residents in the Council, in the case of adopting decisions by the qualified majority of votes. The leading hypothesis of the paper assumes that the fact of leaving the EU by Great Britain leads to another transfer of voting power to the benefit of five countries with the largest populations. The aim of the paper is also to determine to what extent the indirect voting power of residents from individual member states is equal. The obtained results indicate that a flow of voting power towards the five member states with the largest populations will be a consequence of Brexit.

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Strohmeier, Dagmar, Martyn Barrett, Carmen Bora, Simona C. S. Caravita, Elisa Donghi, Edmond Dragoti, Chris Fife-Schaw et al. « Young People’s Engagement With the European Union ». Zeitschrift für Psychologie 225, n^o 4 (décembre 2017) : 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000314.

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Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.

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Göllner, Ralf Thomas. « The Visegrád Group – A Rising Star Post-Brexit ? Changing Distribution of Power in the European Council ». Open Political Science 1, n^o 1 (5 juillet 2017) : 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2017-0001.

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Abstract The portmanteau Brexit describes the withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) which will cause a shift of power in the European institutions. The departure of one of the largest EU members will affect the voting power of member countries in the European Council significantly. This Council is the central hub of political decision making in the EU, defining the overall political direction and priorities and setting the policy agenda for the entirety of the EU. Using the Banzhaf power index, we have measured the voting power before and after the Brexit and analyzed the increasing power of the members of the Visegrád Group compared to other European states. We have found that there is growth in the voting power of all Visegrád states, with Poland experiencing the biggest increase. However, the extent by which the Visegrád Group will profit from this statistically growing power depends on the coordination of their voting behavior in the future.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Voting – European Union countries"

Ulrici, Mark. « Bioenergy adoption barriers across 7 EU countries : A comparison of Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, KTH, Hållbar utveckling, miljövetenskap och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-254803.

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Europe is trying to switch away from fossil fuels towards renewable energy. Bioenergy is well positioned to play a large role in this. However, bioenergy as a share of total energy used differs substantially between European countries. What causes these differences and what the barriers are to bioenergy implementation is researched in this thesis for seven EU countries: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK. The systemic barriers to bioenergy implementation are categorised in the five categories, infrastructure, market problems, interactions, institutions, and capabilities. A literature review gives the first insight into the barriers, which is then followed by ananalysis of current policy in the seven countries. Afterwards, industry specialists are interviewed from five of the seven countries. The interviews mainly took place by email. However, one was over the phone. A semi-structured approach was used in the interviews. Lastly, voting behaviour of MEPs and the influence of the oil industry are analysed. This was done by using the Forbes most valuable companies list and ranking the biggest European oil and gas companies. These were then compared to the voting behaviour by members of the EU parliament of the countries where the companies are domiciled. The results show no systemic barriers for Denmark and Sweden. In every country a different set of problems was in the way of bioenergy. Negative public opinion may start playing an increasing role in the implementation of bioenergy in western European countries, such as the Netherlands and Germany. Currently, the UK and Belgium have policy barriers to bioenergy implementation, while France’s bioenergy sector struggles with infrastructure, market and capability problems. Germany also suffers from market problems. The oil industry does not seem to influence the behaviour of politicians significantly concerning bioenergy. Politicians from countries with large oil industry did not vote morenegatively on bioenergy directives in the EU parliament than those from countries without a large oil industry. Moreover, the public opinion towards bioenergy can have large effects on the implementation, as was observed in the Netherlands. Where this negative public opinion on bioenergy comes from is not clear. No final conclusion can be drawn on what causes the difference in bioenergy adoption in the seven countries. More research is needed into what influences the public opinion in these countries concerning bioenergy.
Europa försöker göra en omställning från fossila bränslen till förnybar energi. Bioenergi är väl positionerat för att spela en viktig roll i detta. Bioenergi är en mindre intermittent energikälla än vind och solenergi och kan därmed komplettera dessa. Bioenergi som andel av den totala energianvändningen skiljer sig emellertid väsentligt mellan europeiska länder. Vad som orsakar dessa skillnader och vilka hinder som finns för implementering av bioenergi undersöks i denna rapport för sju EU-länder: Belgien, Danmark, Frankrike, Tyskland, Nederländerna, Sverige och Storbritannien. Hindren på systemnivå för implementering av bioenergi kategoriseras i de fem kategorierna, infrastruktur, marknadsproblem, interaktioner, institutioner och kapacitet. En litteraturöversikt ger den första insikten om hinder, som sedan följs av en utläggning gällande den nuvarande lagstiftningen i de sju länderna. Efter det intervjuas branschspecialister från fem av de sju länderna. Slutligen analyseras röstbeteende i Europaparlamentet och oljeindustrins inflytande. Resultaten visar att oljebranschen inte verkar påverka politikernas beteende i betydande utsträckning beträffande bioenergi. Politiker från länder med stor oljeindustri röstade inte mer negativt gällande bioenergidirektiv i EU-parlamentet än de från länder utan stor oljebransch. Däremot kan den allmänna opinionen mot bioenergi få stora effekter på genomförandet, vilket observerades i Nederländerna. Ingen slutsats kan dras gällande varför utbredningen av bioenergi skiljer sig åt mellan de sju länderna. I varje land fanns det en rad olika hinder i vägen för implementering av bioenergi. Sverige och Danmark har inga systemproblem för implementering av bioenergi. Om den allmänna opinionen är negativt inställd till bioenergi kan det börja spela en större roll för utbredningen av bioenergi i västeuropeiska länder, som Nederländerna och Tyskland.

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SANDU, ROXANA IONELA. « The European Union : Voting, Turnout and Legitimacy ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1429.

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Perseguendo politiche comuni per gli Stati membri, l'Unione Europea si è trasformata da unione puramente economica ad unione politica. Tuttavia, per quanto riguarda quest'ultimo aspetto, è stato fatto poco. Lo scetticismo è venuto a caratterizzare il clima politico dell'Unione Europea e l’elevata eterogeneità nei termini degli Stati membri hanno causato difficoltà nel processo decisionale. Questa tesi si concentra sulle politiche europee da tre aspetti: la legittimità, che si riferisce al sostegno politico dei cittadini, il comportamento di voto e di partecipazione dei cittadini. Una delle questioni principali della ricerca riguarda l’esistenza delle basi per la genesi di veri e propri partiti politici europei, come via d’uscita dalla crisi di legittimità dell'Unione Europea. Ci si chiede poi quali sono i principali fattori che influenzano la partecipazione alle elezioni del Parlamento Europeo, dal momento che esso è l'unica fonte diretta di legittimità. Infine, si studiano le cause del gap in affluenza per le elezioni europee e nazionali, guardando la quota di voto del partito. L'argomento principale per l’esistenza dei partiti pan-europei è quello di difendere gli stessi interessi e valori su scala europea. I risultati empirici sottolineano che la polarizzazione di classe sociale, è già presente nei primi 12 Stati membri dell'UE, e anche nei nuovi Stati membri, mentre nelle elezioni del Parlamento europeo gli elettori votano sinceramente. In conclusione: l'Europa soddisfa la base per la creazione di partiti pan-Europei che difendino vere e proprie politiche europee, mirate ai gruppi sociali che rappresentano, come una possibile soluzione per la crisi di legittimità.
By pursuing common policies for its Member States, the European Union moved from being a purely economic union, to being a political one as well. However, little has been done to tackle the latter aspect. Skepticism has come to characterize the political climate of the European Union and high heterogeneity in terms of Member States has induced difficulties in the decision-making process. This thesis focuses on the European Politics from three aspects: legitimacy, which refers to citizens’ political support, voting behavior and turnout. One of the main research questions we address is whether or not the basis for the existence of true European party politics exists, as a way out of the European Union legitimacy crisis. Then, we ask what are the main factors that influence electoral participation in the European Parliament elections since it is the only source of direct legitimacy. Lastly, we investigate what are the causes for the turnout gap across European and National elections, looking at the party vote share. The main argument for pan-European to exist is to defend the same values and interests European-wide. Empirical results point out that social class's polarization already exists in the initial 12 EU Member States, as well as later entries, while in the European Parliament elections voters cast their vote sincerely. We conclude that Europe fulfils the base requirement for the creation of true European politics, party politics and social groups' targeted-policies being a possible solution for the legitimacy crisis.

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SANDU, ROXANA IONELA. « The European Union : Voting, Turnout and Legitimacy ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1429.

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Rasco, Clark Joseph. « Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.

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Li, Xin. « European identity, a case study ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555548.

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Krasniuk, S. O. « Adult learning technologies in the European Union countries ». Thesis, Київський національний університет технологій та дизайну, 2018. https://er.knutd.edu.ua/handle/123456789/10707.

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Slapin, Jonathan B. « Institutional design in the European Union how governments negotiated the Treaty of Amsterdam / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1459915981&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Tan, Zu Jia. « Analysis on the integration of EU consumer credit markets : a co-integration analysis ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555572.

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Yucesan, Esin. « Stock Market Integration Between Turkey And European Union Countries ». Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605686/index.pdf.

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The objective of the study is to analyze the effects of two breakpoints on the relationships of Istanbul Stock Exchange with the European stock markets and on the relationships among these European stock markets to increase the economic integration. The breakpoints are the execution of the Customs Union Agreement of Turkey with the European Union in 1/1/1996 and the introduction of the Euro in 1/1/1999. While both breakpoints have effects on Turkey&rsquo
s economic relations, the European Union countries are expected to be influenced by only the introduction of the Euro. Stock market indices provided by DataStream is utilized. The statistical techniques used include the correlation and cointegration analysis. Results indicate that when examined on pair wise basis Turkish stock market has more liaisons with the European stock markets, in general, after the Customs Union
but less liaisons after the conversion to Euro. However, when examined as a group, the cointegration result finds the Euro as influential as the Customs Union. Alternatively, the European stock markets have decreasing integrations as a result of correlation analysis after the Euro, but it is an influential breakpoint according to cointegrating structures.

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Nezhyvenko, Oksana. « Informal employment in Ukraine and European Union transition countries ». Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0047/document.

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L'emploi informel est devenu un sérieux défi pour l'économie ukrainienne et des pays en transition au cours de l'adaptation aux conditions du marché. La tendance du nombre de travailleurs qui participent au secteur informel est en hausse depuis les dernières années. Dans mes recherches, je vais présenter l'état actuel de l'emploi informel en Ukraine et les pays en transition. Une attention particulière est accordée à la répartition du travail entre les différentes catégories de population, en divisant les individus en cinq catégories (employés formels, employés informels, travailleurs indépendants formels, travailleurs indépendants informels et chômeurs) selon la définition de l'emploi informel de l'OIT. Nous examinons le marché du travail en utilisant les données de Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey pour l'Ukraine et Survey on Living and Income Conditions pour les pays en transition et nous élaborons la fonction des gains du capital humain pour le marché du travail en appliquant la fonction de répartition des gains de Mincer, afin d'étudier les facteurs qui déterminent les revenus et le choix de l'emploi de l'individu en Ukraine et les pays en transition
Informal employment became a serious challenge for the Ukrainian economy and economy of transition countries during the adjustment to market conditions. Trends of the number of workers participating in the informal sector have been rising for the last years. In my research I will present the current state of informal employment of Ukraine and transition countries. Detailed attention is paid to labour distribution across different population categories by dividing the individuals into five categories (formal employee, informal employee, formal self-employed, informal self-employed and unemployed) following the definition of informal employment from the ILO. We examine labour market using the data of the Ukrainian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey for Ukraine and the Survey on Living and Income Conditions for transition countries and we design human capital earnings function for labour market by applying Mincer earnings distribution function in order to investigate the factors that determine the individual’s earnings and choice of the employment status both for Ukraine and transition countries

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Livres sur le sujet "Voting – European Union countries"

Laruelle, Annick. Voting and collective decision-making : Bargaining and power. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Ruth, Rubio-Marín, dir. The struggle for female suffrage in Europe : Voting to become citizens. Leiden : Brill, 2012.

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Social failures of EU enlargement : A case of workers voting with their feet. New York : Routledge, 2012.

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European Union law. 2^e éd. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2010.

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1969-, Humphreys Matthew James, dir. European Union law. 6^e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2010.

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European Union law. Cambridge, United Kingdom : Cambridge University Press, 2015.

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European Union law. 3^e éd. London : LexisNexis UK, 2003.

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Neill, Nugent, dir. European Union enlargement. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

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H, Trechsel Alexandre, et Mendez Fernando 1972-, dir. The European Union and e-voting : Addressing the European Parliament's internet voting challenge. New York, NY : Routledge, 2004.

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(Firm), Routledge, dir. European Union law. 6^e éd. London : Routledge-Cavendish, 2009.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Voting – European Union countries"

Szulecki, Kacper, Marta Bivand Erdal et Ben Stanley. « Emigration and Transnational Political Practices in Central and Eastern Europe After EU Enlargement 2004–2007 ». Dans External Voting, 21–36. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19246-3_2.

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AbstractAs the European Union expanded eastward in 2004 and 2007 to cover the formerly communist states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), this triggered a wave of migration which saw millions of people moving to Western and Northern European countries. What impact did that migration have on the politics of CEE countries, and what might be the relationship between outward migration and the apparent democracy backsliding occurring in some parts of the region? This is the main puzzle of this book, which looks at the way external voting results can be used to assess migrant political preferences and their change over time, as well as their potential influence on domestic politics in sending countries. This chapter sketches the political context of CEE and introduces the data gathering procedure and methodology of the project on which the book draws.

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Eppler, Annegret. « European Union ». Dans The Forum of Federations Handbook of Federal Countries 2020, 147–66. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42088-8_12.

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Hosli, Madeleine O. « The Creation of European Economic and Monetary Union ». Dans Power, Voting, and Voting Power : 30 Years After, 521–39. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-35929-3_27.

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Schneider, Friedrich. « Size of the Shadow Economies of 28 European Union Countries from 2003 to 2018 ». Dans European Union, 111–21. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18103-1_6.

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Panić, M. « Postscript : A Comparison of EC and Gold Standard Countries ». Dans European Monetary Union, 133–59. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13452-6_6.

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McAllister, Ian, et Richard Rose. « When Institutions and Issues Change, Voting Changes ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 77–99. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44117-3_5.

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Sissenich, Beate. « European Union Policies toward Accession Countries ». Dans Public Opinion, Party Competition, and the European Union in Post-Communist Europe, 19–39. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11500-3_2.

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Hanappi, Hardy. « Defeating Nationalism in Europe. Voting Mechanisms for Highly Integrated Economies ». Dans The European Union in Crisis, 141–54. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-08774-0_8.

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Giaufret, Emanuele. « The European Development Fund ». Dans The European Union and Developing Countries, 144–53. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_10.

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de Castro, Ana. « The European Investment Bank ». Dans The European Union and Developing Countries, 154–65. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_11.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Voting – European Union countries"

Macerinskiene, Irena. « INTANGIBLES ASSESSMENT IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b24/s7.050.

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Dudaitė, Jolita, Rūta Dačiulytė et Jolanta Navickaitė. « LIFELONG LEARNING SITUATION IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 14th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2021.1679.

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Cikes, N., J. Dudler, F. Lioté, DE Bax et NDS Bax. « THU0596 Rheumatology specialty training in european union countries ». Dans Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, 14–17 June, 2017. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2017-eular.3314.

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Bir iakova, Na a., Jana Stavkova et Veronika Anto ova. « Income Poverty in Selected Countries of the European Union ». Dans 2013 International Conference on the Modern Development of Humanities and Social Science. Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/mdhss-13.2013.124.

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Albu, Angela. « CORRELATION BETWEEN INNOVATION AND COMPETITIVENESS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.3/s04.066.

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Kocisova, Kristina, et Martina Pastyriková. « DETERMINANTS OF NON-PERFORMING LOANS IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 13th Economics & Finance Virtual Conference, Prague. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2020.013.005.

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Eren, Miraç, et Selahattin Kaynak. « Analysis of Innovation Performances of European Union Member Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01852.

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Together with the transition from the industrial society to the information society, Innovation at the forefront of the countries' development arguments has strategic significance for companies, industries, and countries and it is emerging as the main element of being in the market. Also, Innovation has vital importance in determining the policies of countries because of increasing social welfare and living standards of individuals. Countries having effective innovation policies and systems are rapidly advancing in the development race. Even in countries with low innovation performance, demand for innovative products and services are high. According to the Lisbon Strategy, it is important to know the innovation performances of the member countries of the European Union, which see the innovation as the basic element of economic growth, and to measure their activities. For these reasons, the purpose of this research is to analyze the innovation performances of the EU member countries. So, Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) to measure the performance of each member country against the other member countries in the group consisting of European Union countries was considered. Therefore, the variables that are used in determining the level of innovation of the member states of the European Commission were respectively considered as Input Variables (Human Research, Research Systems, Finance, and Support) and Output Variables (Innovators, Economic effects). Tone (2001)'s Slack-Based Model and Lotfi & Poursakhi (2012)'s dynamic DEA Model was considered together to measure the efficiency of the countries in few periods instead of a single period.

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Zhou, Yanxi. « Identifying European Union Countries’ Cooperation in Reducing Carbon Emissions ». Dans 2022 3rd International Conference on Mental Health, Education and Human Development (MHEHD 2022). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220704.099.

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Bondarev, A. V., E. T. Zhilyakova et M. Riffi. « ENTEROSORBENTS OF RUSSIA, THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ARAB COUNTRIES ». Dans Современные тенденции развития технологий здоровьесбережения. Москва : Федеральное государственное бюджетное научное учреждение "Всероссийский научно-исследовательский институт лекарственных и ароматических растений", 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52101/9785870191058_236.

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de Pablo Valenciano, Jaime, Juan Uribe Toril, Juan Milán García et Mercedes Capobianco Uriarte. « ROLE PLAYING FOR KNOWLEDGE ABOUT THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans International Conference on Education and New Learning Technologies. IATED, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/edulearn.2016.0786.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Voting – European Union countries"

Tomás, Inês, et Ricardo Barradas. Household indebtedness in the European Union countries : Going beyond the mainstream interpretation. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2021.03.

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Carbo-Valverde, Santiago, Edward Kane et Francisco Rodriguez-Fernandez. Evidence of Differences in the Effectiveness of Safety-Net Management in European Union Countries. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, février 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13782.

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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.

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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Drivers of private consumption in the era of financialisation : new evidence for the European Union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.04.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Finance-growth nexus in the age of financialisation : An empirical reassessment for the European Union countries. DINAMIA-CET IUL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2018.07.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.

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Sheridan, Anne, et Sarah Groarke. Trends in migration to Ireland of nationals of countries with visa liberalisation agreements with the European Union. ESRI, août 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat75.

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer et Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Financialisation and the fall in the labour share : a panel data econometric analysis for the european union countries. DINAMIA'CET-IUL, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2017.02.

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Barradas, Ricardo. Why has labour productivity slowed down in the era of financialisation ? Insights from the post-Keynesians for the European Union countries. DINÂMIA'CET-Iscte, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15847/dinamiacet-iul.wp.2022.03.

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This paper employs a panel data econometric approach in order to empirically ascertain the role of the phenomenon of financialisation in the deceleration of labour productivity in the European Union (EU) countries from 1980 to 2019. During that time, the EU countries suffered a huge structural transformation based on Reaganomics and Thatcherism and their financial systems have experienced strong liberalisation and deregulation, which have contributed to poor evolution of labour productivity and have revived fears around a new ‘secular stagnation’ in the era of financialisation. Grounded in post-Keynesian literature, the slowdown of labour productivity in the majority of developed economies in the last decades cannot be separated from the phenomenon of financialisation, which has occurred through four different channels, namely the weak economic performance, the decline in the labour income share, the increase in personal income inequality, and strengthening of the degree of financialisation. Our findings confirm that lagged labour productivity, economic performance, and labour income share have a positive impact on labour productivity in the EU countries, while personal income inequality and the degree of financialisation impact it negatively. Our findings also reveal that labour productivity in the EU countries in the last decades would have grown more if there had been a stronger economic performance, a smaller decline (or even a rise) of the labour income share, a smaller increase (or even a decrease) of personal income inequality, and a weakening of the degree of financialisation.

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