Articles de revues sur le sujet « Voting – Bulgaria »

After the granting of citizenship to 300,000 immigrants from Bulgaria in 1989, Turkey has enacted visa regime changes concerning more recent migrants from Bulgaria, who, according to the most recent modification, are only allowed to stay for 90 days within any six-month period. In this article, the authors demonstrate that the broken lines of legality/illegality produced by these changing policies further entrench the sovereignty of the state through the “inclusive exclusion” of immigrants who are subject to the law but not subject in the law. The temporary legalization of Bulgarian immigrants to Turkey in return for voting in the Bulgarian elections reveals that the state extends its transnational political power by drawing and redrawing the broken lines of legality/illegality. We demonstrate not only the ways in which the migrant population from Bulgaria is managed but also the strategies deployed by the migrants themselves in the face of such sovereign acts.

This study tests the hypothesis that the replacement of incumbent promarket, prodemocracy governments with ex-communist parties in postcommunist East European elections was a function of the economic calculus of frustrated citizens at the ballot box. Using data from the Central and Eastern Euro-Barometer studies, this investigation adopts an individual-level approach to examine the degree to which economic assessments and unemployment influenced both proreform incumbent and ex-communist party voting intentions in Lithuania (1992), Hungary (1994), and Bulgaria (1994). The dominant impression that emerges from the logistic regression estimations predicting voting intentions is that despite strong expectations to the contrary, economic factors had at best a modest effect on party choice in these nations. These findings corroborate country-specific studies of electoral behavior in Eastern Europe that observe that the return to parliamentary power of ex-communist parties in these societies was not simply a function of economic voting.

In recent years in the Republic of Bulgaria the question on educational qualification for voting has more and more been raised. The topic is quite relevant, especially when the results of the 2019 elections for representatives of the European Parliament and those for local governments report: 1) high number of invalid ballots when choosing a preference without specifying a party, 2) the refusal of voters to vote using machines, 3) the so called "election tourism” from Turkey, and 4) the vote buying. These problems raise the relevance of the role of literacy and education of voters when exercising their constitutional rights.

On 19 December 2018 the UN General Assembly approved the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM), with 152 votes in favor, five against (Czech Republic, Hungary, Israel, Poland, United States), 12 abstentions (Algeria, Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, Chile, Italy, Latvia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Romania, Singapore, Switzerland), and 24 countries not voting (UN, 2018). The GCM builds on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UN, 2015) and on the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants 2016 (of which it aims to implement Annex II) (UN, 2016). The article discusses the Global compact for migration, highlighting its potential and limits, supporters and detractors.

The countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have commonly been regarded as climate and energy policy laggards blocking more ambitious EU decarbonization targets. Although recent literature has increasingly acknowledged the differences in national positions on energy and climate issues among these states, there has been little comprehensive evidence about their positioning on EU climate and energy policies and the domestic interests which shape government preferences. The article addresses this gap by tracing the voting behavior of six CEE countries (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania) on EU energy-related legislation in the Council of Ministers between 2007–2018. The article shows that the contestation of energy policies, particularly of climate-related legislation, in the Council of Ministers has increased over time and that these six CEE countries have indeed most often objected to the adoption of EU legislation. The CEE states do not, however, have a common regional positioning on all EU energy policies. Voting coalitions among the six CEE countries differ substantially across energy policy areas. The lack of a common regional position and changing national preferences have enabled the adoption of a relatively ambitious EU Energy and Climate Package for 2030. The differences in national voting patterns are explained by the evolving interests and the ability of key domestic political and economic actors to adapt to and explore benefits from the ever-expanding EU energy and climate policies.

The electoral rise of unorthodox parties (UOPs) in recent East European elections raises some puzzling questions about electoral dynamics in new democracies. Why did the power alternation of the mid-1990s not result in party-system consolidation, as suggested by some earlier studies, but instead give way to a much more chaotic environment in which established mainstream political parties lost considerable ground to new political formations based on personalist and populist appeals? Why did this reversal in Eastern Europe happen during a period of economic recovery, remarkable Western integration progress, and a broad acceptance of electoral democracy as the only game in town? This article suggests that these electoral dynamics can be explained by focusing on the interaction between protest voting and election sequence. While protest voting to punish unpopular incumbents has been a widespread but understudied practice since the collapse of communism, the beneficiaries of these protest votes have changed in recent elections. Whereas in the first two generations of postcommunist elections, disgruntled voters could opt for untried mainstream alternatives, in third-generation elections (defined as elections taking place after at least two different ideological camps have governed in the postcommunist period) voters had fewer untried mainstream alternatives, and therefore opted in greater number for unorthodox parties. This explanation receives strong empirical support from statistical tests using aggregate data from seventy-six parliamentary elections in fourteen East European countries from 1990 to 2006, survey evidence from twelve postcommunist elections from 1996 to 2004, and a survey experiment in Bulgaria in 2008.

As a result of collapse of the Central Powers in 1918 in Central Europe have emerged new national states e.g. Poland, Czechoslowakia, Hungaria, SHS Kingdom some of states that have existed before the Great War have changed their boundaries e.g. Romania, Bulgaria. But what is most important newly created states have a need to create their constituencies, so they needed a electoral law. There is a question in what manner they have used the solutions that have been used before the war in the elections held to the respective Parliaments (mostly to the Austrian or Hungarian parliament) and in case of Poland to the Tzarist Duma or Prussian and German Parliament. In the paper author will try to compare Electoral Laws that were used in Poland Czechoslowakia, and Romania [Bukowina]. The first object will be connected with the question in what matter the Austrian electoral law have inspired the solutions used in respective countries after the Great War. The second object will be connected with showing similarities between electoral law used in so called opening elections held mainly in 1919 in Austria-Hungary successor states. The third and final question will be connected with development of the electoral rules in respective countries and with explaining the reasons for such changes and its influence on the party system in respective country: multiparty in Czechoslovakia, hybrid in Romania.

Growing evidence suggests that the general personality structure predisposes the political or ideological orientation. Here, we first replicated findings of associations between Big Five factors openness, agreeableness and conscientiousness, and self-reported political orientation in a large German sample. However, the new aspect of our study is the addition of Wahl-O-Mat (WoM; a prominent voting advice application) as a measure of concrete policy-positions. Here, a score of accordance between a participant’s and the several German parties’ stances on current and relevant policy-issues is computed. Given that political science identifies trends towards a dealignment of voters with political parties and a decreasing significance of socio-structural factors, an issue-based approach to vote choice may become critical in the future. Therefore, we investigated whether personality’s influence on political orientation also extends to stances about specific issues and, thus, is not restricted to self-placements. As expected, WoM-scores also showed meaningful correlations with personality traits: accordance with right-of-center-parties is negatively related to openness and agreeableness and positively related to conscientiousness. Finally, we recruited smaller samples in the United States, Denmark, Sweden, Turkey, Spain, Australia, and Bulgaria and showed that the associations mentioned above are cross-nationally replicable. We conclude that personality influences not only self-perceived political identity but also attitudes towards current issues of political controversy. In both cases, the effects of personality were mediated by Right-Wing-Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation.

Purpose: The purpose of the article is to assess the level of use of information technologies by households in selected European countries and the resulting transformations in socio-economic relations. Design/methodology/approach: The article uses one of the taxonomic methods – the Hellwig’s development pattern method. 20 diagnostic features were adopted to develop Hellwig’s synthetic measure. They reflect the access and use of the Internet by households in five areas: networking and formal activities in the fields of e-government, e-banking, e-education, e-health; carrying out political and civic activities online (consulting, voting, expressing opinions); making informal contacts and participating in social networks (e.g. Facebook, Twitter, etc.); e-commerce; using instant messaging and e-mail. Findings: In the light of the characteristics adopted for the survey, the highest level of use of information technology by households is characteristic of Iceland, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, Great Britain and Finland. The countries with the lowest rates are Romania and Bulgaria. Research limitations/implications: The studies presented may contribute to further in-depth analyses of the links between the use of information technologies in individual countries and their level of economic development in the long term. Originality/value: The results are addressed to public authorities in 30 European countries. On their basis, leaders in the use of information technologies by households in various areas of economic and social life were identified. The distance between the other countries was also diagnosed. The results of the research can guide public authorities in developing strategies for the development and dissemination of information technologies in their countries.

Fiscal decentralization has been widely discussed at various levels and from various perspectives. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (the OECD), similar to the World Bank, also pays great attention to it. Fiscal decentralization has always been an interesting investigation topic, and the researchers, in addition to considering the future of the economy, study this problem from different perspectives, i.e. geographic, political and others. The effect of fiscal decentralization on the economic development of the state has been investigated by various authors. Three different hypotheses provide the proofs of the positive effect of fiscal decentralization. The main advantage of fiscal federalism are efficient and adequate public services which are provided locally through the mobility of the citizens, voting power and competition between the local governments in the created ecosystem. The potential advantages of the competition among the local government powers are similar to the advantages associated with the competition on the private markets. The paper is focussed on fiscal decentralization of the state. It aims to investigate the theoretical aspect of the impact of fiscal decentralization on the economic development to calculate the index of fiscal decentralization and to evaluate the effect of fiscal decentralization on the economic development in the particular states of the European Union. Thus, Bulgaria and Lithuania have the lowest fiscal decentralization index of EU-13 (0.28), while the Czech Republic has the highest index (0.46). The researchers have proved the effect of fiscal decentralization on the economic development of the EU-13 states to be statistically significant and positive. The originality of this paper is that it introduces a theoretical model for evaluating the fiscal decentralization effect on the economic development and assesses the fiscal decentralization effect on the economic development of the particular EU-13 states.

In 1999, fieldwork was resumed by the British team at Adzhiyska Vodenitsa, Vetren, the site of an inlandemporionwhich has been identified with ancient Pistiros (SEG43. 486, 46. 872*). Excavations were conducted on the terrace with architectural remains in two sectors, north and south of the main east-west road. In the northern sector, 22 pits were investigated. The faunal material from these pits reveals specific butchering methods and the re-articulation of complete body parts following butchery. Among the finds aregraffition pottery, including a votive inscription to Zeus. In the southern sector, there are traces of residential use. The report includes an account of geophysical prospection to determine the nature of land use beyond the terrace, with evidence suggesting that the settlement was directly adjacent to the River Maritsa (ancient Hebros).

The article presents a research on the trends in the political choice of young Bulgarians aged 18-30. The research method is secondary analysis of data from electoral surveys – exit polls and official results of the parliamentary elections in 2009-2021 according to data from the Central Election Commission (CEC). At the first level, the results show who young people are voting for and whether their political choices shift in 2009-2021. At the second level – what is the share of young people among voters’ turnout and among party electoral groups. At the third level, it is possible to see the extent to which the young voter is represented in parliament in the Bulgarian National Assembly.

The aim of the research is to present the meaning and the scope of the phrase “krivorazbrana tolerantnost“ (misunderstood tolerance), which functions as a cliché in everyday communication. The corpus is excerpted from the largest Bulgarian forum platform – bg-mamma and investigates the use of 55 phrases between 2006 and 2017. “Krivorazbrana tolerantnost” is used in public communication to express disagreement with someone’s behaviour/point of view or fear of the changing habits or traditions. Using the cognitive ethnolinguistic approach as well as corpus-based discourse techniques, the paper focuses on the corpus uses of the phrase, its pragmatic influence on the dialogue and the people or the topics which are usually an object of misunderstood tolerance according to bg-mamma forum users. The results show that the context meaning of the phrase usually is over-tolerance or too much permissiveness and it is used in conversations, discussing the rights and liberties of different groups and minorities. As the tolerance itself is a kind of forcing oneself to accept something one does not support or believe in, its meaning and the contextual meaning of the investigated collocation are close. References Arias, R. and Bryla, M. (2018) Orientation towards otherness in the social and literary spaces of today’s Europe. Palgrave Communication, 4(18), Retrieved from: https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-018-0070-3. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-018-0070-3. Bartmiński, J. (2009) Aspects of Cognitive Ethnolinguistics, Sheffield: Equinox. Bartminski, J. and Chlebda, W. (2008) Jak badac jezykowo-kulturowy obraz swiata Słowian i ich sasiadów?, Etnolingwistyka, 20, 11–27. Brindle, A. (2016) The Language of Hate: A Corpus Linguistic Analysis of White Supremacist Language. Abingdon: Routledge. Добрева, Е. (2009) Толерантност, нетолерантност и нулева толерантност в съвременния български печат (Критически лингвосемиотичен анализ). В. Търново: Фабер. Ефтимова, А. (2016) Двойственият език в медиите: езикът на политическата коректност vs езика на омразата. София: Парадигма. Kreytchova, El., Stalyanova, N. (2017). The Power of Public Speech. Sofia: Paradigma. Kyuchukov, H. (2019) Aquisition of Turkish Grammatical Categories in Bilingual Context. East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 6(1), 32-46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3375406. Musolff, A. (2017) Language aggression in public debates on immigration. Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, 5(2), 175–177. https://doi.org/10.1075/jlac.5.2.01mus. Niebrzegowska-Bartmińska, S., (2018) What data are relevant to ethnolinguistic analyses?, Ethnolinguistics, 29, 11–29. https://doi.org/10.17951/et.2017.29.11. Nizah, M., Jawan, J., Singh, Sarjit, S., Samsu, K. (2015) Framing Ethnic Tolerance, Political Tolerance and Voting Behaviour. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 6(4), 365-373. https://doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s1p365. Steinbrich, P. (2016) Creating Academic Text: The Use of Lexical Syntagms by L2 Undergraduate Students of English. In: H. Chodkiewicz, P. Steinbrich, (Eds.). Working with Text and Around Text in Foreign Language Environments, (pp.125-141). M. Krzemińska-Adamek. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33272-7_8 Tateo, L. (2008) The "fascist" discourse in computer mediated communication: the "dual strategy" model of the Italian Extreme Right. Psicologia & Sociedade, 20(2). Тодорова, Б. (2019) Някои наблюдения върху концепта ТОЛЕРАНТНОСТ в българския език. In: Ed. by S. Niebrzegowska-Bartmińska & D. Pazio-Wlazłowska, (Eds.). Wartości w językowo-kulturowym obrazie świata Słowian i ich sąsiadów. Jedność w różnorodności. Wokół słowiańskiej aksjosfery. (pp. 307-320). Lublin: UMCS. Van Dijk, T. (2015) Racism in the Press. In: N. Bonvillain, (Ed.). Handbook of Linguistic Anthropology. (pp. 384-392). London: Routledge. Wodak, R. & K. Savski (2018) Critical Discourse–Ethnographic Approaches to Language Policy. In: J. W. Tollefson and M. Pérez-Milans, (Eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Language Policy and Planning. (pp. 93-112). NY: Oxford Univ. Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.013.4. Wodak, R., Meyer M. (2001) Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. London: SAGE. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9780857028020. Wodak, R., Reisigl, M. (2001) The Semiotics of Racism. Approaches in Critical Discourse Analysis. Vienna: Passagen Verlag. References (translated and transliterated) Arias, R. and Bryla, M. (2018) Orientation towards otherness in the social and literary spaces of today’s Europe. Palgrave Communication, 4(18), Retrieved from: https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599-018-0070-3. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-018-0070-3. Bartmiński, J. (2009) Aspects of Cognitive Ethnolinguistics, Sheffield: Equinox. Bartminski, J. and Chlebda, W. (2008) Jak badac jezykowo-kulturowy obraz swiata Słowian i ich sasiadów?, Etnolingwistyka, 20, 11–27. Brindle, A. (2016) The Language of Hate: A Corpus Linguistic Analysis of White Supremacist Language. Abingdon: Routledge. Dobreva, E. (2009) Tolerantnost, netolerantnost i nuleva tolerantnost v savremennia balgarski pechat (Kriticheski lingvosemiotichen analiz). V. Tarnovo: Faber. Eftimova, A. (2016) Dvoystveniyat ezik v mediite: ezikat na politicheskata korektnost vs ezika na omrazata. Sofia: Prosveta. Kreytchova, El., Stalyanova, N. (2017). The Power of Public Speech. Sofia: Paradigma. Kyuchukov, H. (2019) Aquisition of Turkish Grammatical Categories in Bilingual Context. East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 6(1), 32-46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3375406. Musolff, A. (2017) Language aggression in public debates on immigration. Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, 5(2), 175–177. https://doi.org/10.1075/jlac.5.2.01mus. Niebrzegowska-Bartmińska, S., (2018) What data are relevant to ethnolinguistic analyses?, Ethnolinguistics, 29, 11–29. https://doi.org/10.17951/et.2017.29.11. Nizah, M., Jawan, J., Singh, Sarjit, S., Samsu, K. (2015) Framing Ethnic Tolerance, Political Tolerance and Voting Behaviour. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 6(4), 365-373. https://doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s1p365. Steinbrich, P. (2016) Creating Academic Text: The Use of Lexical Syntagms by L2 Undergraduate Students of English. In: H. Chodkiewicz, P. Steinbrich, (Eds.). Working with Text and Around Text in Foreign Language Environments, (pp.125-141). M. Krzemińska-Adamek. Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33272-7_8. Tateo, L. (2008) The "fascist" discourse in computer mediated communication: the "dual strategy" model of the Italian Extreme Right. Psicologia & Sociedade, 20(2). Todorova, B. (2019) Nyakoi nablyudenia varhu kontsepta TOLERANTNOST v balgarskia ezik. In: Ed. by S. Niebrzegowska-Bartmińska & D. Pazio-Wlazłowska, (Eds.). Wartości w językowo-kulturowym obrazie świata Słowian i ich sąsiadów. Jedność w różnorodności. Wokół słowiańskiej aksjosfery. (pp. 307-320). Lublin: UMCS. Van Dijk, T. (2015) Racism in the Press. In: N. Bonvillain, (Ed.). Handbook of Linguistic Anthropology. (pp. 384-392). London: Routledge. Wodak, R. & K. Savski (2018) Critical Discourse–Ethnographic Approaches to Language Policy. In: J. W. Tollefson and M. Pérez-Milans, (Eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Language Policy and Planning. (pp. 93-112). NY: Oxford Univ. Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.013.4. Wodak, R., Meyer M. (2001) Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. London: SAGE. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9780857028020. Wodak, R., Reisigl, M. (2001) The Semiotics of Racism. Approaches in Critical Discourse Analysis. Vienna: Passagen Verlag.