Thèses : « Views on socialist revolution »

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Milosevic, Suncica. « Seeking Identity in Former Yugoslavia's Socialist Architecture ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1378196389.

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Powell, Jane Elizabeth. « Environmental and Economic Impacts of Chemical Fertilizer Use : A Case Study of the North China Plain ». The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1523891542371046.

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Deckers, Wolfgang. « 'Imperialism' and 'anti-imperialism' in Mao Zedong : origins and development of a revolutionary strategy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1452/.

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The central question which will be considered in this thesis is how Mao Zedong formulated a concept of imperialism and resistance to it, to enable and continue the socialist revolution in China. The specific focus in this thesis is an explanation of how Mao understood imperialism in order to use it and to turn it into anti-imperialism, the origins of his ideas, his theoretical development of it and his application of this idea in practice. At the same time, it will be examined how other aspects of Mao's thinking were linked to this central, strategic concept. The thesis begins by examining Mao's connection and indebtedness to Marx and Lenin: this has not yet been done with regard to his use of the concept of 'imperialism'. This thesis, besides being a contribution to the history of Marxism therefore, aims to fill a gap in research on Mao. It will help to establish how Mao used the concepts of imperialism and anti-imperialism. In addition, my research is part of the discussion as to what degree Marxism has been revised in the process. The argument essentially will be that Mao, basing himself on Marx and Lenin, used their concepts to adapt Marxism-Leninism in a novel manner in Chinese circumstances, first to win the revolution, and then to construct what he regarded as socialism. Thus the thesis will do two things: a) it will clarify Mao's relationship to Marx and Lenin: Why did Mao's Marxism-Leninism take the form it did. Did Mao stand on Lenin's shoulders.; and b) it will contribute to understanding why the Chinese Communist Party won the revolution.

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Postma, Erwin. « Revolutionary Roland Barthes : subversion and social critique through the liberation of self and text ». Thesis, University of Kent, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252590.

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Lässig, Sophie. « Die Revolution im Stadtzentrum ». Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-231386.

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Gundogan, Ercan. « A Critical Evaluation Of The Socialist Journal &quot ». Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606311/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF THE SOCIALIST JOURNAL AYDINLIK WITHIN A MARXIAN THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Gü
ndogan, Ercan Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz July 2005, 855 pages The thesis concerns with the conception of class and revolution in Marxian meta-theory and examines its reception by the Turkish Marxist left through an analysis of the Socialist Journal Aydinlik (1968-1971). Survey demonstrates that the reception is obscured by strategic debates, and is also not perfectly realized due to the needs of the rapid development of the Turkish socialist left after 1960s. Marxian theory is used mainly to justify the national democratic revolutionary strategy which is presented as only valid strategy, against socialist revolutionary strategy. National Democratic Revolutionary strategy is suggested to close the gap between Marxian framework which exclusively focuses on the proletarian socialist politics and the undeveloped revolutionary conditions of the underdeveloped societies. However, this gap is closed only at the expense of creating new gaps between Marx and the country. Class phenomena are analyzed in the framework of the imperialism-feudalism-comprador bourgeoisie alliance and popular or national classes. This strategy suggests that only after national democratic revolution is perfectly completed, socialist revolutionary struggle can be valid. It thereby postpones the possibility of socialist struggle and hence Marx to an undetermined future.

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Hall, Cosby Williams. « French and Hessian Impressions : Foreign Soldiers' Views of America during the Revolution ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626414.

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Kuyas, Ahmet. « 'The ideology of the revolution' : an inquiry into Șevket Süreyya Aydemir's interpretation of the Turkish Revolution ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39936.

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Influenced by national Communists with whom he came in contact in Bolshevik Russia, Sevket Sureyya Aydemir developed in early republican Turkey a theory which he called theory of national emancipation movements. According to this theory, the emancipation of a colonial nation did not consist only of obtaining political sovereignty. A vanguard of revolutionary elite had to monopolize power, and lead the nation to the creation of a classless society. It was understood that the coming of this new society was the prerequisite for the success of socialist revolution in industrialized countries. Yet, although many in the Kemalist regime felt sympathetic to this theory, the regime did ultimately not endorse it. This is a significant turning point in modern Turkish history, for this response, among other indicators, shows that the new Turkish regime was willing to be a part of the European system despite the latter's record as colonizer and imperialist.

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Jackson, Mandy. « Socialist literature, two views ? : an examination of the works of Anna Seghers and Christa Wolf ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325070.

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Hansing, Katrin. « Rasta, race and revolution : the emergence and development of the Rastafari movement in socialist Cuba ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395220.

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Badcock, Sarah. « Support for the Socialist Revolutionary Party during 1917, with a case study of events in Nizhegorodskaia guberniia ». Thesis, Durham University, 2000. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1587/.

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Wojnowski, Zbigniew. « Patriotism and the Soviet Empire : Ukraine views on the socialist states of Eastern Europe, 1956-1985 ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1218680/.

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This thesis explores the repercussions of the establishment of Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe in the USSR itself, especially Ukraine. In order to trace the changing character and claims of national and supra-national identities in the different regions of Ukraine, I identify various 'official' contexts in which Soviet citizens discussed and observed developments in the satellite states. I argue that Soviet portrayals of Eastern Europe were inconsistent and even contradictory, shaped as they were by complex interactions between party officials in Moscow, Kyiv, and the provinces. From the Hungarian uprising in 1956 to the Solidarity crisis in the early 1980s, CPSU leaders perceived ethnic diversity as a threat to Soviet stability. They sponsored various images of the people's democracies to promote Soviet patriotism, which they mobilised to bridge or even obliterate ethnic divisions in the USSR. Yet they never agreed upon a common definition of the Soviet 'patriot', outlining various roles which workers, non-Russian intellectuals, and west Ukrainians would play in the unified 'Soviet' community. Influenced by events in the people's democracies, they variously framed 'Soviet' identity in ethnically exclusive East Slavic terms or in the rhetoric of 'working class solidarity'. My thesis demonstrates that the 'diffusion' of ideas across borders, alongside modernisation and social mobilisation, was a crucial factor which contributed towards the rise of Soviet patriotism in Ukraine. Through contrasting a homogeneous 'Soviet nation' to other peoples of Eastern Europe, party leaders inadvertently encouraged Soviet Jews, Poles, Hungarians, and Ukrainians to protect their linguistic and cultural interests more vigorously. However, with 'official Ukrainianness' increasingly confined to the sphere of low-culture, most residents of the republic downplayed their ethnic identities and identified themselves as 'Soviet'. Thus, they sought to ease access to information and obtain material benefits from the state.

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Sullivan, Gwen. « Productive adaptation and industrial relations in a socialist-oriented development strategy : a study of Nicaraguan metalworking enterprises, 1980-87 ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285759.

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Cai, Shenshen. « Chinese Contemporary Popular Culture : Postmodern Deconstruction of the Socialist Revolutionary Master Narrative ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367005.

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The concern of this thesis in postmodernity in China. It explores postmodernity in Chinese popular culture and by analysis it shows how popular culture texts challenge the meta-narrative of socialist revolution. Contemporary philosophical theories and perspectives are used to analyse a range of modern film and drama scripts, novels, and youth culture phenomena. This postmodern analysis of a diverse but nonetheless representative range of Chinese popular culture exposes Chinese popular culture's postmodern intent, that is, (in part), to challenge and interrogate the dominance of the conservative, 'modern', meta-narrative as it is most often encapsulated in China within the paradigm of 'socialist revolution'.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Arts
Arts, Education and Law
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Gwashu, Donnan Tapfumanei Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. « Civilization, revolution and the legitimate weed ; settler agriculture, capitalist domination and socialist development in Zimbabwe, 1945-1985 ». Ottawa, 1987.

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Deess, E. Pierre. « The socialist ethic and the spirit of revolution : institutional practices and the collapse of East Germany in 1989 / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9728762.

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Ebini, Christmas Atem. « Policy Alternatives for the Cameroon Conflicts with Views on Abolishing the Federation ». ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7539.

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The violent conflicts in the Northwest and Southwest provinces of Cameroon (Southern Cameroons) have obtained national and international attention. The government of Cameroon and armed separatists (Southern Cameroonians) have been called upon to address the root cause of the conflicts and reach a lasting peaceful settlement. This qualitative study is aimed at providing policy alternatives for the current conflict. The primary research question seeks to establish how the 1972 abolition of the federal system may have provided the impetus for the current conflicts. A second question addresses the options for resolving the conflict and the prospects of resolution. Data was collected from a focus group of 20 participants and from secondary data. Data analysis was completed using Jagar's critical discourse analysis. According to the findings of the study, the root cause of the current conflicts and the associated political, social, and economic issues can be attributed to the abolition of the federal system of governance. Policy alternatives to resolving the conflicts may require international mediation, an all-inclusive dialogue/negotiation without preconditions, the unconditional release of all in detention, a general and total ceasefire, and a general amnesty and resettlement program. This study may provide an understanding of the root cause of the conflicts and policy alternatives that will help restore peace, save lives, stabilize the region, and return dignity to the lives of the citizens.

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Foulks, Frederick Spencer. « An analysis of Doppelt's defense of Kuhnian relativism as applied to the chemical revolution ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30566.

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Doppelt defends the key elements of Kuhn's thesis that scientific revolutions occur when one paradigm is replaced by another and that crucial aspects of competing paradigms are incommensurable. He concedes the merits in the views of those positivist critics of Kuhn who contend that for paradigms to be comparable their proponents must be able to communicate with one another, to agree on a common core of meaning for basic concepts and to deal with shared data and problems. However, he maintains that in identifying the problems which are held to be of fundamental importance and in adopting the standards by which explanatory adequacy is to be evaluated, rival paradigms do not overlap sufficiently for them to have genuine commensurability. This leads Doppelt to accept Kuhn's version of epistemological relativism which maintains that the rationality of the acceptance of new paradigms by the scientific community, at least in the short-run, has an irreducible normative dimension that is strongly conditioned by subjective factors. Doppelt also accepts Kuhn's views with respect to the loss of data, and the question of cumulative progress. The absence of paradigm-neutral external standards allegedly allows each paradigm to assign priority to its own internal standards, thus providing persuasive grounds for the incommensurability of competing paradigms and for epistemological relativism. Nevertheless, he acknowledges that the validity of these arguments over the long term is a contingent issue which can only be resolved by a careful examination of the historical evidence. A chemical revolution took place in the latter part of the eighteenth century when the oxygen theory replaced that based on hypothetical phlogiston. This transition is frequently cited as a typical example of a paradigm - one that illustrates Kuhn's claims for a shift in standards and a loss of data as central features of scientific revolutions. The phlogiston theory held that phlogiston was a normal constituent of air. It explained smelting as the transfer of phlogiston from the air (or from phlogiston-rich charcoal) to the earthy components of the ore, and held that the similar properties of the metallic products could be attributed to their phlogiston content. Combustion, including the calcination of metals and the respiration of living organisms, was viewed as a process involving the release of phlogiston to the atmosphere. The development of improved techniques for collecting gases and for measuring their volume and weight lead to emphasis on precise quantitative methods for evaluating chemical data as distinct from those based on simple quantitative descriptive observations. These developments soon posed difficulties for the phlogiston theory (eg.,the anomalous weight loss during combustion). Eventually, clarification of the composition of water and the use of the 'nitrous air1 test for the ability of a gas to support combustion and respiration (its 'goodness') led to the discovery of oxygen as a component of air and the demonstration that combustion involved combination with an exact quantity of this gas. Within a relatively short period of time, the oxygen theory gained general acceptance and the phlogiston theory was abandoned by most chemists. A critical examination of the events which culminated in the chemical revolution fails to bear out the claim that it was accompanied by a significant loss of empirical data or that it did not represent genuine cumulative progress in scientific knowledge. Instead the history of this revolution indicates that paradigm-neutral external standards for evaluating explanatory adequacy (conservatism, modesty, simplicity, generality, internal and external coherence, refutability, precision, successful predictions) were available and played a crucial role in bringing about this transition. Accumulating evidential warrant played the decisive role in the triumph of the oxygen theory.
Arts, Faculty of
Philosophy, Department of
Graduate

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Oliveira, Tiago Guimar?es. « Um partido contra a corrente : teses e disputas da Organiza??o Revolucion?ria Marxista Pol?tica Oper?ria (1961 ? 1967) ». Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana, 2015. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/311.

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This dissertation had as study object the thesis, programmatic formulations and the history of the Revolutionary Marxist Organization Workers Policy (1961-1967). The main thrust of these initial union militants Polop was the criticism of the position of the Communist Party of Brazil, the prospect of a socialist revolution in Brazil and are in favor of independence of the working class. The objective of this research was to analyze the paths taken by Polop in the formulation of their main theses and changes elapsed throughout its history, especially after the civil-military coup of 1964.
Esta disserta??o teve como objeto de estudos as teses, formula??es program?ticas e a hist?ria da Organiza??o Revolucion?ria Marxista Pol?tica Oper?ria (1961-1967). Os principais eixos de uni?o destes militantes iniciais da Polop foi a cr?tica ? posi??o do Partido Comunista do Brasil, a perspectiva de uma revolu??o socialista para o Brasil e sua posi??o favor?vel a independ?ncia de classe dos trabalhadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar os caminhos percorridos pela Polop na formula??o de suas principais teses e as mudan?as decorridas ao longo de sua hist?ria, especialmente ap?s o golpe civil-militar de 1964.

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Allsopp, Niall. « Turncoat poets of the English Revolution ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:72c956c3-ec8b-4b07-ad91-a05b0e72fd39.

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Edmund Waller, William Davenant, Andrew Marvell, and Abraham Cowley were royalist poets who changed sides following the English Revolution, attracted to Cromwellian military power, and the reforming aims of the Independents. This thesis contributes to existing scholarship by showing that the poets engaged strongly with theories of allegiance, self-consciously returning to first principles - the natures of sovereignty and obligation - to develop a concept of allegiance that was contingent and transferrable. Their crucial influence was Hobbes. Hobbes collapsed partisan perspectives into a general theory of sovereignty constituted by a de facto protective and coercive power; this was grounded on a psychological analysis of humans' restless appetite for power. The poets' approach to Hobbes was crucially mediated by Machiavelli, who provided a less abstract account of the relationship between individual agency and collective institutions, and whose concept of virtù offered a model for how restless ambition could be harnessed to political order. An introductory chapter sketches out the intellectual background to this body of theory and reflects on the methods used to show how the poets dramatized it in their works. Chapter two considers the disintegration of Waller's courtly poetry under the pressure of civil war, and his resulting turn to rationalist theory. Chapters three and four focus on the immediate aftermath of the revolution, considering the synthesis of Hobbes' and Machiavelli's theories of military power ventured by Davenant, and the influence of Davenant's ideas on Marvell's Machiavellianism. Chapter five focuses on Cowley and his more religiously-inflected account of Hobbesian psychology and political obligations. Chapter six asks how the poets responded to the Restoration of Charles II, and in particular charts their influence on the younger poet John Dryden. With their emphasis on materialist psychology, the turncoat poets abandoned allegory in favour of a mode of dramatization which observed the contingent circumstances in which allegiances could be generated, dissolved, and transferred. They possessed a political conservatism, but a conceptual radicalism which presented a serious challenge to Anglican and constitutionalist discourses of Stuart monarchy.

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Main, Steven John. « Creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's political apparatus during the Civil War (1918-1920) ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8314.

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The main aim of this dissertation has been to examine the creation, organisation and work of the Red Army's Civil War political apparatus and assess its overall contribution to the Bolshevik war effort. To this end the dissertation itself consists of 4 main chapters and a number of appendices, detailing not only the work of the main political organs of the Red Army, but also the main personalities involved. The first chapter is an introductory chapter, examining the organ, which many Soviet historians have for a long time considered to be the Bolsheviks' first attempt at the creation of a centralised political organ for the Red Army, namely the Organisation-agitation department of the All-Russian Collegiate for the Formation and Organisation of the Red Army. The work carried out for the first chapter then leads to a discussion of the work of arguably the first real attempt by the Bolsheviks to create a properly functioning political organ specifically for the Red Army, namely the All-Russian Bureau of Military Commissars (VBVK). The chapter has been sub-divided into a number of sections, in order to allow a greater detailed examination of the work, personalities and difficulties that the central political apparatus faced in its attempts to exert some sort of control over the various constituent parts of the front political apparatus-the military commissars, the Party cells and the ever-increasing important political departments in the period 1918-1919. That VBVK was not to be a crowning success is revealed by the necessity that the Bolsheviks felt towards the beginning of 1919 to abolish VBVK and create arguably the centralised political organ of the Red Army during the Civil War period-the Political Administration of the Revolutionary Military Soviet of the Republic (PUR). Created in May 1919, PUR was to face many of the same problems that had beset VBVK a year or so earlier but, on the whole, coped with them better and political and cultural-educational work in the Red Army proceeded apace. The final, conclusive chapter brings all the threads together and assesses the claims made for the political work carried out in the front-line Red Army units during 1918-1920 and, whilst admitting that the Bolsheviks did spend much time on promoting the apparatus in a number of ways, the assertions made by generations of Soviet historians concerning the overall value of the political and cultural-educational work carried out in the Red Army are still too grandiose and that there is a lack of concrete evidence available, proving the worth of the political work carried out and its positive military consequences.

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Le, Roux Selene. « Poetry of revolution : the poetic representation of political conflict and transition in Milton’s Paradise Lost and Marvell’s Cromwell Poems ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2869.

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Thesis (MA (English Literature))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
Seventeenth-century England witnessed a time of radical sociopolitical conflict and transition. This thesis aims to examine how two writers closely associated with this period and its controversies, John Milton and Andrew Marvell, represent events as they unfold. This thesis focuses specifically on Milton’s Paradise Lost and Marvell’s Cromwellian poems in order to show how these poets reinterpret established literary conventions and invoke traditional Puritan practices in order to explain and legitimise the precarious new dispensation of post-Civil War England. At the same time, their work produces ambiguities and tensions that threaten to undermine the very discourse that they attempt to endorse. Both poets’ work indicates an active involvement in the political embroilments of their time while retaining its aesthetic value. Therefore, these texts do not only function on an aesthetic level but also within the historical framework of political ideologies. The focus of this thesis is a discussion of the relationship between politics and poetry, with the emphasis on poetry of conflict and transition in civil society. In other words, it is not only considered how different poetic genres reflect social and political change in different ways but also how these genres in turn contribute to political rhetoric. During the English Revolution Milton and Marvell try to provide solutions for the political disturbance, even while remaining aware of the new conflicts produced in the attempt.

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Flores, Norma Lisa. « When Fear is Substituted for Reason : European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919 ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1350932743.

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Svensson, Bengt. « Seven Years That Shook Economic and Social Thinking : Reflections on the Revolution in Communist Economics 1985-1991 ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8353.

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The main theme of this study is to analyze the Soviet economic theoretical debate in the period 1985 – 1991. This period of reconstruction gave possibilities of a more free debate. In the period up to 1989/90 the directive from the Central Committee of the Communist Party was to defend the socialist economic system and its supremacy over market economics. However, certain market economic ideas were deemed as functioning methods also in a planned economic system. One of the conclusions in this thesis is that the Soviet economists failed to solve some central theoretical problems in the Soviet economy and as consequence their thinking failed to have a stabilizing effect on the socialist economic theory. The Achilles heel was how to apply the labour theory of value on a planned economy. In 1990 and 1991 the discussion was very free and now a transition to market economy was accepted by the economists. The main issue between the Soviet economists became now whether a gradual transition to market economy was to be preferred to shock therapy. The majority of the economists recommended a gradual transition. Scholars have emphasized that old stationary structures are important in Russian and Soviet history. A conclusion in this thesis is that such structures seemed to have played a role in Soviet and Russian theoretical thinking in the period 1985 – 1991.

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Santos, Rhenan Pereira. « En cada cuadra un comité, en cada barrio revolución : os cdr e a participação popular na transição socialista em cuba (1960-1975) ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/168960.

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Os Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) cumpriram um papel fundamental no processo de transição socialista iniciado em Cuba a partir de 1959. A Revolução, através deles, pode contar com o apoio das massas cubanas para enfrentar as muitas tarefas que se colocavam como desafios para a construção do socialismo no país. Construção que teria sido ainda mais difícil, não fossem os muitos cederistas em todo o país. Seu nascimento surge como resposta ao violento ataque contrarrevolucionário desencadeado com a ajuda do imperialismo estadunidense, mas rapidamente sofre uma profunda transformação. Os CDR, de forma bastante orgânica, passam a assumir as tarefas organizativas da vida cubana, fazendo com que a população atuasse em atividades que eram, até aquele momento, competência exclusiva do Estado. Com isso, os comités contribuem para a transformação do próprio caráter do Estado, tarefa essencial da transição socialista. O fato de que esta fosse uma sociedade de capitalismo dependente aumenta a dramaticidade da tarefa. Além disso, os CDR foram um importante canal para a participação política das massas cubanas, em um contexto em que as instituições políticas ainda não estavam suficientemente estabelecidas no país (período entre 1960 e 1975). Nesse sentido, agiram de forma dialética na contradição entre massas e vanguarda revolucionária, tensionando o processo em um sentido de maior democratização.
The Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) played a key role in the process of socialist transition initiated in Cuba in 1959. The Revolution, through them, can count on the support of the Cuban masses to face the many tasks that challenge for the construction of socialism in the country. Construction would have been even more difficult, if it were not for the many cederistas across the country. His birth comes as a response to the violent counterrevolutionary attack unleashed with the aid of US imperialism, but quickly undergoes a profound transformation. The CDR, in a very organic way, began to assume the organizational tasks of Cuban life, making the population work in activities that until then were the exclusive competence of the State itself. With this, the comités contribute to the transformation of the character of the State, an essential task of the socialist transition. The fact that it was a society of dependent capitalism increases the drama of the task. In addition, the CDR were an important channel for the political participation of the Cuban masses, in a context where political institutions were not sufficiently established in the country yet (between 1960 and 1975). In this sense, they acted dialectically in the contradiction between the masses and the revolutionary vanguard, stressing the process in a sense of greater democratization.

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Merlyn, Teri, et n/a. « Writing Revolution : The British Radical Literary Tradition as the Seminal Force in the Development of Adult Education, its Australian Context, and the Life and Work of Eric Lambert ». Griffith University. School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040616.131738.

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This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.

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Merlyn, Teri. « Writing Revolution : The British Radical Literary Tradition as the Seminal Force in the Development of Adult Education, its Australian Context, and the Life and Work of Eric Lambert ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367384.

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This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education
Full Text

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Edwards, Madeleine. « Houses of the People : Rural Education and Post-Revolutionary Constructions of Citizenship in Mexico 1917-1940 ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1207.

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This thesis argues that the curricula distributed among the newly founded, rural socialist schools in Mexico after the Revolution of 1910 created a new narrative about one of the most explosive moments in Latin American history. It describes the ways that women's work was increased by charging mothers with additional burdens of raising revolutionary citizens and developing the ideals of the revolution at home. The thesis gives a close read of one major children's novel of the time as well as articles from a teachers' magazine to discuss the ways that the post-revolutionary state government promoted indigenous ethnocide in the wake of the 1910 revolution and consolidated political power to the hands of the official state party which has dominated Mexican politics ever since.

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Akulli, Ksenafo. « Education and the Individual : An Exploration of Enver Hoxha’s Philosophy of Education ». The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1542907739330665.

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Pelegrini, Mauricio Aparecido 1977. « Michel Foucault e a revolução iraniana ». [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279681.

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Orientador: Luzia Margareth Rago
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T09:14:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pelegrini_MauricioAparecido_M.pdf: 22722884 bytes, checksum: e69445ee0b8d2e8f0af87988fd62244d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: Em 1978, Michel Foucault escreveu uma série de artigos jornalísticos para o periódico italiano "Corriere della Sera". Intituladas "reportagens de ideias", tinham como objetivo acompanhar o nascimento das ideias no cruzamento com os acontecimentos do tempo presente. No âmbito deste projeto, realizou duas viagens ao Irã (em setembro e novembro), onde acompanhou de perto a movimentação popular durante os eventos da Revolução Islâmica. Para compreender as raízes da oposição ao governo do xá Reza Pahlavi em seus diversos locais de manifestação, Foucault não se restringiu a conversar com os líderes revolucionários, mas entrevistou diferentes categorias de manifestantes, desde os trabalhadores organizados até os profissionais liberais e intelectualizados, passando pelos diversos níveis de organizações religiosas espalhadas pelo país, dos mulás líderes tribais aos aiatolás das grandes cidades de Qom e Teerã. O que lhe interessava era assistir ao nascimento de uma nova forma de pensar entre os iranianos, e isto só seria possível se ele estivesse lá, em meio ao fervilhar revolucionário. O conjunto de textos, que compreende também artigos, manifestos e entrevistas publicados na imprensa francesa, foi objeto de enorme polêmica, principalmente devido aos desdobramentos posteriores à revolução, com a instauração de uma ditadura teocrática de caráter persecutório às minorias e aos direitos humanos, e permaneceram até hoje pouco explorados teoricamente. Esta dissertação pretende analisar as reportagens iranianas de Foucault a partir de sua construção textual, dos conceitos introduzidos e das diversas interpretações que as cercam. Estrutura-se, assim, em três eixos: o primeiro tem o objetivo de recuperar a trama conceitual interna às reportagens; o segundo, analisar as críticas recebidas e seu contexto teórico; o terceiro, apresentar a espiritualidade política como principal inovação introduzida no corpus teórico foucaultiano. Pretende-se destacar, ainda, ressonâncias dos textos iranianos em outras questões elaboradas por Foucault
Abstract: In 1978 Michel Foucault wrote a series of news articles for the Italian newspaper "Corriere della Sera". Called "journalism of ideas", the articles had the purpose of following the birth of ideas upon its crossing with present times¿ events. Within the scope of this project, he made two trips to Iran (in September and November), where he followed up close the popular movement during the events of the Islamic Revolution. In order to grasp the roots of the opposition to the Shah Reza Pahlavi government in its several places of manifestation, Foucault did not restrain himself to talking to revolutionary leaders but rather also interviewed different categories of protestors, from organized workers to independent and intellectualized professionals, going through the several level of religious organizations spread out through the country, from mullah tribal leaders to Ayatollahs of the large cities of Qom and Tehran. Foucault was interested in witnessing the birth of a new form of thinking among Iranians and it would only be possible if he would be there present, amidst the revolutionary effervescence. The set of texts, which comprises also articles, manifestos and interviews published by the French press was object of great polemic, mainly due to the unfolding of events following the revolution, with the instauration of a theocratic dictatorship having a persecutory nature against minorities and human rights, and remaining until nowadays not much theoretically explored. This dissertation has the purpose of analyzing the Iranian reportages by Foucault from its textual construction, of concepts introduced and several interpretations surrounding them. Therefore, this paper is structured in three axis, the first having the purpose of retrieving the internal conceptual scheme of the reportages; the second being the analysis of criticism received and its theoretical context; the third being to present the political spirituality as the main innovation introduced to Foucault¿s theoretical framework. It is intended to emphasize yet the resonances of the Iranian texts in other issues elaborated by Foucault
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História

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Glomm, Anna Sandaker. « Graphic revolt ! : Scandinavian artists' workshops, 1968-1975 : Røde Mor, Folkets Ateljé and GRAS ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3171.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the three artists' workshops Røde Mor (Red Mother), Folkets Ateljé (The People's Studio) and GRAS, who worked between 1968 and 1975 in Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Røde Mor was from the outset an articulated Communist graphic workshop loosely organised around collective exhibitions. It developed into a highly productive and professionalised group of artists that made posters by commission for political and social movements. Its artists developed a familiar and popular artistic language characterised by imaginative realism and socialist imagery. Folkets Ateljé, which has never been studied before, was a close knit underground group which created quick and immediate responses to concurrent political issues. This group was founded on the example of Atelier Populaire in France and is strongly related to its practices. Within this comparative study it is the group that comes closest to collective practises around 1968 outside Scandinavia, namely the democratic assembly. The silkscreen workshop GRAS stemmed from the idea of economic and artistic freedom, although socially motivated and politically involved, the group never implemented any doctrine for participation. The aim of this transnational study is to reveal common denominators to the three groups' poster art as it was produced in connection with a Scandinavian experience of 1968. By ‘1968' it is meant the period from the late 1960s till the end of the 1970s. It examines the socio-political conditions under which the groups flourished and shows how these groups operated in conjunction with the political environment of 1968. The thesis explores the relationship between political movements and the collective art making process as it appeared in Scandinavia. To present a comprehensible picture of the impact of 1968 on these groups, their artworks, manifestos, and activities outside of the collective space have been discussed. The argument has presented itself that even though these groups had very similar ideological stances, their posters and techniques differ. This has impacted the artists involved to different degrees, yet made it possible to express the same political goals. It is suggested to be linked with the Scandinavian social democracies and common experience of the radicalisation that took place mostly in the aftermath of 1968 proper. By comparing these three groups' it has been uncovered that even with the same socio-political circumstances and ideological stance divergent styles did develop to embrace these issue.

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Clarke, Christopher. « The Rucksack Revolution : the Beat Generation's views of nature ». Thesis, 2008. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/975617/1/MR40812.pdf.

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This thesis is the result of my passion for Beat literature and ecological ethics. The 1950s and the Beat Generation are rarely discussed regarding the evolution of environmental ethics in the United States of America. This is an obvious intersection of two fields that could be of use to our society that today faces great environmental challenges. This thesis uses the published and unpublished works of Beat writers Jack Kerouac, Gary Snyder, Michael McClure and Lew Welch in an attempt to understand their interpretations of nature and humankind✹s role within it. It concludes that they exhibited important ecological principles in their writings and lifestyles and that we can better appreciate the evolution of Deep Ecology and eco-centrism more broadly by studying the Beats.

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Greaves, Duncan Bruce. « The Politics of revolution : some problems in the strategy of socialist transformation ». Thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/7629.

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Theories of the transition to socialism typically invoke, in one way or another, the notion of revolution. This dissertation is a discussion and analysis, largely conceptual in character, of the political dimensions of this notion. More exactly, it is a discussion of some principal Marxian accounts of revolution. In Part I the theoretical foundations of this account are explored by way of a methodological introduction (invoking the construct of essential contestedness). In Part 2 the contours of this account are sketched, and subjected to some (largely internal) analysis. The focus here is on Marx and the dominant figures in the political tradition to which his work gave rise, namely Lenin, Kautsky, Luxemburg and Gramsci. In Part 3 this distinctively Marxian account is subjected to a critique on two lines: the first line concerns the validity of its account of class, and the second the plausibility of its model of collective action. In both cases the Marxian account is found to be inadequate. Since the very heart of this account is a notion of purposive class action, the Marxian theory of revolution is thus called into serious question.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1988.

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Weiner, Benno Ryan. « The Chinese Revolution on the Tibetan Frontier : State Building, National Integration and Socialist Transformation, Zeku (Tsékhok) County, 1953-1958 ». Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D81260QQ.

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This dissertation analyzes early attempts by the Chinese Communist Party to integrate Zeku (Tsékhok) County, an ethnically Tibetan, pastoral region located in southeastern Qinghai/Amdo, into the People's Republic of China. Employing county-level archival materials, it argues that during the immediate post-Liberation period, Party leaders implicitly understood both the administrative and epistemological obstacles to transforming a vast multiethnic empire into a unitary, socialist nation-state. For much of the 1950s it therefore employed a "subimperial" strategy, referred to as the United Front, as a means to gradually and voluntarily bridge the gap between empire and nation. However, the United Front ultimately lost out to a revolutionary impatience that demanded immediate national integration and socialist transformation, leading in 1958 to communization, democratic reforms and rebellion. Despite successfully identifying the tensions between empire and nation, and attempting to creatively resolve them, empire was eliminated before the process of de-imperialization and nationalization was completed. This failure occurred at both the level of policy and narrative, leaving Amdo's Tibetan population unevenly absorbed into the modern Chinese nation-state.

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Larrabure, Manuel. « Praxis, Informal Learning and Particpatory Democracy : The Case of Venezuela's Socialist Production Units ». Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/25659.

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Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.

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Beaulieu, Michel S. « A Proletarian Prometheus : Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935 ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1715.

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“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested.
Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652

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De, Mattos Rudy Frédéric 1974. « The discourse of women writers in the French Revolution : Olympe de Gouges and Constance de Salm ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3468.

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Twentieth-century scholars have extensively studied how Rousseau's domestic discourse impacted the patriarchal ideology in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and contributed to women's exclusion from the public sphere. Joan Landes, Lynn Hunt, and many others, argued that the French Revolution excluded women from the public sphere and confined them to the domestic realm. Joan Landes also argued that the patriarchal discourse was a mere reflection of social reality. In The Other Enlightenment, Carla Hesse argues for the women's presence in the public sphere. One of the goals of this dissertation is to contribute to the debate by analyzing the content of the counter-discourse of selected women authors during the revolutionary era and examine how they challenged and subverted the patriarchal discourse. In the second chapter, I reconstruct the patriarchal discourse. I first examine the official (or legal) discourse in crucial works which remain absent from major modern sources: Jean Domat's Loix civiles dans leur order naturel and Louis de Héricourt's Loix eccleésiastiques de France dans leur order naturel. Then I look at how scientists like Monroe, Roussel, Lignac, Venel, and Robert used discoveries regarding woman's physiology to create a medical discourse that justifies woman's inferiority so as to confine them into the domestic/private sphere. I examine how intellectuals such as Rousseau, Diderot, Montesquieu, Coyer and Laclos, reinforced women's domesticity. In chapter 3, I examine women's participation in the early stage of the Revolution and the overt attempt by some women to claim their place in the public sphere and to challenge and subvert the oppressive patriarchal discourse through their writings. Chapter 4 focuses on Olympe de Gouges's theater and a specific example of subversion of the patriarchal discourse: I compare the father figure in Diderot's La Religieuse and de Gouges's play Le Couvent, ou les Voeux forcés. Finally chapter 5 examines women's involvement in the French Revolution after 1794 and Constance de Salm's attack on patriarchy.

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Smith, Sarah Rutherford. « Freedom of testation : a memento of capitalist patriarchy ». Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3891.

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The South African concept of freedom of testation is one of the most absolute concepts of freedom of testation in westernised legal systems. It is suggested that the South African concept of freedom of testation is a memento of capitalist patriarchy. As the South African legal system practices a nearly absolute concept of freedom of testation, capitalist patriarchy has maintained masculine control of property in South Africa and perpetuated the systems of male dominance prevalent in South Africa. Freedom of testation allows for wealth to pass from one male to another. It also allows entrenched gender roles to continue by excluding women from inheriting. Thus the South African law of testate succession and its central concept of freedom of testation allows for discrimination on the ground of gender.
Jurisprudence
LL.M

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Ribeiro, Sara Augusta Rufo. « O caso República no contexto político-militar de 1975 ». Master's thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/7787.

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Em pleno período revolucionário de 1975, o caso República surgiria como um espelho das movimentações políticas do Portugal pós-25 de Abril. Inicialmente visto como um conflito de trabalho, rapidamente evoluiria para uma das mais graves crises políticas do processo revolucionário de 1974/1975. A partir deste estudo pretendemos relacionar o caso República com o contexto político-militar da altura, percebendo quais as razões para o seu desenvolvimento, a forma como os partidos e militares se envolveram, e compreender quais as consequências do conflito ao nível da acção dos principais partidos e das relações entre si. Os militares, como uma das figuras centrais do sistema político português da altura, serão também alvo de análise: focam-se as suas posições em relação ao caso e as consequências do mesmo ao nível interno do Conselho da Revolução. Pretendemos, assim, perceber o impacto do caso República no desenrolar do processo revolucionário e a forma como condicionou a acção e o contexto político-militar de 1975.
During the revolutionary period of 1975, the República affair emerged as a mirror of the political maneuvers post-25th of April. Initially seen as another work conflict, it would rapidly evolve into one of the most serious political crisis of the revolutionary process of 1974/1975. In this study, we relate the República affair to the political-military context of the time to understand which were the reasons for its development, the way the parties and the military engaged, and to comprehend what were the consequences of the affair for the political parties and the relationships between them. The military, as one of the central figures of the political system of the time, will also be studied: we will focus on their position towards the affair and its consequences within the Council of the Revolution. Comprehending the impact of the República affair in the development of the revolutionary process and the way it influenced the political-military context and movements of 1975 is the main goal of this thesis.

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Leshoele, Moorosi. « Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance in contemporary Africa : lessons from Burkina Faso’s Thomas Sankara ». Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26595.

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This study is about four interrelated key issues, namely, critique of Thomas Sankara as a political figure and erstwhile president of Burkina Faso; examination of Pan-Africanism as a movement, theory, ideology and uniting force for Africans and people of African descent globally; evaluation of leadership and governance lessons drawn from Burkina Faso’s August 1983 revolution, its successes, challenges, and shortcomings, and lastly; it draws socioeconomic and developmental lessons from the Burkina Faso experience under Sankara’s administration during the brief period from 1983 until his untimely assassination on 15 October 1987. The ousting of Blaise Compaore in October 2014 brought to the fore Sankara’s long buried and suppressed legacy, and this is what, in part, led to me deciding to do a systematic and thorough study of Sankara and the Burkina Faso Revolution. Two theories were used in the study – Pan Africanism and Afrocentricity - because they together centre and privilege the African people’s plight and agency and the urgent need for Africans to find solutions to their own problems in the same way Sankara emphasised the need for an independent endogenous development approach in Burkina Faso. Methodologically, a Mixed Methods Research (MMR) approach was employed so as to exploit and leverage the strengths of each individual approach and due to the complex nature of the phenomena studied. The study argues that the nerve centre of developmental efforts in Burkina Faso was a self-propelled, self-centred, and endogenous development model which placed the agency and responsibility, first and foremost, in the hands of Burkinabe people themselves using their own internal resources to improve their lives. Secondly, agrarian reforms were designed in such a way that they formed the bedrock of economic self-reliance and industrial development in Burkina Faso. Lastly, overall findings of the study indicate that the revolutionary cause and intervention in all critical sectors such as education, health, and the economy were prioritised and the pace at which these sectors were overhauled was crucial. Implication of these findings for development in Africa is that development cannot be externally imported either through foreign direct investments or through a straight-jacket policy transfer where African countries often borrow European economic policies and try to implement them in drastically different contexts and historical epochs.
Political Sciences
Ph. D. (Philosophy)

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Reis, Palmira dos Santos. « O Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola, o primeiro governo angolano e o reforço do autocratismo com o 27 de Maio de 1977 ». Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/17827.

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Com o advento dos movimentos nacionalistas africanos e por pressão dos organismos internacionais, Portugal, não podendo continuar a "mascarar" a existência de colónias com a denominação de "províncias", concede a independência aos seus territórios ultramarinos, logo depois da revolução de 25 de abril de 1974. Em Angola, o sentimento nacionalista pró-independência já estava em marcha, sobre a forma de luta armada desde 1961. Inicialmente, apenas dois movimentos independentistas lutavam contra o exército português, o Movimento de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) e a Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola (FNLA), quer no terreno, quer através de ações se sensibilização dos dirigentes nacionalistas, que se encontravam exilados. Em 1966 é criada a União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA). São aqueles três movimentos que, depois dos Acordos de Alvor, são chamados a tomar posse como Governo Transitório, até à preparação e proclamação da independência, marcada para a data de 11 de novembro de 1975. Não foi isso que aconteceu e o MPLA, de Agostinho Neto, proclamou, unilateralmente, a independência da República Popular de Angola. Esta dissertação pretende contribuir com a análise do perfil de Agostinho Neto, enquanto líder do MPLA, na clandestinidade, e depois, já como primeiro presidente de Angola, para o entendimento da execução da sua política, e o endurecimento da mesma, após a tentativa de golpe de estado a 27 de Maio de 1977. O MPLA, desde muito cedo que sofreu dissidências e Agostinho Neto, enquanto seu presidente, conseguiu sempre anulá-las a seu favor, reservando para os líderes da oposição penas severas, quando não a eliminação física, antes e depois da independência. O drástico episódio do 27 de Maio de 1977 em Angola foi um exemplo de como o choque entre duas personalidades, Agostinho Neto e Nito Alves, que lutaram pela independência na clandestinidade, e pertencendo ao mesmo movimento, tinham formas distintas de entender a "Revolução Socialista".
Immediately after the Revolution of 25th of April in 1974, coupled with the both the advent of the African Nationalist movement and the increasing pressure being exerted by international organizations, Portugal could no longer "mask" the existence of colony´s with a "provincial" denomination, the matter of independence of it´s overseas territories had to be addressed. Nationalist sentiment for pro-independence was however, already under way in Angola since 1961, in the guise of the armed struggle. Initially, only two independent movements fought the Portuguese army, namely, The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and The National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA). They not only wanted to claim land but raise awareness through sensitization of nationalist leaders which were exiled. The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) was formed, just, in 1966. Only these three movements, were called upon, after the Agreement of Alvor, to take office as Transitional Government, during the preparation and proclamation of Independence, scheduled for the 11th November 1975. That is, however, not what happened. The MPLA, lead by Agostinho Neto, unilaterally proclaimed the Independence of the People's Republic of Angola. This dissertation intends to analyze the profile of Agostinho Neto, his clandestine operations whilst leader of the MPLA, and thereafter as the first President of Angola. We examine the implementation of his policies as well as the concretization thereof after the attempted coup de etat on the 27th May 1977. The MPLA suffered much internal disharmony from very early on, and, whilst in power, Agostinho Neto, somehow managed to nullify them in his favor. He imposed severe penalties on the opposition leaders both before and after independence, the severity of which could include death. The massacre in Angola on the 27th May 1977 serves as a horrific example of the egoistic, the clandestinely clash between two personalities, Agostinho Neto and Nito Alves, fighting for independence, which, whilst belonging to the same movement, embodied a paradoxical understanding of the term "Socialist Revolution".

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Tyler, John. « A Pragmatic Standard of Legal Validity ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10885.

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American jurisprudence currently applies two incompatible validity standards to determine which laws are enforceable. The natural law tradition evaluates validity by an uncertain standard of divine law, and its methodology relies on contradictory views of human reason. Legal positivism, on the other hand, relies on a methodology that commits the analytic fallacy, separates law from its application, and produces an incomplete model of law. These incompatible standards have created a schism in American jurisprudence that impairs the delivery of justice. This dissertation therefore formulates a new standard for legal validity. This new standard rejects the uncertainties and inconsistencies inherent in natural law theory. It also rejects the narrow linguistic methodology of legal positivism. In their stead, this dissertation adopts a pragmatic methodology that develops a standard for legal validity based on actual legal experience. This approach focuses on the operations of law and its effects upon ongoing human activities, and it evaluates legal principles by applying the experimental method to the social consequences they produce. Because legal history provides a long record of past experimentation with legal principles, legal history is an essential feature of this method. This new validity standard contains three principles. The principle of reason requires legal systems to respect every subject as a rational creature with a free will. The principle of reason also requires procedural due process to protect against the punishment of the innocent and the tyranny of the majority. Legal systems that respect their subjects' status as rational creatures with free wills permit their subjects to orient their own behavior. The principle of reason therefore requires substantive due process to ensure that laws provide dependable guideposts to individuals in orienting their behavior. The principle of consent recognizes that the legitimacy of law derives from the consent of those subject to its power. Common law custom, the doctrine of stare decisis, and legislation sanctioned by the subjects' legitimate representatives all evidence consent. The principle of autonomy establishes the authority of law. Laws must wield supremacy over political rulers, and political rulers must be subject to the same laws as other citizens. Political rulers may not arbitrarily alter the law to accord to their will. Legal history demonstrates that, in the absence of a validity standard based on these principles, legal systems will not treat their subjects as ends in themselves. They will inevitably treat their subjects as mere means to other ends. Once laws do this, men have no rest from evil.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Views on socialist revolution »

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