Articles de revues : « Views on communist propaganda »

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Hrytsenko, Andrii, et Oleksii Mozghovyi. « Integration of communist propaganda in the USSR education system in the 1920s : a historical and political aspect ». SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, n^o 41 (2023) : 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.5.

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The basis of communist propaganda is the views of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels as the founders of communist ideology. The Soviet state was built on their works and ideas. But Marx and Engels were quite critical of the issue of propaganda. From their point of view, the revolution and the transition to communism are the consequences of scientific and technological progress, which do not depend on the activities of individuals and will definitely happen in the future. Therefore, there is no need to create documents and programs that would help to implement a communist revolution in the future, especially since they did not see the need for propaganda, because humanity, over time, will understand the superiority of communism over capitalism. Also, Marx and Engels denied the idea of revolution in the Russian Empire because they believed that the Russian working class was too weak to carry out a revolution, and Russia was still an aristocratic state. The true founder of communist propaganda in the USSR was Lenin. He wanted to create a new working class in the country through propaganda, which would be devoted to the party and the ideas of communism. With this, he wanted to find a compromise between his desire for a revolution in Russia and the views of Marx. From the beginning of the USSR, education was given one of the first places in the propaganda system. Because education played the role of the primary link in the process of socialization of the individual, filling it with ideological propaganda made it possible to raise future generations as committed communists. By the end of the 1930s, both a new education system and new teaching methods were formed, in accordance with the new ideology. Changes introduced by Anton Makarenko played an important role in this process. In Makarenko's opinion, education and upbringing should be carried out only in and with the help of the collective. Only the collective is capable of forming a full-fledged personality, revealing its potential and making it a conscious part of society. Individual interests should always be subordinated to collective interests, both in education and in life. In addition, Makarenko was a great supporter of military discipline, and accordingly, he sought to incorporate elements of the army system into the education system. It was from the collective organization of army units that he rejected when organizing collectivism in schools. Makarenko's ideas were very important for the new state. They were supposed to help reeducate the country's population in accordance with the principles of communism, including military methods and concentration camps. Thanks to Makarenko, the Soviet state developed its own theory and methodology of authoritarian and imperative influence on society's consciousness. The Soviet authorities became confident that regardless of a person's age and social status, with the help of education, he can be reeducated into a true communist, using propaganda. Lenin and his entourage sought to cover the entire society with the education system, not only the proletariat, as Marx wanted. The future member of the communist society began to perceive communist propaganda from kindergarten, school, and communication in the family and participation in youth organizations: Little Octobrists, Pioneers and Komsomol.

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TAMÁS, ÁGNES. « OLD-NEW ENEMIES IN HUNGARIAN AND YUGOSLAV CARICATURES AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1945–1947) ». ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, n^o 28 (27 décembre 2017) : 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2017.28.171-188.

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In this paper I analyse caricatures of Hungarian and Yugoslav comic papers (Jež, Ludas Matyi, Új Szó, and Pesti Izé) between 1945 and 1947. I chose this source since the analysis of caricatures can demonstrate the functioning of communist propaganda. After the presentation of sources and goals of the paper, I analyse the depiction of war criminals, the perception of democracy and the Western states, and the representation of democrats and German enemies within the country in Hungary. Then I analyse the depiction of the self of the communists and finally, before the conclusions, the Peace Treaty of Paris in caricatures. The analysed propaganda caricatures documented well the views and propaganda methods of the Communist Parties regarding the above-mentioned topics.

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Мозговий, Олексій. « THE IDEOLOGICAL BASIS OF USING THE PRESS AS A COMPONENT OF COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA IN THE USSR ». КОНСЕНСУС, n^o 1 (2024) : 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2024-01/105-114.

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The article analyzes the ideological basis of the use of the press as a component of communist Soviet propaganda. In the communist ideology that was founded by Karl Marx, the press played a significant role as a guide of Marxist ideas. Vladimir Lenin developed the ideas of Marx, and created the theoretical basis for the use of the centralized press system by the Soviet state apparatus for effective dissemination of communist propaganda. The aim of the article is to determine the main ideological aspects of Marxism and Leninism regarding the use of the press as a tool of communist propaganda during the existence of the USSR in order to spread the ideas and goals of communist ideology. The scientific novelty is that the main ideological foundations of the use of the press in the system of Soviet propaganda were determined based on the analysis and comparison of the ideas of Marx and Lenin. Conclusions. As a result of the conducted analysis, it was established that in his views, Marx paid considerable attention to the issue of the press. He saw the press as an important element in the development of the labor movement, which, as a result, was to lead to the communist revolution. Due to the fact that he considered the revolution inevitable, and propaganda, in such a case, superfluous, he considered the press precisely as a platform for the spread of communist ideas, and not as an element of the propaganda system. Lenin developed Marx's ideas about the press, but he was convinced of the need to conduct the revolution first. And, only after that, he saw it necessary to develop communist attitudes among workers. He considered it possible only with the help of propaganda. That is why he described the press as a centralized, state-subordinated system that works exclusively in the interests of the party and communist ideology.

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Yuliantri, Rhoma Dwi Aria. « Jajasan “Pembaruan” : Propaganda discourse through its printed products ». Informasi 51, n^o 1 (4 juillet 2021) : 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/informasi.v51i1.32778.

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The purpose of this paper is to describe Jajasan “Pembaruan” as a publisher that produced printed materials in the form of magazines and books in Indonesia (1950-1966). This study might be categorized in the history of communication as a political frame. This article examines particularly on how Jajasan “Pembaruan” as a political agent carried out propaganda with printed material productions in the form of book and magazine publications. As an agent of trans-nationalism, through the content in the publication, Jajasan “Pembaruan” as well as being a medium in shaping the concept of identity politically and culturally through discourse politics. This research shows that the publications by Jajasan “Pembaruan” were agents of political propaganda pioneered by several young people (political activists and leftist thinkers), the Indonesian Communist Party. Thus, the productions by Jajasan “Pembaruan” were at the same time a strong foundation in providing theory, politics, and practices regarding the idea of a “new way”, especially among the cadres of the Indonesian Communist Party about Indonesian political identity. Propaganda spread through books or magazines published by Jajasan “Pembaruan” was one of the discourse efforts of “decolonialization” in spreading various communist political views. Production or printed materials by Jajasan “Pembaruan” received support in a fluid communication network between countries in the context of the cold war.

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Giray, Louie Galvez. « The Infusion of Propaganda in the Music Education in China ». Aksara : Jurnal Ilmu Pendidikan Nonformal 8, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.37905/aksara.8.1.1-6.2022.

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Under the administration of the Communist China, the distinction between education and propaganda cannot be made. Various research and literatures reveal that many resources used by Chinese educational institutions, such as books and songs, are modified in order to inject views that favor People’s Republic of China and ideologies from the Communist Party. This perspective paper explores the infusion of propaganda undertaken in the education in the Communist China. It also provides a discussion on both the advantages and disadvantages of such conduct. Particularly, it elaborates on the concepts of self-preserving maneuver for social stability and country’s survival; emphasis on the welfare of the state; the domino effect in altering musical pieces; corrupted education and altered truth; manifestation of the superiority and authoritarianism of the ruling party; and the ideological remolding to establish loyalty and nationalism. It is recommended that in order for China to be faithful to its slogan, diversity in unity, respecting differences on musical works of ethnicities and not intervening on them would be a decent starting point.

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Buchowski, Michał, David B. Kronenfeld, William Peterman et Lynn Thomas. « Language, Nineteen eighty-four, and 1989 ». Language in Society 23, n^o 4 (septembre 1994) : 555–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018194.

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ABSTRACTThe article examines the fact that the push for democracy and the end of Communist rule in Central Europe was phrased in terms of traditional European notions of freedom and democracy, in spite of longlived Communist attempts to redefine these and related terms in order to make them a Communist reality. Communist language usage was forcefully brought home to the West by George Orwell in Nineteen Eighty-Four, especially in his notion of “doublethink”. We use the semantic theory of David Kronenfeld, along with Leon Festinger's theory of cognitive dissonance and Jean Piaget's views of how children's cognitive systems develop (including natural language), to derive a theoretical explanation for the failure of the Orwellian prediction and of the Communist linguistic efforts on which it was predicated. The explanation involves Ferdinand de Saussure's central idea that language is an interlinked system which is crucially social, and points to the critical role of childre's early language learning (in mundane, everyday contexts) on the development and structuring of their adult system. (Extensionist semantics, politics and language, cognitive dissonance, Central Europe, Poland, George Orwell, propaganda, language change)

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Miodowski, Adam. « „Robotnica”, „Włościanka” i „Kobieta Sowiecka” – główne tytuły masowej sowieckiej prasy kobiecej szczebla centralnego (przed II wojną i po II wojnie światowej) ». Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, n^o 1(10) (2021) : 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2021.01.10.05.

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In Poland, there is a noticeable deficit of knowledge about the mass Soviet women’s press. After all, it for decades shaped the views and attitudes of millions of Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian women and other residents of the Soviet Union. Such periodicals as “Robotnica”, “Włościanka”, “Kobieta Sowiecka”, being at the central level a part of a powerful propaganda machine, facilitated the Communist Party’s ‘piecemeal’ of women’s souls in the spirit of Marxist feminism. And its promoters, such as Nadezhda Krupska, Anna Ulyanova-Yelizarova, Inessa Armand, Aleksandra Kołłontaj and many others like them, so much that less known associates of Vladimir Lenin and his successors combined political and journalistic activity. The consequence of this situation was not only the instrumentalization of the women’s press politicized by the communist party, but also the limitation of its agency.

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Homyakov, Sergey V., et Anastasia N. Soboleva. « New life of the Old Believers of Transbaikalia : towards the “Soviet person” (late 1920s) ». Vestnik of Kostroma State University 27, n^o 4 (23 décembre 2021) : 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2021-27-4-39-46.

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In the 1920s, throughout the USSR, there were well-known processes of unification of a heterogeneous social structure, ultimately designed to create a unified Soviet society. The attitude of the Old Believers of Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and Chita District of the Far Eastern Territory to what was happening during this period became one of the most problematic in terms of the introduction of Communist principles. This was recognised by almost all local Party officials and cultural workers. Formally reproducing the structures of Soviet political and economic institutions, adopting technical innovations and the specifics of the "cultural revolution" in their lives – in reality, the Semeiskie Old Believers often did not seek to change their views on the world, religious identity for the sake of forming the Soviet type of personality. The purpose of the work is to analyse the relationship between the authorities and the Old Believers, as well as the everyday perception of the Communist ideology by the latter. Hence, the main problem can be considered the identification of the reaction of the Semeiskie (including the Communists) to the intensified in their community anti-religious propaganda by the late 1920s – the main condition for changing the paradigm of the worldview. Another problem is to research the ideological (educational) aspect of the new way of life and people's attitudes towards it. As a brief conclusion it should be noted that the process of the formation of the Soviet type of personality in the Old Believers’ environment of Transbaikalia by the early 1930s had a formal character of development: the ideologisation of the population with atheistic propaganda were not tied in the minds of people as an indispensable prerequisite for their new cultural life.

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Tsai, Wen-Hsuan, et Peng-Hsiang Kao. « Secret Codes of Political Propaganda : The Unknown System of Writing Teams ». China Quarterly 214 (13 mai 2013) : 394–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013000362.

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AbstractWithin the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), some Party units have established a largely unknown network of writing teams which propagate the policies or perspectives of a particular unit by publishing feature articles in Party journals. These writing teams often make use of a pseudonym in the form of a person's name, leading outsiders to believe that the work is written by a journalist. In fact, the pseudonyms of the Party unit writing teams function as a form of secret code. Through this code, inner Party members can recognize which unit's views an article reflects. In order to reveal exactly which units the codes represent, we have collated the names of over 20 writing teams. In addition, we provide an introduction to the functioning of the writing teams and the manner in which articles are produced. Finally, we propose that the CCP's mechanism of “propaganda codes” is gradually undergoing the process of institutionalization.

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Monika, Jessi. « Analysis of United States Propaganda Against North Korea Through The Film The Interview ». International Journal on Social Science, Economics and Art 11, n^o 1 (1 mai 2021) : 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35335/ijosea.v10i1.4.

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This research tried to describe the propaganda made by United States against North Korea through a movie entitled The Interview. The movie Interview. The movue despict how the communist state of North Korea is very closed and anti to foreign countries eventually want to do an interview with the president of North Korea. In the film The Interview United States producing films on large-General for the state of North Korea, where the United States and North Korea opposites in many ways, both in terms of economics, ideology, and the perception of the public, even in the use of nuclear weapons. The theory used in this research is to analyze the theory of discourse analysis Norman Fairclough, to understand the views of experts on the analysis of discourse, the concept of propaganda techniques according to the experts to understand the propaganda. By using interviews with respondents drawn by profession, this study uses analysis of the interview, the general condition of the two countries, critical discourse analysis, and examined the scene and its relevance to theories and concepts used. The overall results were obtained that the film is a propaganda film The Interview United States against North Korea, one of the film's release purpose is to divert North Korea at the same time prevent North Korea did not attack the United States with nuclear weapons.

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Zuenko, I. Y. « Chinese Reaction and Interpretation of 1991 Events in the Soviet Union ». Journal of International Analytics 12, n^o 1 (25 mai 2021) : 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-1-96-111.

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The article is timed to coincide with two anniversaries: centenary of the Communist Party of China, and thirty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. According to the author’s idea, these two anniversaries correlate: analysis of the reasons and consequences of the USSR dissolution became one of the factors of current policy of Chinese communists. The article brings light to this coherence. A wide range of Chinese sources and literature regarding 1991 events in the USSR was used for the article. Another feature is the attention to historical context of the late 1980s – early 1990s, analysis of which helps to understand domination of conservative view to the USSR dissolution. The article shows how the Chinese state and party interest in the Soviet experience led to creation of a large bulk of works regarding historical, sociological and culturological aspects of the USSR dissolution. The analysis of the most impactful of these works shows a wide range of views regarding certain aspects (fi rst of all, the role of reforms in the fi nal dissolution of the state) and consensus regarding other aspects (negative role of Mikhail Gorbachev, labelling the dissolution of the USSR and the Communist Party as a ‘catastrophe’). Further analysis of the Soviet experience led to such measures by the Chinese leadership like strengthening of partocracy regime, conducting of media-covered anti-smuggling campaigns, establishing of harsh administrative and security control in areas with ethnic minorities, active counterpropaganda and struggling with foreign information infl uence. Appellation to the negative experience of the USSR and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is using by the Chinese leadership in its propaganda as an argument for unacceptability of any political reforms regarding weakening of the party role.

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GRIES, PETER HAYS, et MATTHEW SANDERS. « How Socialization Shapes Chinese Views of America and the World ». Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, n^o 1 (29 janvier 2016) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000365.

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AbstractUrban Chinese today do not appear to trust foreign countries. Why are they so suspicious? Over the past quarter century, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has utilized its educational and propaganda systems to produce historical narratives of imperial China's beneficence towards its East Asian neighbors, and of an early modern ‘Century of Humiliation’ at the hands of ‘imperialist’ foreign powers. Qualitative analysis of Chinese social media today suggests that these narratives are tied to widespread popular distrust of China's ‘ungrateful’ East Asian neighbors and the ‘hegemonic’ West today. Interrogating a 2012 survey of urban Chinese, this paper explores the sources of international attitudes quantitatively. It first examines whether Chinese today do indeed distrust foreign countries. It then tests two hypotheses about the drivers of Chinese distrust towards the world today. A ‘top-down’ socialization hypothesis holds that political (e.g. party propaganda via education and the media) and/or social (e.g. peer groups, social conformity) pressures shape the international attitudes of the Chinese people. A ‘bottom-up’ psychological hypothesis, by contrast, holds that individual differences like age and gender shape Chinese attitudes. We find substantial support for the former: more years of education are associated with levels of dis/trust in foreign countries in the socially or politically appropriate ways. However, we also find that ‘bottom-up’ individual differences in subjective interest in international affairs interact with ‘top-down’ socialization processes like education and media exposure in shaping the international attitudes of urban Chinese today. The prevalence of public discourses of distrust towards foreign countries does not bode well for Chinese foreign policy in the twenty-first century.

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Radzobe, Silvija. « WAS ČAKS A COMMUNIST (AT HEART) ? » Culture Crossroads 8 (13 novembre 2022) : 218–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol8.180.

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At the outbreak of World War I, Aleksandrs Čaks, then still Aleksandrs Čadarainis, together with Riga Alexander-Gymnasium, where he is a student at the time, is evacuated to Russia. During the Civil War, the young man ends up in Saransk, a city in the remote Russian province, where he gets actively involved in politics. He becomes a member of the All-Union Communist (Bolshevik) Party; works as the editor-in- chief of the local newspaper “Коммунистический Путь” (The Communist Road); publishes articles of political nature in it about the current moment, signing them with his initial (A); takes the position of the director of the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Saransk District Party Committee; organises a celebration of the Anniversary of October Revolution; in a politics study group, presents a report about the Fourth International. So far, Čaks’s publications in the Saransk periodicals have been mentioned in the public space but have not been analysed; moreover, his report, the text of which has been luckily found in the collection of the Literature Museum, has never been mentioned before. In her paper, the author will analyse these sources and focus on the link between the left-wing political views of the young poet and his art. In addition, for the first time in Čaks scholarship, it has been established that the so called Antonov’s gangs, the fight against which the poet joined with a weapon in his hand, was in fact a mass uprising of the farmers in Tambov gubernia against the heavy tax in kind imposed by the soviet power. It has been hypothesised that young A. Čadarainis was informed about the suppressing of the farmers’ insurgency, led by M. Tuhachevsky, by using a particularly inhumane means – poison gases, which, for the first time in the human history, were used to fight civilian population.

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Fando, Roman A. « Propaganda of T. D. Lysenko’s Anti-Scientific Views on the Pages of French Periodicals of the 1930s?40s ». Herald of an archivist, n^o 4 (2023) : 1185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2023-4-1185-1198.

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The article is devoted to foreign propaganda of T. D. Lysenko’s views on the nature of heredity and variability. Articles from French communist periodicals are used as an example. The article?s relevance is determined by understudied issue of the Lysenkoism promotion in France, although it is known that his doctrine, which was close to Lamarckism, was being implanted after 1948 in the countries of the socialist camp and criticized by the British and American biologists. The historical picture of purposeful promotion of anti-scientific views criticizing fundamental genetics has been reconstructed in materials of French periodicals and documents deposited in the T. D. Lysenko fond in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences (fond 1521). To determine the political factors that influenced international scientific relations between Soviet and French scientists, the documents from the Political Bureau of the Central Committee fond of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (fond 3) have been used. When describing popularization of Lysenkoism in France, an integrated approach has been chosen, as it takes into account various factors (political, ideological, cognitive) that determined penetration and reception of scientific ideas. Using newspapers and magazines as historical source have permitted to detail the phenomenon, to supplement the available information with new facts, and to revise established notions. It is shown that T.D. Lysenko’s figure came into the spotlight in the French press as early as the late 1930s, when a campaign began in the Soviet Union against Mendelism-Morganism, called metaphysical-idealistic bourgeois science by the party elite. In those years, such scientists as N. I. Vavilov, G. D. Karpechenko, S. G. Levit, I. I. Agol were arrested and repressed. In 1948, with J. V. Stalin support, Lysenko organized the August session of the All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences, where representatives of classical genetics were accused of sabotage. Lysenko claimed that his experiments were aimed at increasing productivity of agricultural crops and solving food security issues. The Soviet bureaucracy saw innovation and bold struggle against old scientific dogmas in populist statements of the “People's Academician.” The fight against genetics was not limited the territory of the USSR, almost all socialist countries were involved. However, the leading scientific powers (the USA and Great Britain) actively resisted penetration of the works of Soviet Lysenkoists into scientific and popular publications. The exception was France, which had long-standing scientific contacts with the Soviet Union. Information on the “victory” of Michurin Biology over genetics at the 1948 Agricultural Sciences Session was widely presented on the pages of French liberal publications. It is shown that the French scientific community was not categorically opposed to Lysenkoism for a number of reasons, among them spread of communist ideas in the country, stability of Lamarckian traditions, cooling diplomatic relations between the USSR and the USA, desire of the Soviet leadership to make France its political ally.

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Korneychuk, B. « The Role of Foreign Participationin Soviet Industrialization : An Institutional View ». Voprosy Ekonomiki, n^o 9 (20 septembre 2015) : 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2015-9-109-123.

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The foreign participation in USSR industrialization is considered to be a factor of institutional development of Soviet society. The paper considers the intellectual contribution of foreign specialists in the creation of important industrial projects. Foreign businessmen and specialists had considerable difficulties in their activity under influence of hostile institutional environment. Nevertheless, their professional success demonstrated the advantages of capitalism and conduced to dangerous spread of capitalist values into working class consciousness. Using repressions and propaganda, communist leaders institutionalized isolationism, i.e. watchful attitude to Western countries and belief in ability to solve any economic problem relying upon internal resources.

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Grafova, Maria. « The Abortion in Soviet Russia During NEP : Official Propaganda versus Popular Attitudes ». State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, n^o 4 (2020) : 229–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-4-229-264.

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This paper studies the attitudes of the Soviet authorities and society towards the problem of abortion during the New Economic Policy (NEP). In the 1920s, communist ideologists and population still under influence of traditional values based on religious ethics (though often indifferent towards religion and Church) expressed extremely different views on the issue. Even religiously indifferent people used to take part in religious ceremonies such as weddings and christenings. The traditions of the Orthodox Church provided them with moral support in the era of global changes. The ideological message of the Soviet authorities was also controversial. Officially sexual liberty was allowed, as was the freedom of marriage and divorce. Women were encouraged to work, to be involved in social activities, to be educated. However, there was little social and medical help for mothers. Traditional marriage was being destroyed, and an increasing number of abortions, both legal and illegal, was a result. Those who were in charge of the sanitary propaganda were worried and encouraged people to have children for Soviet Russia instead of abortions despite all difficulties. In fact, ordinary people knew that many children meant poverty and poor health for the whole family. There was almost no available contraception, and abortion was virtually only method of birth control. In spite of the efforts of Soviet propaganda, abortion was perceived as a nasty but almost unavoidable part of everyday life. The author concludes that no consensus on the problem of abortion in the Soviet society of the 1920s emerged, and to some extent it could not have emerged under such circumstances.

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Manukhin, Alexey А. « Vicente Lombardo Toledano and the Soviet Approach to the Mexican Left After the Second World War ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n^o 3 (19 juillet 2024) : 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030114.

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In the history of relations between the USSR and Latin American states, support for the Soviet foreign policy course from non-communist forces – national reformist parties, trade unions, and leftist intelligentsia associations – was of great importance. The Mexican syndicalist Vicente Lombardo Toledano, founder of the Confederation of Latin American Workers and the Socialist People’s Party, had the greatest political weight among the members of all these organizations. He proclaimed himself a supporter of orthodox Marxism, always supported the USSR in the international arena, and actively interacted with the communists. In this article, the author examines the formation of Lombardo Toledano’s views, his ideas about the significance of the Russian revolution and the USSR for the development of Mexico and other Latin American countries. He notes that communication with him helped the Soviet party and state leadership to avoid excessive dogmatism in assessing the domestic and foreign policies of Mexico in the 1940s–1960s. The author places special emphasis on the extent to which contacts with Lombardo Toledano enabled the CPSU Central Committee and the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs to better understand the state of the Mexican left-wing forces and, above all, the Communist Party of Mexico. The author also demonstrates that he was of interest to Soviet strategists as someone who both had access to the Mexican ruling elite and enjoyed prestige in the Latin American and international labour and anti-war movements. He shows that Lombardo Toledano tried to benefit politically and materially from friendly relations with the USSR, while in return supporting Moscow in its struggle against its ideological opponents such as the Trotskyists and Maoists. The source base of the study comprises Lombardo Toledano’s polemical and propaganda writings, documents from Russian archives (the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History and the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History), declassified archival materials and published documents emanating from the U.S. Department of State and the Central Intelligence Agency.

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Stemmet, Jan-ad, et Burgert A. Senekal. « Threats of Communist expansion in Apartheid South Africa : NP claims versus CIA intelligence perspectives in the years 1960 to 1990 ». New Contree 68 (31 décembre 2013) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v68i0.280.

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There is a popular perception that the threat of Soviet expansionism during the time of South Africa’s Border War (1966-1989) was a fabrication by the National Party government to motivate young men to fight to maintain Apartheid as the main political ideology. This perception is voiced by numerous authors of “grensliteratuur”, as well as some historians, e.g. Baines and Drewett. The claim of the National Party was that the Soviet Union attempted to expand its political influence in South Africa in order to obtain control over South Africa’s mineral resources and the country’s strategically located shipping routes and harbours. This article uses declassified CIA intelligence reports to engage with both claims, and asks: Was Soviet/ Communist expansion in South Africa true or a fabrication? The finding is that the CIA shared Botha and Malan’s views, and since CIA reports – unlike ministerial speeches – were not intended for wide circulation, they cannot be accused of serving propaganda purposes. The conclusion is therefore that the declassified documents indicate that the NP Goverments of Malan and his successors agreed with the CIA, and therefore the claim of a Soviet threat in Namibia and Angola cannot be labelled an NP fabrication.

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Żak, Marek. « INDOKTRYNACJA POLITYCZNA FUNKCJONARIUSZY MILICJI OBYWATELSKIEJ W LATACH 1945–1948 NA PRZYKŁADZIE ZIEMI LEGNICKIEJ ». PRZEGLĄD POLICYJNY 1, n^o 121 (1 mars 2016) : 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5677.

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Funkcjonariusze Milicji Obywatelskiej od samego początku istnienia tej instytucji byli poddawani szeroko zakrojonej i intensywnej akcji indoktrynacji komunistycznej. Miała ona na celu odpowiednie ukierunkowanie poglądów politycznych poszczególnych członków tej formacji policyjnej. Zadaniem tym miał się zająć specjalnie do tego powołany korpus ofi cerów ds. polityczno-wychowawczych, którzy wedle założeń mieli pracować w każdej jednostce milicji w kraju. Problemy kadrowe MO w pierwszych latach jej funkcjonowania sprawiły, że selekcja kandydatów Keywords: Citizens’ Militia, Legnica, Poland 1945–1948, PRL, indoctrination, propaganda, communism Summary: From the very beginning of Citizen’s Militia its offi cials were subjected to wide range of strong communist indoctrination. Its main purpose was to channel political views of Militia members. That task was designed for special constituted corps of politicopedagogical offi cers who, according to postulates, were supposed to work in every Militia entity in the country. Understaffi ng of Citizens’ Militia in the fi rst years of its working caused, that the selection of candidates was less rigorous than in the subsequent years. Political work had to start from scratch and Nr 1(121) Indoktrynacja polityczna funkcjonariuszy Milicji Obywatelskiej… 143 pod kątem przekonań politycznych była o wiele mniej rygorystyczna, niż miało to miejsce w latach późniejszych. Praca polityczna musiała być rozpoczynana praktycznie od zera, a rola ofi cerów ds. polityczno-wychowawczych nabierała jeszcze większego znaczenia. Musieli oni odpowiednio „przeszkolić” swoich podopiecznych. Jednakże katastrofalne warunki funkcjonowania pierwszych jednostek MO (braki kadrowe, sprzętowe, liche umundurowanie, słaba aprowizacja, dziurawe fi nanse itd.) sprawiły, że działalność ofi cerów ds. polityczno- -wychowawczych była wybitnie utrudniona oraz z nadmiaru innych obowiązków wyraźnie zaniedbana

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Yurkina, Yana V. « THE LITERARY AND SOCIAL POSITION OF THE SOVIET-GERMAN WRITER ANDREAS SAKS ON MATTERS OF CHURCH AND RELIGION (1930S – 1960S) ». History and Archives, n^o 1 (2022) : 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2022-1-56-73.

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The Soviet-German writer Andreas Saks (1903–1983) is known as an atheist, an activist of anti-religious propaganda in the 1930s carried out in the Republic of the Volga Germans, and as an author satirizing the religious superstitions of people and the vices of clerics. Applying the biographical approach of intellectual history the author of the article reconstructs A. Sack’s literary and social position on matters of church and religion. As sources for that the author uses Sack’s anti-religious humorous stories as well as his unpublished reviews of the works by Astrakhan novice writers where he expresses his views on the church, clerics and religiosity. There is a conclusion in the article that in those anti-religious works Andreas Saks remained tactful and delicate as he derided the religious superstitions of individual people, mostly, from an older generation who were baptized before the October revolution of 1917. Theomachism and the insulting the people’s religious feelings are not found in his works. It may reflect the Soviet Germans’ “cultural resistance” to the antireligious and anti-clerical campaigns waged by the communist authorities, to the closures of churches and repressions against the clerics in the 1930s. On the other hand, that reflects the writer’s understanding of man’s religiosity as “a complex existential issue” and his realization of big difficulties in “an ideological fight” against church and religion.

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Kuldkepp, Mart. « Revolutsiooni sidemehed : Eesti enamlikud emigrandid Kopenhaagenis 1918–1921 [Abstract : The couriers of revolution : Estonian Bolshevik émigrés in Copenhagen 1918–1921] ». Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, n^o 1 (18 novembre 2018) : 27–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.1.02.

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Abstract: The couriers of revolution: Estonian Bolshevik émigrés in Copenhagen 1918–1921 The history of the early twentieth-century Estonian left-wing radicalism has remained a relatively neglected field in the post-1991 period; not least due to its previous institutional role as the most favoured, but also the most highly politicised subject of historical research in Soviet Estonia. This state of affairs resulted in voluminous scholarship in “party history” produced over the decades following World War II, but its findings and conclusions are almost entirely untrustworthy and thoroughly biased in favour of Soviet-style Communism. In the last five years, however, the history of the Estonian left has attracted new attention on part of both younger scholars and senior academics – a highly positive development in light of the major role that left-wing ideas and movements have played in Estonian history from the 1905 Russian revolution onwards. Nevertheless, this newer research has the somewhat thankless task of having to re-examine the fundamentals without being able to rely on previous scholarship, which perhaps understandably limits its ability to generalise or to draw overarching conclusions. The present article is a contribution to this burgeoning field in Estonian historical research, engaging with the little-studied history of Estonian left-wing radicalism in Western Europe (rather than in Estonia or in Soviet Russia). I am particularly focusing on four individuals among émigré Estonians in Copenhagen, Denmark: August Lossmann (1890–?), Oskar Lenk (1890–1919), Johannes Rumessen (1888–?) and Harald Triikman (1892–1964). The primary period of study is 1918–22, although reference will be made to both earlier and later years where appropriate. The study makes use of both Estonian and foreign archival materials, contemporary newspapers and, occasionally, published scholarship. While my focus is on tracing and contextualising the activities and involvement of these four young men in both Danish and Estonian radical leftist circles, I will also propose some preliminary hypotheses relating to the radicalisation process of left-wing Estonian émigrés more generally, which in the future can hopefully be tested on a broader range of comparable subjects. Firstly, I would suggest that the Bolshevik Russian revolution (the October Revolution) was likely a pivotal moment in the development of their views: having been the supporters of Socialist Russian revolution, the Estonian émigrés tended to distance themselves from the more sceptical Social Democratic parties of their countries of residence in its aftermath, instead moving closer to Left Socialist or Communist parties that fully embraced the new revolution. Furthermore, their distance from and relative ignorance of Estonian affairs probably left them more open to contemporary Bolshevik propaganda, which among other things depicted the Estonian War of Independence (1918–19) as a struggle between an alliance of foreign capital and the Estonian bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the Estonian proletariat on the other. In the case of Lossmann, Lenk, Rumessen and Triikman, they were all connected to one Estonian Socialist (or Bolshevik) Group, established in 1918 and affiliated with the Danish Socialist Labour Party – the first openly Bolshevik party in Denmark. This Estonian group was headed by the remarkably well-respected Socialist Oskar Lenk, who in early 1919 was expulsed from Denmark due to his involvement in Bolshevik activities (among other things, working from the Copenhagen bureau of ROSTA, the Soviet Russian news propaganda agency). Later, he was active in Russia as a fairly prominent activist of the Estonian Communist Party, before being killed in a battle against the Whites in the autumn of the same year. Lenk’s influence in 1918 was likely of formative importance for his comrades in Copenhagen, at least one of whom (Johannes Rumessen) also became involved in the underground transport and intelligence network of the Estonian Communist Party in 1919–20.

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Nicholson, Steve. « Responses to Revolution : the Soviet Union Portrayed in the British Theatre, 1917–29 ». New Theatre Quarterly 8, n^o 29 (février 1992) : 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00006321.

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In theatrical parlance, ‘political’ is often taken to be synonymous with ‘left-wing’, and research into political theatre movements of the first half of this century has perpetuated the assumption that the right has generally avoided taking politics as subject matter. This article, the first of two about British political theatre in the 1920s, concentrates on plays about Communism and the Soviet Union during the decade following the Russian Revolution, and offers some contrasting conclusions. Steve Nicholson, Lecturer in Drama at the Workshop Theatre of the University of Leeds, argues that, whether such plays shaped or merely reflected conventional views, they were used by the establishment for the most blatant and explicit propaganda, at a time when it felt itself under threat from the Left. The article has been researched largely through unpublished manuscripts in the Lord Chamberlain's collection of plays, housed in the British Library, and derives from a broader study of the portrayal of Communism in the British theatre from 1917 to 1945.

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Lysiuk, Anatolij, et Maryia Sakalouskaya. « Modern Poland in the Eyes of Belarusians : Sociological Analysis ». Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, n^o 8 (28 décembre 2020) : 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.32-46.

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The article studies set of views of the inhabitants of the bordering with Poland Brest and Grodno regions on the Polish experience of social modernisation in the post-communist period. It is pointed out a positive perception of the image of Poland, based on the recognition of the obvious successes achieved by Polish society. A significant part of the respondents believe that the greatest successes have been achieved by this country in the socio-economic area, and the main reasons of this are accession to the European Union, development of market economy institutions and creation of a democratic political system. The respondents believe that Polish experience can be used for their country development, including also moving beyond the Russia’s sphere of influence and joining the European Union. Comparing Polish and Belarusian paths of development, majority of Belarusians prefer Polish way of doing reforms. The number of Belarusians who feel anxiety about Poland’s accession to the Euro-Atlantic institutions has decreased over the past 20 years. The general growth of a positive attitude towards Poland and Poles in all appearances was noted, despite the intensive anti-Polish propaganda carried out in Belarus by state media. Sociological study shows that, according to the Belarusians, they have nothing to offer Poles regarding the organisation of economic and socio-political life, but they might be interested at the Belarusian experience in cleanup on the streets, as well as strengthening of tolerance in the society.

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Malai, Vera Vladimirovna, et Sofiya Bakhramovna Pazhvak. « Problems of the initial stage of the Greek Civil War (1946-1949) on the pages of the British press ». Genesis : исторические исследования, n^o 10 (octobre 2023) : 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.10.43934.

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The subject of the study is the reflection of the problems of the initial stage (1945-1947) of the Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 in the publications of the British media on the example of the central British publications: the Daily Herald (a newspaper that supported the Labour Party), The Times and The Daily Mirror (a supporter of the British Labour Party) and the Yorkshire Observer (a British publication of liberal views). The questions raised are considered in a problem-chronological plan. The article analyzes the topics of articles and problems on Greece raised by these publications, their attitude to the events in this country and the conflicting parties, the depth of coverage of the topic. The main conclusions of the research conducted for the first time in Russian science are that in the British press, in the face of selected publications, when covering issues of the Greek internal political conflict, objectivity and impartiality were not present in all cases. Sometimes the ascertaining side prevailed over the analytical one. In some cases, publications ignored the most important issues for Greece at that time. The reflection of the international aspects of the Greek war in the context of the "cold war" ("promotion" of anti-communist, anti-Soviet motives) was traced. The research materials can be used for further study of the Greek Civil War of 1946-1946, the propaganda aspect of the Cold War and regional conflicts of the postwar period.

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Miodowski, Adam. « The monthly magazine «Praca Kobiet» about the activities of organizations related to the Women’s International Democratic Federation (March – December 1946) ». Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, n^o 2 (30 avril 2019) : 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-71-83.

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The research on women’s history presented in this publication supplements the gap existing in polish historiography. The gap includes not only knowledge about the activities of women's organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation (including the polish Social-Civic League of Women). The same applies to the assessment of the role of women in political, social and cultural changes taking place in Poland (and in the world) in the first years after the end of World War II. The main purpose of this publication is to show the historical conditions of the activities of the Social-Civic League of Women, as well as similar organizations in other European, African and North American countries. The basic source used in the research process is the monthly «Praca Kobiet» (and additionally the periodical «Nasza Praca»). The work uses a methodology typical for studies based on press sources. Their list includes the following methods: analytical-empirical, deductive-nomological, deductive-hypothetical and classical method of content analysis. The effect of the undertaken research is to establish that the information articles on the activities of organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation published on the pages of the «Praca Kobiet» monthly were in fact agitation and propaganda. The polish feminist press manipulated facts and thus influenced the formation of pro-communist and anti-Western views of women. The topic is not exhausted and needs to be continued. Further research will require a wider use of press sources not only from Poland, but also from other countries.

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Trijić, Vesna. « PARADOKSI KNjIŽEVNE NACIONALNOSTI : SLUČAJ BRAĆE DIZDAR ». Lipar XXIII, n^o 78 (2022) : 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lipar78.045t.

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This paper defines the term of literary nationality and explains its function in Serbian literary history and bibliography. It presents challenges in its application on the examples of literary and journalistic works of Hamid and Mak Dizdar, born brothers, of whom the first one was known as Serbian and the second one as Croatian author. Our research has shown that Hamid Dizdar started his literary and journalistic career as an author of Serbian nationality: he wrote in Serbian language, worked in papers with strong pro-Serbian political orientation and even entered polemics due to such choices. However, during World War II, when Sarajevo became an important center of the Independent State of Croatia, he declared himself as Croatian writer of Muslim religion and took part in fascist propaganda. There are also a few testimonies of his cooperation with both partisans and chetniks. In communist Yugoslavia, he declared himself as Serbian once more and was entrusted important task of running the newly established Historical archive in Sarajevo. His archival works inclined to Bosnian integralism. In the case of Mak Dizdar, works from the last five years of his life, from the book of poetry Stone Sleeper to the controversial “Marginalia about and around the language“, have been singled out as crucial in defining his literary nationality. It has been shown that only after the essay of Muhamed Filipović “Bosnian spirit in literature, what is that?“, in which Stone Sleeper was attributed as a milestone in the awakening of “Bosnian consciousness“, political views of Mak Dizdar had been radicalized, but only in his public engagement, not in his literary works. The outcome of this research is awareness that the Yugoslav period can be adequately described in national literary histories and bibliographies only by applying the term of literary nationality.

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Jajčević, Jasmin. « “With Tito and the Party”. Activity of the women’s Anti-fascist front Bosnia and Herzegovina and their reactions on the Informbiro propanganda during 1948 and 1949 ». Historijski pogledi 4, n^o 5 (31 mai 2021) : 102–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.102.

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During the Second World War, the Anti-Fascist Women's Front (AFŽ) was formed in 1942 in Bosanski Petrovac. The outcome of the formation is an attempt at long-term mobilization and organization of women within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The women's anti-fascist front was organizationally on the path of anti-fascism and sacrifice in achieving the military, political and other goals of the revolution. At the First Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, which was held in 1945 in Belgrade, Josip Broz Tito stated the tasks of women, which were crucial for the new state. These were the preservation of brotherhood and unity, the continuation of the fight against the enemies of the new state, preparations for the constitution elections, work on rebuilding the country, enlightening women, humanitarian work with soldiers killed in the war, parents of children killed orphaned and raising children in in the spirit of the People's Liberation Struggle. Also, after the Second World War, the International Democratic Federation of Women was established, which was founded on the initiative of women from the Federation of French Women, and which dealt exclusively with women's issues and issues of interest to women. The women of Yugoslavia, who participated in the congresses in Paris and Budapest, also played a significant role in the establishment and operation of the International Democratic Federation of Women. With the outbreak of open conflict between the countries of Informbiro and Yugoslavia in 1948, and the action of Informbiro's propaganda, it also affected the Bureau of the French Women's Union, which prevented women from Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina from attending the 1949 plenary session of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. This attitude led to women's organizations in cities, villages, peasant labor cooperatives, labor collectives and institutions throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina holding meetings, rallies and conferences, where they openly criticized and protested through letters against the decision and the revocation of calls for women's presence. Of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. The women of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina also had their position after the publication of the Informbiro Resolution on the situation in the CPY in 1948, where they rejected the resolution and sent and expressed their commitment to the CPY and Tito. In this regard, the paper, based on first-rate sources and relevant literature, seeks to present the activities of the Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the years after World War II, both domestically and internationally (preparation of the International Women's Exhibition, signature collection, with the support of the proposal of the Soviet Alliance on Arms Reduction, etc.), as well as the views on the Informbiro Resolution of 1948 and the reactions of women's organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Informbiro's propaganda during 1949, due to the impossibility of women's attendance at the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow.

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Sýkora, Michal. « The Prague Orgy : The Life of Writers in a Totalitarian State According to Philip Roth ». Humanities 8, n^o 2 (7 avril 2019) : 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8020071.

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This paper deals with the way Philip Roth depicted writers in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s in his novella The Prague Orgy, the final part of the Zuckerman Bound tetralogy. Researchers often read The Prague Orgy in the context of the entire tetralogy and accentuate the contact with Jewish topics. The primary focus of the paper is how Roth views Czech writers and their lives through the eyes of his long-term hero (and fictional alter-ego) Nathan Zuckerman and how he perceives life in a totalitarian state. The Prague Orgy is discussed as a somewhat abstract story about the writer’s freedom and responsibility of their work. There are three types of writers in The Prague Orgy: The émigré (Sisovsky), the dissenter (Bolotka), and the pro-regime (Novak). Each of them, in an interview with Roth’s hero, formulates his attitude to the regime. Zuckerman is fascinated by the life of opposition artists, their experience of freedom (realized in the private sphere), and the social response to their work. Although the reality of life in Czechoslovakia under communism is not the main topic of the novella, the paper concludes that the depiction of life of Czech underground intellectuals interested mostly in sex is in consonance with the picture of Czech dissent in official regime propaganda.

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Suponitskaya, Irina. « Spies or Heroes ? Soviet Intelligence in the United States in the 1930s and 1940s ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n^o 3 (2022) : 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020246-8.

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The article focuses on the most successful period in the history of Soviet intelligence in the United States, namely the 1930s and 1940s. The reasons for this success are analysed, first and foremost being the worldwide enthusiasm for the ideas of communism and the achievements of the USSR in building a new socialist society, to which the propaganda of the Stalinist regime had contributed in no small measure. The author examines the activities of the Soviet secret services, which established an extensive covert network in the United States during those years. Members of the underground were collecting information, primarily in the field of the latest military technologies, including the secrets of the production of the atomic bomb. While the history of intelligence professionals has been sufficiently studied, the work of their American voluntary agents is less known. There were many communists and sympathisers among them; a significant proportion were Russian immigrants. The aim of the article is to explore their views, behavioural motives, and subsequent fate. The study draws on records from American and Russian archives opened to researchers in the 1990s: previously classified Soviet diplomatic correspondence, which, after being decrypted by the Venona project, was recognised as a communication channel between intelligence in the United States and the centre in Moscow; it was supplemented by the so-called “Vassiliev Notebooks”, containing documents from the archives of the Foreign Intelligence Service (formerly the First Directorate of the KGB) as well as records from the Comintern archive at the Russian Centre for the Preservation and Study of Documents of Contemporary History (RTsKhIDNI). New sources offer a more comprehensive picture of the scale and methods of Soviet intelligence work, the activities of American agents, and allow to answer a number of questions that have caused controversy among historians, including the guilt of the Rosenbergs in the theft of nuclear secrets and whether Alger Hiss, a high-ranking US State Department official, was a Soviet intelligence agent.

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Karoyeva, Tatiana. « ABSTRACT OF PRACTICAL ACTIVITY OF A WORKGROUP ON «DECOMMUNIZATION» OF PUBLIC AREA OF THE TOWN OF VINNYTSIA : HISTORIAN’S VIEW ». City History, Culture, Society, n^o 2 (25 octobre 2017) : 196–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2017.02.196.

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The article deals with practical activity of the workgroup created in order toadminister the Law of Ukraine «On condemnation of totalitarian regimes inUkraine and prohibition of propaganda of their insignia» within the town ofVinnytsia. The workgroup had to reveal objects containing communist andSoviet insignia that exists in the public urban area, to work out advice andpropositions as to replacing town toponyms containing insignia of communistthe totalitarian regime with new names.The article content is arranged in the following blocks: a) creation of theworkgroup; b) decision-making algorithm (from historians’ point of view);c) scientific grounds of historian group activity; d) selection of objects forfurther discussion; e) procedure of discussion of proposed new toponyms.Six historians residing in Vinnytsia were introduced into the workgroup.They belong to various generations and represent both governmental andpublic organizations. The following principles have been defined for organizingof the historian group activity: - toleration (provides for respectful attitude towards various canons ofhistoric memory except for Soviet-communist one);- historicism (due regard to be paid not only to the past but to currenttendencies and challenges of the future as well);- education (the activity has to promote dialogs between various socialgroups and formation of unified collective memory);- local topicality with a view to the formation of unified image/brand of thetown.Several approaches to practical activity on replacing of toponyms havebeen developed in order to ensure smooth work process. They were intendedto be used simultaneously or in sequence depending on the actual situation butevery proposal was concerned from the proposed standpoints in line with allthe following approaches:- historicity (provides for restoration of historical names of places andimplementation of historical and urban practical methods of representationof the town history in toponymy);- commemoration (this approach traditionally provides for drawing attentionto the formation of ethnic and national identity and cultural matrixof the nation, but in the course of solving of nation-wide problems Vinnytsiahistorian group strived to be oriented to the identity of local urbancommunity);- locality (conformity of toponyms to peculiarities of nature, history,economics and culture of Vinnytsia, Bratslavshchyna, and Podillia regions);- concreteness (provides for conformity of a toponym to its actual local(in line with toponym’s scale) circumstances (geographical, biological,industrial, cultural, religious, personological etc.);- actualization (due regard to be paid to the necessity of drawing attentionto certain events and persons that, as a rule, are not of the nationwidescale).Out of total 836 town place names, 147 toponyms (85 names) have beenreplaced with new ones and reasoning for 5 names (12 toponyms) has beenchanged. Thus decommunization encompassed 19% of the town toponymicalsystem.

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Khrystan, Nazarii, et Svitlana Herehova. « Representation of cinematographic postmemory about Symon Petlura on the example of the movie «PKP» ». History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, n^o 54 (15 décembre 2021) : 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2021.54.78-86.

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The proposed study focuses on the problem of the conflict of memories of Symon Petliura in modern Ukraine. Looking for reasons for the ambiguous perception of the figure of the Chief Otaman, the author draws readers’ views on ways to construct the image of «alien / enemy» in the Soviet Union. One example of this ideological mechanism of influencing public consciousness has been and remains the way to visualize the memory of the past with the help of films. The construction of memory in the cultural space has concentrated all possible mechanisms of influence on the social consciousness, especially cinema. The Bolsheviks realized very early on the huge role of cinema as a means of influencing mass culture. With the help of cinema, the party leadership sought to form a «correct» view of reality, thus educating the people in the spirit of «communism and internationalism». The film «P.K.P» became a vivid embodiment of the Soviet propaganda machine and contributed to the formation of the image of «Petliura-enemy». The film has long been out of research attention and only at the beginning of the 21st century became available to the mass public. An important role in the creation of the film was played by the figure of Yurii Tiutiunnyk – General of the Army of the Ukrainian National Republic. Based on his memory, we can reconstruct in details the historical background of the film. The Chief Otaman continues to be the embodiment of controversy in the cultural memory of Ukrainians – a hero of the Ukrainian revolution and a traitor.

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Lee, Sangwon, et Youngsoo Yook. « Goseong Unification Observatory and Showing North Korea from the South Korean Borderland : Goseong Unification Observatory’s exhibition from 1984-1991 ». Institute for Historical Studies at Chung-Ang University 60 (31 décembre 2023) : 95–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.46823/cahs.2023.60.95.

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Goseong Unification Observatory was established in 1984, based on President Chun Doo-hwan’s plan of mass tourism construction, and borderland tourism sites for inculcating the importance of anticommunism.The Goseong Unification Observatory achieved remarkable success by providing open access to the site and offering panoramic views of North Korean terrain, including the prominent Guemgang mountain. However, with the increasing influx of visitors to the borderland, North Korea began its propaganda targeting the public who came to witness the spectacle. As a countermeasure, the South Korean administration mandated mandatory anti-communism education before allowing entry into the CCZ(Civilian Controlled Zone). This measurement reveals the impregnated trait of the Observatory, where sole knowledge and values were permitted by the government. Unification Observatory distributed its knowledge systems through panel exhibition adorned of pictures and explanations accordingly. The compact exhibition room, strategically positioned along the route to the observation area, served as a window through which visitors could peer into North Korea. This exhibition site has changed three times between 1984 to 1991. The first period(1984-1987) of the exhibition portrayed Korean Nationalism, anti-communism, and the Chun administration’s fruit. Combining all together, the exhibition iconographically wrote the narrative of enemy North Korea and our auspicious nation, that has fought against the enemy for all time, persuading this government as the one who can guard and lead all of you under the president’s guidance. The second period(1987-1991) of exhibition started to focus more on the ‘North Korea’ itself, performing as a knowledge frontier. It emphasized the abnormality of North Korea, making an antithetical contrast to the normal South. It guided people’s gaze to North Korea as a subject that needed to be absorbed into the normal South. The third period(1991-) exhibition began to put distance from emotional anticommunism banners. It displayed the ‘everyday life of North Koreans’ which was newly started from North Korean Studies. However, we can find several dissent and discontent about the exhibition, and the tourism system of Observatory from newspaper articles. It suggests the possibility of future study of Transculturation, or Counter-Memory approach to the borderland tourism sites.

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Özman, Aylin, et Aslı Yazıcı Yakın. « The symbolic construction of communism in Turkish anti-communist propaganda during the Cold War ». Journal of Language and Politics 11, n^o 4 (31 décembre 2012) : 583–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.06ozm.

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The aim of this study is to analyse cultural and social referential importance of the stereotypes of communists/communism in the anti-communist propaganda texts circulated in Turkey during the Cold War. The article displays the symbolism underlying anti-communist discourse by re-reading the propaganda material as texts that introduce the reader to ultimate anti-communist fantasies. The analyzed texts were mainly produced by one of the leading participants of anti-communist struggle, namely the Association for Fighting Communism in Turkey (AFCT) (Türkiye Komünizmle Mücadele Derneği, TKMD, 1963–1977), and its members. The article shows that the analyzed anti-communist propaganda creates mystification as a strategy and builds a narration in which temporal, spatial, and personal references are obscure. The article also shows that anti-communist propaganda operates on traditional dichotomies nature/culture, emotion/reason, and body/mind and that the images of communists/communism are constructed by appealing to a variety of animal species connoting “danger”; the unsocial connoting of the “absence of rules” and animality; and the woman of desire recalling the “immoral” in the popular imagination. It is argued that the texts are all interdiscursive thus allowing for the sexist, Islamist and nationalist arguments to be used as supportive subtopics while defending the anti-communist cause. The analysis also establishes intertextual relationship with the Nazi anti-Jewish and anti-communist discourse.

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Behr, Jolanta. « Rola prawa działalności kulturalnej w indoktrynowaniu społeczeństwa w okresie Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej — część I ». Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, n^o 2 (27 décembre 2021) : 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.2.26.

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The aim of the article is to establish the role of the law on cultural activity in the process of indoctrinating society in the Polish People’s Republic period. The work will analyze the legal acts regulating the system and tasks of state entities involved in promoting ideas and views approved by the then authorities, primarily of a socialist nature. It will be shown in the work that the law on cultural activity played an important role in indoctrinating society during the communist period. It actively supported state bodies, legitimizing their actions. The support was provided to a different extent and in various forms, both imperious and non-imperative. The general axiology of law included the values approved by the rulers, in the light of which legal provisions should be interpreted. The law also created an organized state administration apparatus whose task was to influence the society. A complex, multi-level system of state administration was created, the scope of which was to form a new reality as well as support the authorities and parties. Care was taken to ensure that the information provided to the public was “properly” verified. Entities providing them were regulated, in various forms and scope. Actions in this area were carefully planned and carried out, taking into account the orders of the party authorities subordinate to the powers in Moscow. The minister for propaganda, organizing and coordinating the state entities’ activities, functioned informally. The tasks and competences of state administration entities and bodies in the field of cultural activity were often constructed by law with the use of undefined concepts. This created a wide field of interpretation for the state administration body, which adjusted the meaning assigned to them to the current needs and directions of the policy pursued, thus extending the scope of its activities. In many cases, the provisions of acts and decrees defined tasks and competences in a concise manner, allowing them to be further specified or developed by the provisions of regulations. This created a lot of room for maneuver for the administration, which itself created the regulations on the basis of which it functioned. In practice, it often extended the scope of its activities, interfering in an unauthorized way in the area of human and civil rights and freedoms. All this, however, was legal — based on and within the limits of the law. Moreover, the law regulated the control and supervision of entities popularizing cultural activity, enabling wide-ranging censorship. The law also specified severe sanctions against entities not complying with the current policy of the rulers. They were regulated by acts of cultural activity and acts of criminal law. Furthermore, internal law played an important role.

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Behr, Jolanta. « Rola prawa działalności kulturalnej w indoktrynowaniu społeczeństwa w okresie Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej — część II ». Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, n^o 3 (19 décembre 2021) : 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.3.13.

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The aim of the article is to establish the role of the law of cultural activity in the process of indoctrination of society in the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The work will analyze the legal acts regulating the system and tasks of state entities involved in the promotion of ideas and views approved by the then authorities, primarily of a socialist nature. It will be shown in the work that the law of cultural activity played an important role in indoctrinating society during the communist period. It actively supported state bodies, legitimizing their actions. The support was provided to a different extent and in various forms, both imperious and non-imperative. The general axiology of law included the values approved by the rulers, in the light of which legal provisions should be interpreted. The law also created an organized state administration apparatus whose task was to influence the society. A complex, multi-level system of state administration was created, the scope of which was to create a new reality and support the authorities and parties. Care was taken to ensure that the information provided to the public was ʻproperlyʼ verified. Entities providing them were regulated, in various forms and scope. Actions in this area were carefully planned and carried out, taking into account the orders of the party authorities subordinate to the authorities in Moscow. The minister for propaganda, organizing and co-ordinating the activities of state entities, functioned informally. The tasks and competences of state administration entities and bodies in the field of cultural activity were often constructed by law with the use of undefined concepts. This created a wide field of interpretation for the state administration body, which adjusted the meaning assigned to them to the current needs and directions of the policy pursued, thus extending the scope of its activities. In many cases, the provisions of acts and decrees defined tasks and competences in a concise manner, allowing them to be further specified or developed by the provisions of regulations. This created a lot of room for maneuver for the administration, which itself created the regulations on the basis of which it functioned. In practice, it often extended the scope of its activities, interfering in an unauthorized way in the area of human and civil rights and freedoms. All this, however, was legal — on the basis and within the limits of the law. Moreover, the law regulated the control and supervision of entities popularizing cultural activity, enabling wide-ranging censorship. The law also specified severe sanctions against entities not complying with the current policy of the rulers. They were regulated by acts of cultural activity and acts of criminal law. Moreover, internal law played an important role.

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Yurganov, Andrei L'. « On the original version of the play "Fear" by Stalinist playwright Alexander Afinogenov. 1930s ». Herald of an archivist, n^o 2 (2024) : 480–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2024-2-480-494.

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The article examines the work of Stalinist playwright Alexander Nikolaevich Afinogenov (1904-1941) through the prism of his complicity in the ideological campaigns of the Bolshevik Party. The study of the impact of party-state ideology on the broad masses of people during the Stalinist era is a priority direction of historical science. However, this direction needs further thematic and problematic expansion. The ideological campaigns of the Bolshevik Party in the 1930s found their artistic expression on the theatrical stage, in the plays of the most famous playwrights. This interaction between propaganda and theater art has not been studied sufficiently. There are practically no generalizing works. This is partly due to the fact that sufficient empirical material has not yet been accumulated. Almost every play by A. N. Afinogenov corresponded to one or another vector of the ideological struggle of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. The play "Fear" (1931), which became a full-scale artistic expression of one of the most powerful ideological campaigns conducted by the Bolshevik Party until the time of the "Great Terror" - the campaign to "purge" state and party organs, is of particular interest. The original manuscript of this play, found in the Moscow Art Theatre Museum, significantly expands the understanding of how the play was understood by contemporaries. The initiator of the changes in the text of the play was K. S. Stanislavsky, who persuaded A. N. Afinogenov to introduce the figure of the "investigator" into the play. A. N. Afinogenov significantly remade the main pictures of the play - the eighth and ninth, in fact, they were rewritten anew. The play "Fear" was staged in two theaters - in the State Drama Theater (Leningrad) and in the Moscow Art Theater (Moscow). In Leningrad, where the performances began earlier than in Moscow, they used the original text of the play (at least until the end of 1931), and in Moscow used the revised version. This in no way contradicted A. N. Afinogenov, the playwright, who saw his work as a continuation of the ideological struggle in the artistic images of Soviet dramaturgy. In the found original version of the play and in the revised version there are different accents in the characterization of the characters of the play (in the eighth and ninth pictures, the final ones). But it was not the artistic side of the theatrical work that mattered, but the ideological basis, the meaning of which in both editions was reduced to the most important postulate of totalitarianism - to recognize the class basis of morality, to renounce oneself, one's views, one's "own" science, to erase one's former life in order to enter the "objective" state of collective unanimity without one's own personality.

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Kaźmierczak, Janusz. « The Community That Never Was : The European Defense Community and Its Image in Polish Visual Propaganda of the 1950s ». Journal of Cold War Studies 11, n^o 4 (octobre 2009) : 118–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.4.118.

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Communist propaganda was sharply critical of all integration attempts made in Western Europe. In numerous political posters and cartoons published in Poland, the brunt of the criticism was borne by the European Defense Community (EDC) from October 1950, when the idea of military integration was first proposed by French Prime Minister René Pleven, until August 1954, when a vote in the French National Assembly effectively killed the project. Through a contextualized discussion of selected posters and cartoons, which are reproduced in the text, this article relates Polish visual anti-EDC propaganda to aspects of Communist ideology, Soviet geostrategic interests, and Polish domestic politics and shows how the propaganda was intended to help the Communist authorities achieve specific goals.

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Drozdov, Viktor. « THE MANAGEMENT OF AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN IZMAIL REGION UkrSSR IN 1944–1945 ». Intermarum history policy culture, n^o 9 (25 décembre 2021) : 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112022.

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The work aims to study the formation of a system of ideological influence on the Izmail region’s population in 1944–1945. Based on archival sources and materials of the regional press, the tasks of agitation and propaganda activities, the general forms and methods used by the Communist Party to spread ideology among the population of the annexed region were revealed. The author paid particular attention to determining the role of the regional party leadership in managing and conducting agitation and propaganda. The methodology. The study is based on the principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, systematics, specificity, and reliance on historical sources. With the aid of the historical-typological method, it was possible to determine the main tasks, forms, and methods of agitation and propaganda. The historical-comparative method opens the way to reveal the peculiarities of ideological work with various categories of the citizens and to determine the specific features of the Communist Party’s agitation and propaganda activities in the Izmail region. The application of historical-systemic and historical-genetic methods contributed to the consideration of various measures to ideologize the population in co-relation, to identify the causal links between the methods and results of propaganda policy. The scientific novelty. For the first time, a comprehensive analysis of agitation and propaganda activities in the Izmail region after the territory was returned to the USSR has been carried out. The conclusions. The analysis of the party documentation of the Izmail regional committee of the Communist Party gives reason to assume that immediately after the region returned to the USSR, the Soviet leadership launched active information and propaganda activities among the population. During 1944–1945, a network of agitation teams, groups of lecturers and speakers was formed to spread communist ideology among various segments of the population, a system of party propaganda bodies was created, events to celebrate new Soviet holidays were organized, and radio broadcasting and adaptation for the cinema were organized. The media, cultural and educational institutions, Komsomol organizations, and pioneers played a significant role in propaganda activities. Propaganda and agitation departments established at the region, city, and district committees of the Communist Party were constantly monitoring the ideological activity progress.

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Wu, Guoguang. « Command Communication : The Politics of Editorial Formulation in the People's Daily ». China Quarterly 137 (mars 1994) : 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034111.

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Most studies of communication in China or in other Communist states focus on the functions of mass media: as propaganda, organization, mobilization and control. They examine the transmission of messages from state to society and see the news media under the Communist system as a crucial part of the party-state machine. These studies usually emphasize two features. First, mass media and the party-state are seen as identical in essence, as implied in the concept of “propaganda state.” Secondly, they focus on how this “propaganda state” restructures people's opinions and transforms society.

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Deery, Phillip. « The Terminology of Terrorism : Malaya, 1948-52 ». Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, n^o 2 (juin 2003) : 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463403000225.

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Although Cold War propaganda is now the subject of close scholarly scrutiny, the main method by which it was communicated – language – has been overlooked. The Malayan Emergency illustrates how the British government grappled with the issue of political terminology within the broader context of anti-communist propaganda. This article will analyse the use of political language; the change from ‘bandit’ to ‘communist terrorist’; and the problems of delineating the Malayan from the international audience.

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Jung Woo Lee. « Red Feminism and Propaganda in Communist Media ». International Review for the Sociology of Sport 44, n^o 2-3 (juin 2009) : 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690209338438.

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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. « ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ ». Μνήμων 26 (1 janvier 2004) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.

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Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

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Zhang, Jishun. « Creating “Masters of the Country” in Shanghai and Beijing : Discourse and the 1953–54 Local People's Congress Elections ». China Quarterly 220 (24 octobre 2014) : 1071–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741014001118.

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AbstractThe first round of elections for local people's congresses was an important moment in the Chinese Communist Party's efforts to create an image of the common people as the “masters of the country.” Lower-class people were portrayed in official propaganda as “masters” who were also supporters of the Party. Yet, those “masters” nevertheless displayed diverse political attitudes that were influenced by different local political cultures, particularly in Beijing and Shanghai. The official propaganda promoting the “masters” was a Communist strategy to gain political legitimacy that ironically created the foundation for heterodox mass movements.

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Radchenko, Oleksandr, et Tomasz Michalski. « Charków – przeciwdziałanie dominującej komunistycznej toponimii miasta ». Prace i Studia Geograficzne 68, n^o 4 (2023) : 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.48128/pisg/2023-68.4-02.

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Kharkiv is the second largest city in Ukraine after Kiev in terms of importance and population. From 1919 to 1935, Kharkiv was the official capital of Soviet Ukraine, and therefore Lenin’s “Communist Propaganda Plan” was most often applied in it. Most streets, administrative districts, industrial plants, community centres, schools, etc. were named after communist activists or symbols of communism. In this context, the article aims to analyse a long-term process of removing the dominant communist toponymy of the city during de-communization in Kharkiv. After the declaration of independence, the Ukrainian authorities banned the Communist Party and the propagation of communist ideology, but despite this, for around thirty years Kharkiv’s toponymy continued to be dominated by names associated with the Soviet propaganda. It was only with the onset of the war in the Donbass in 2014 that real renaming of toponymic objects with communist origins began in Kharkiv. The first major change took place in May 2016, when seven city districts, five metro stations, 52 streets and a park were renamed. The process of change accelerated after the onset of a full-scale war in 2022.

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Sun, Zhen. « Utopia, nostalgia, and femininity : visually promoting the Chinese Dream ». Visual Communication 18, n^o 1 (15 novembre 2017) : 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217740394.

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The concept of the Chinese Dream has become a primary developmental goal of the Chinese Communist Government since it was put forth by Xi Jinping in 2012. It has been promoted through different forms of media, of which propaganda posters have played a dominant role. The propaganda discourse regarding the Chinese Dream has been mainly articulated in both the verbal text in official documents and the visual text in the posters. This study focuses on analyzing the visual images represented in the posters and exploring how they accord with social and historical texts, particularly the official verbal text of the Chinese Dream, the historical text of the propaganda of the Communist Party of China, and the social–cultural text interrelated with the visual symbols. The approach of intertextuality and intervisualityis adopted for the analysis and interpretation. The study shows that the majority of the visual symbols used in the posters are transposed from the sign systems of Chinese traditional culture and the revolutionary discourse of the Communist Party of China. The political concept of the Chinese Dream has embodied the characteristics of utopia, nostalgia, and femininity. With the posters in public spaces, the visual propaganda of the Chinese Dream has turned it into a mundane movement of political culture. This study hopes to contribute to the understanding of the role of visual images in political discursive formations and integrated propaganda in post-socialist China.

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Shapira, Ann. « When Edna Ferber Was Accused of Communist Propaganda ». Studies in American Jewish Literature (1981-) 27 (1 janvier 2008) : 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41206091.

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Szostak, Sylwia, et Sabina Mihelj. « Coming to terms with Communist propaganda : Post-communism, memory and generation ». European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, n^o 3 (15 décembre 2016) : 324–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416682247.

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This article has two main aims. First, it seeks to contribute to existing research on the mediation of post-communist memory by considering the Polish case and specifically by focusing on audience memories of an iconic television series produced in communist Poland, Four Tankmen and a Dog (TVP, 1966–1970), set during World War II. Second, the article pays particular attention to the generational stratification of audience memories, and thereby makes a contribution to recent literature that examines the links between generation and mediated remembering. The analysis draws on life-course interviews with viewers of two different generations, conducted in Poland in 2014. The results indicate that the ways in which Polish audiences remember communist-era programming, and specifically the extent to which they perceive such programming as propaganda, vary significantly with generation. We argue that these differences stem from generationally specific experiences in the past, which gave rise to distinct modes of engaging with the communist era and its heritage.

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Tuluș, Arthur. « Trends in Communist Propaganda. A CIA Investigation from 1970 ». Eminak, n^o 4(36) (31 décembre 2021) : 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2021.4(36).564.

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Our study analyses a detailed report, issued on November 18th, 1970, by The Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), which was subordinated to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the Cold War. The role of the FBIS was to collect, translate into English, and make extensive summaries of information in foreign media, especially those within the Communist Bloc, summaries which would later be made available to U.S. decision-makers. The FBIS was an important branch of the CIA, seeing that the United States sought to identify any vulnerability to the adversary, and that the communist media did not enjoy freedom of expression, but instead precisely reflected the official position of the regime. The late 1970s are all the more interesting as the Communist Bloc`s monolithic unity breaks down and distinct positions emerge (e.g., the Soviet Union versus China, or Romania versus the Soviet Union), while the United States find themselves in a difficult situation in Indochina, the Middle East, or Latin America.

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Radu, Sorin. « Romanian Village Halls in the Early 1950s : Between Cultural and Political Propaganda ». Historical Review/La Revue Historique 12 (30 décembre 2015) : 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.8808.

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Village halls [Romanian: cămine culturale] appeared in many European countries and elsewhere as early as the nineteenth century and multiplied in the twentieth. The presence of these institutions in the rural world, despite obvious differences in their goals and activities, demonstrates a general interest in the cultural development of villages, as well as the emergence and growth of leisure practices amongst peasants. This essay is not a study of the history of village halls; rather, it focuses on the changes that this institution underwent in the early years of the communist regime in Romania. It analyses how communists transformed the village hall into a place of propaganda under the guise of “cultural work”. The study starts from the premise that communist propaganda deliberately did not distinguish between “political work” and “cultural work”. At the end of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s, the village hall became the communist regime’s central venue for disseminating political and cultural propaganda.

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Nilaj, Marsel. « The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949 ». European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, n^o 1 (1 décembre 2016) : 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p94-103.

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During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albanian press of that time was very much involved by mainly giving information of the propaganda oriented towards Moscow, rather than about the immediate risk the country was directly facing. In many cases, the war and the threat it imposed was transformed and far away from reality. The press of that time mostly transmitted what Stalinist Moscow directed, rather than the truth. It was Stalinist Moscow the place which Enver Hoxha held as the orienting point, especially after breaking relations a few months ago with the Communist Yugoslavian state. The Communist press of that time was more preoccupied about the advancement of the Greek communist forces, rather than the threat the democratic wing imposed by approaching the Albanian border. This showed that the Albanian State was displaying itself since the first steps as being indoctrinated and related to the ideology and not to the threat imposed to the Albanian nation. The communist press of that time varied in numbers and kinds, displayed in every newspaper or magazine the success of the Greek communism. Such a problem is also presented in the British parliament as an unfair action from the Albanian state

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