Livres sur le sujet « Very Large Floating Structures »

Organic chemistry is the chemistry of compounds of carbon. As well as being central to life, in the form of large molecules such as nucleic acids and proteins, organic compounds are essential to many areas of industry. Organic Chemistry: A Very Short Introduction covers the whole range of organic compounds and their roles. Beginning with the structures and properties of the basic groups of organic compounds, it goes on to consider organic compounds in the areas of pharmaceuticals, polymers, food and drink, petrochemicals, and nanotechnology. It explores how new materials, such as graphene, are opening up exciting new possibilities for applications, and also discusses the particular challenges of working with carbon compounds, many of which are colourless.

Abdominal mass describes a visible or palpable swelling in the abdomen that is abnormal. It may arise from one of the internal organs, such as an enlarged liver or spleen, or from musculoskeletal structures such a floating rib; alternatively, it may be a hernia containing mesenteric or visceral tissue. Abdominal mass is an uncommon presenting complaint, except where patients notice a hernia. Frequently, the herniation is intermittent or minor, and can be missed on examination. Organomegaly and neoplastic masses can be hard to detect until they are large, and the question of whether or not there really is a mass frequently has to be settled by imaging such as ultrasound or CT scanning. This chapter covers the approach to diagnosis, key diagnostic tests, therapies, and prognosis as well as dealing with uncertainty when it comes to the initial diagnosis.

This research aimed to develop conceptually the pretensioned and stiffened membrane structures, using an experimental approach and computer simulation. The physical method of form finding included the pretensioned fabric with the glued grid made of the wooden sticks. Relaxation of the stressed membrane contributed to forming the specific anticlastic hyparic surface by energy release. The influence of the rigid elements pattern, intensity and direction of pretensioning on the final shape was investigated. The tensegrity structures were also built applying the same form finding way. These experiments led to the modelling of resulting samples with parametric design tools, namely Rhino and Grasshopper. Optimization of the final shape was carried out by changing parameters such as stiffenings configuration and membrane strength. This digital approach demonstrated successful simulation and rationalization of considered structures. Moreover, the final models can be used for further structural analysis and BIM. Considered membrane structures have very efficient load-bearing behavior. They are characterized by small weight, high light transmission and the ability to create large usable spaces free from columns. The most dangerous loads for membrane structures are wind and ponding. In practice, PTFE coated glass-fibre fabric and PVC coated polyester fabric are most suitable for pretensioned and stiffened membrane structures. The role of stiff elements can be played by steel profiles or metal tubes. The average time for the construction of a membrane structure is 6-15 months. Resulted pretensioned and stiffened membrane structures can be used as pavilions, roofs and awnings. They are distinguished by spectacular architectural view and very effective structural system. In addition, membrane tensile structures are characterized by high eco-efficiency and sustainability compared to other types of construction.

‘From Stonehenge to skyscrapers’ considers the history of structure as part of human progression. From the ancient structures of Stonehenge and the Egyptian pyramids through to the Renaissance, and from the early 18th century to the present day, it traces the emergence of the master mason and the increasingly separate roles of the architect and the engineer. From the Renaissance onwards, specialisms grew through new scientific knowledge, new materials, and new demands for structures. The engineering profession developed into a science-based capability to create some very large and breathtaking structures. But architects and engineers can never be professionally disassociated; they must and do work together to build buildings.

This chapter discusses the X-ray and neutron diffraction methods used to study the atomic structures of aperiodic crystals, addressing indexing diffraction patterns, superspace, ab initio methods, the structure factor of incommensurate structures; and diffuse scattering. The structure solution methods based on the dual space refinements are described, as they are very often applied for the resolution of aperiodic crystal structures. Modulation functions which are used for the refinement of modulated structures and composite structures are presented and illustrated with examples of structure models covering a large spectrum of structures from organic to inorganic compounds, including metals, alloys, and minerals. For a better understanding of the concept of quasicrystalline structures, one-dimensional structure examples are presented first. Further examples of quasicrystals, including decagonal quasicrystals and icosahedral quasicrystals, are analysed in terms of increasing shells of a selected number of polyhedra. The notion of the approximant is compared with classical forms of structures.

This article describes the unusual properties of nanoscale ferroelectrics (FE), including widely tunable polarization and improved properties in strained ferroelectric thin films; polarization enhancement in superlattices; polarization saturation in ferroelectric thin films under very large inplane strains; occurrence of ferroelectric phase transitions in one-dimensional wires; existence of the toroidal structural phase in ferroelectric nanoparticles; and the symmetry-broken phase-transition path when one transforms a vortex phase into a polarization phase. The article first considers some of the critical questions on low-dimensional ferroelectricity before discussing the theoretical approaches used to determine the properties of ferroelectric nanostructures. It also looks at 2D ferroelectric structures such as surfaces, superlattices and thin films, along with 1D ferroelectric nanowires and ferroelectric nanoparticles.

Quantum dots in optical nanocavities are interesting as a test-bed for fundamental studies of light–matter interaction (cavity quantum electrodynamics, QED), as well as an integrated platform for information processing. As a result of the strong field localization inside sub-cubic-wavelength volumes, these dots enable very large emitter–field interaction strengths. In addition to their use in the study of new regimes of cavity QED, they can also be employed to build devices for quantum information processing, such as ultrafast quantum gates, non-classical light sources, and spin–photon interfaces. Beside quantum information systems, many classical information processing devices, such as lasers and modulators, benefit greatly from the enhanced light–matter interaction in such structures. This chapter gives an introduction to quantum dots, photonic crystal resonators, cavity QED, and quantum optics on this platform, as well as possible device applications.

This chapter focuses on extractive industries, which are among the business sectors most exposed to corruption. Typically, they are dependent on licenses by government agencies, frequently in states with little income other than royalties from mining or from the oil industry. Often these states are located in the global South with weak government structures. It is a common feature in these states that a small elite rapidly become extraordinarily rich, while the population at large remains in deep poverty. Oil and mining companies, traders, and the finance industries may not actually be in the driving seat, but they very frequently go along and participate in the organized plunder. They are regularly fully aware that the funds they pay to officials are going to be stolen. Sometimes they actively engage in bribery to secure drilling or mining licenses. Other players, like traders, indirectly profit of the systemic graft by elites.

This article argues that in spite of absolute monarchy's success in seemingly rising above society it developed claims and practices that ran counter to long-term representative tendencies contained within its own structures. It was never able to suppress these, nor did it intend to, because they remained enshrined in corporate society itself, on which it was based. Although the corporate society of the old regime was very hierarchical, its elites retained a large measure of autonomy in their own spheres. This sense of independence and the continued vitality of privilege provided fertile ground for a revival of conciliarist and later commonwealth arguments, and a historical belief in an ancient constitution. These arguments in favour of limited royal power eventually empowered an opposition that was able to take advantage of the excesses and contradictions that characterized some of the practices of absolute monarchy, whose power to enforce its central will was somewhat illusory.

Crises have always been part of international law discipline and some even say part of the identity of an international lawyer. History shows that international law has developed through reacting to previous experiences of crisis. International law reflects agreement on how to avoid known crisis from repeating. However, human society evolves and challenges existing rules, structures, and agrements. The evolution certainly confronts international law with questions as to the suitability of the existing for the new stages of development. Ulrich and Ziemele have brought together the selected speakers of the European Society of International Law annual conference which took place in Latvia and was organized by the Riga Graduate School of Law and the Society in 2016. The editors have characterized the international law and crisis discourse as dialectic and they have grouped the articles contained in the volume under four main themes—security, immunities, sustainable development, and philosophical perspectives—which show those areas of international law which are currently facing noticeable challenge and confrontation from various developments in society. The surprising general conclusion emerging in this collection is the confirmation that by and large international legal system contains concepts, principles, rules, mechanisms, and formats for addressing the various developments that may prima facia seem to challenge these very same elements of the system. Their use, however, involves informed policy decisions.

This book describes the choices open to farming families in the Sahelian village of Kala, in central Mali. Life in this drought-prone region is harsh and full of risk to health, crops, and livestock, yet there are also opportunities open to the hard-working, audacious and lucky, bringing considerable returns if the timing is right. Three inter-related themes underlie the analysis of production and investment decisions faced by households; the role of risk, the long timeframe within which decisions are made, and the close links between economic performance and household size and organisation. Climatic variability and demographic uncertainty lie at the heart of domestic structures; the extreme vulnerability faced by single individuals means people cluster in large kin-based groups, pooling risks and providing protection. The very limited development of labour markets means that households rely almost entirely on their own members for their workforce, and generating the capital needed for investing in ploughs, wells, carts and livestock must stem from a good year’s grain surplus and migration earnings. Based on field-research over the period 1980-82, this study illustrates a successful response to making ends meet in a land abundant region, despite high risks of drought. A follow-up study of this village was published in 2020: Land, Investment, and Migration. Thirty-five years of village life in Mali (OUP).

Guidelines for Mine Waste Dump and Stockpile Design is a comprehensive, practical guide to the investigation, design, operation and monitoring of mine waste dumps, dragline spoils and major stockpiles associated with large open pit mines. These facilities are some of the largest man-made structures on Earth, and while most have performed very well, there are cases where instabilities have occurred with severe consequences, including loss of life and extensive environmental and economic damage. Developed and written by industry experts with extensive knowledge and experience, this book is an initiative of the Large Open Pit (LOP) Project. It comprises 16 chapters that follow the life cycle of a mine waste dump, dragline spoil or stockpile from site selection to closure and reclamation. It describes the investigation and design process, introduces a comprehensive stability rating and hazard classification system, provides guidance on acceptability criteria, and sets out the key elements of stability and runout analysis. Chapters on site and material characterisation, surface water and groundwater characterisation and management, risk assessment, operations and monitoring, management of ARD, emerging technologies and closure are included. A chapter is also dedicated to the analysis and design of dragline spoils. Guidelines for Mine Waste Dump and Stockpile Design summarises the current state of practice and provides insight and guidance to mine operators, geotechnical engineers, mining engineers, hydrogeologists, geologists and other individuals that are responsible at the mine site level for ensuring the stability and performance of these structures. Readership includes mining engineers, geotechnical engineers, civil engineers, engineering geologists, hydrogeologists, environmental scientists, and other professionals involved in the site selection, investigation, design, permitting, construction, operation, monitoring, closure and reclamation of mine waste dumps and stockpiles.

In 1967, Benoît Mandelbrot suggested a mathematical conundrum that involved answering the seemingly straightforward question, ‘How long is the coast of Britain?’1 The answer is surprisingly elusive and dependent on the scale at which one is looking. Increasing the scale unearths greater detail, time and time again, and so the answer grows the closer one looks. The problem is that any measure, at however small a scale, is forced to simplify complex ambiguities that might otherwise reveal further intricacies of their own. This was an entry-point to Mandlebrot’s writings on fractal geometry, but it also chimes with the very ecology and geomorphology of that coast itself, characteristically intricate, ambiguous, and changeable. Large-scale, ocean-facing landforms—such as capes and bays, estuaries, dunefields, and reefs—are well known to have, nestled within them, smaller and often dynamically mobile features such as longshore bars and troughs, berms and beach cusps, not to mention difficult-to-measure caves, inlets, tributaries, and salt marshes. Looking closer still are to be found the ripples, rills, and swash marks of a more minute scale; even within these are to be found the bioturbation structures of intertidal organisms: forms within forms, scales within scales, and worlds within worlds. In the way that it draws the attention down into such minute details as these, while at the same time drawing it up towards an expanse that suggests a space almost planetary in scale, the coast is a highly distinctive geographical environment. And yet it has all too often been overlooked, as if its peripheral relationship to the land has reinforced its peripheral treatment culturally....

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.