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1
Reibman, Max Yacker. « Cairo and the international politics of Egypt and Syria, 1914-1920 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708103.
Texte intégral
2
Osman, Newal. « Partition and Punjab politics, 1937-55 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608215.
Texte intégral
3
SABA, RAUL PHILLIP. « POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMOCRACY IN PERU : CONTINUITY WITHIN CHANGE AND CRISIS (BELAUNDE, VELASCO, MORALES-BERMUDEZ, COMPARATIVE POLITICS) ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/188128.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the development of Peruvian politics and government from 1962 to 1985. It describes the programs and policies of the interim military junta (1962-63), the Velasco (1968-75) and Morales Bermudez (1975-80) phases of the Armed Forces Revolution, and the two Belaunde administrations (1963-68, 80-85) and posits a basic commonality of goals and continuity of reforms despite differences in policy orientation and emphasis. The study begins with a contextual discussion of the ideological underpinnings of contemporary Peruvian political reform, establishing linkages to the revolutionary thought of Gonzalez Prada, Mariategui, and Haya de la Torre, as well as to the more moderate reformist positions of Víctor Andres Belaunde, Bustamante y Rivero, and Basadre. Continuing with an in-depth historical analysis of the period under study, the contextual discussion demonstrates the underlying continuities of political reform in the programs and goals of the several regimes. The focus of the study then shifts to an analysis of the reformist and democratic evolution of the Peruvian polity. It analyzes the central government's budgets according to administrative, social, and economic categories. The analysis demonstrates all the governments since 1962 pursued generally common reformist policies and none reversed the progressive trend set. An analysis of Peruvian foreign policy reorientations vis-a-vis the United States, the Socialist bloc, and the Third World shows that the progressive changes and reforms begun under one administration continued to evolve and crystalize under the policies of succeeding governments. The point is highlighted by an analysis of Peru's voting pattern in the United Nations General Assembly, where divergence with U.S. policy became greater with each change in government after 1963. Finally, in looking to overall political development as political modernization and institutionalization, the analysis shows that Peru has undergone progressive and incremental changes heightening political awareness and participation and thus strengthening its potential for political democracy and social development. Each government since 1962 made substantial, if varying, contributions to the increase of political legitimacy and stability within the polity. In sum, a continuum of political development prevailed.
4
Kharroubi, Safwat. « The foiled state : a critical assessment of western donor aid provision and state-building in Palestine in the post-Oslo period ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678553.
Texte intégral
5
Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. « Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
6
Heath, Karen Patricia. « Conservatives and the politics of art, 1950-88 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d62a078b-4009-40a8-8765-1a4f5e0fbcbc.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis offers a new policy history of the National Endowment for the Arts, the federal agency responsible for providing grants to artists and arts organisations in the United States. It focuses in particular on the development of conservative perspectives on federal arts funding from the 1950s to the 1980s, and hence, illuminates the broader evolution of conservative political power, especially its limits. The most familiar narrative holds that the Endowment found itself caught up in the Culture Wars of the late 1980s when Christian right groups objected to certain federal grants, particularly to Andres Serrano's Piss Christ and Robert Mapplethorpe's Self-Portrait with Whip. This thesis, however, uncovers the older origins of conservative opposition to state support for the arts, analyses conservative conceptions of art, and illuminates the limited federal role the right sought to secure in the arts in the post-war period. Numerous studies have analysed the meanings and origins of the Culture Wars, but until now, scholars had not examined conservative approaches to federal arts politics in a historical sense. Historians have generally been too interested in explaining change to the detriment of examining continuity, but this approach under-emphasises the long-term tensions that underlie seemingly sudden political eruptions. This work also offers a deep account of the conservative movement and the arts world, an area that has so far been almost completely ignored by scholars, even though a focus on marginalised players is essential to understanding the limits of conservatism. In a general sense then, this thesis evaluates the range and diversity of the conservative movement and illuminates the overall odyssey of the right in modern America. In so doing, it provides a new insight into the ways we periodise political history and also invites a broader view of how we understand politics itself.
7
Feng, Dongning. « Text, politics and society : literature as political philosophy in post-Mao China ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2216.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.
8
Pandit, Aishwarya. « From United Provinces to Uttar Pradesh : heartland politics 1947-70 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709289.
Texte intégral
9
McLaughlin, Robert. « Irish Canadians and the Struggle for Irish Independence, 1912-1925 : A Study of Ethnic Identity and Cultural Heritage ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/McLaughlinR2004.pdf.
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10
Varma, Dipak Singh. « An analysis of the causes of the Fiji military coups ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1992. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26634.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Fiji military coups of 1987 are about a Fijian chiefly elite and their supporters who were too reluctant to relinquish their power and privileges. Seventeen years had been a long time in office for the Alliance government. Those who patronised and were patronised by the Alliance government feared change as the Bavadra government had promised a whole array of changes. The chiefly elite teamed up with the Royal Fiji Military Forces to stage the coups. Issues such as the fear of Indian dominance, the alienation of Fijian land and the loss of Fijian way of life, etc., were raised to justify the coups. Land rights and other Fijian cultural institutions were already well guarded by the 1970 Constitution. Fiji coups were more about internal factors. The evidence produced so far shows that the external involvements such as that of the Central Intelligence Agency was neither significant nor has a crucial role. The Fijian elite and others who had much to lose were determined that the new government should be unseated. An examination of the Constitution of the Sovereign Democratic Republic of Fiji bears testimony to how far the Fijian elite have gone to preserve the feudal system of chiefly power and authority which had been eroding through the forces of change and development. The task that the new regime has set for itself is going to be difficult indeed. It will be an irony if the military coups in the end only enhance the decay of the very institutions they were meant to save in the first place.
11
Sanders, Ethan Randall. « The African Association and the growth and movement of political thought in mid-twentieth century East Africa ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607946.
Texte intégral
12
Shiels, David Clarke. « Enoch Powell and the 'crisis' of the British nation c.1939-71 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252278.
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13
Peters, James Nicholas. « Anti-socialism in British politics, c.1900-1922 : the emergence of a counter-ideology ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9c80bc93-3fe6-4fa8-a43c-2536084f48f4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis, "Anti-Socialism in British Politics, 1900-1922," is an attempt to combine the approaches of intellectual and political history in explaining the development of Conservative Party politics at a crucial period of social and political change. It pays particular attention to the relationship between political thought and action through the medium of 'ideology.' It attempts to illuminate this process with an extended case-study of the ideological opposition to 'Socialism' between 1880s and 1920s; it then traces the impact of these ideas to the strategic calculations and policy programmes of the Conservative party. It concludes by arguing that the ideological character of inter-war Conservatism can be best understood by reference to its resistance to Socialism, and it is through this doctrinal prism that the transformation of the Party into one dedicated to protecting the interests of industrialists and the middle-class, suburban salariat can be best understood. The thesis examines the processes of ideological innovation and operationalisation by which these interests were appealed to, and also reveals the political constraints which prevented Conservatives making too overt an appeal to the property-owning classes. The first half of the thesis is concerned with various intellectual and ideological responses to 'Socialism'; the contents of these critiques are treated as interesting in their own right, but are also related to the demands of a wider political culture, particularly as they were constructed with political needs in mind. The second half examines the political impact of Anti-Socialism in British politics at local and national level after 1906. It concludes by arguing that the relationship between Conservatism and the free market, limited government ideal of 'liberal' Individualism was closer than sometimes argued, that 'Anti-Socialism' brought the two creeds together, but in the end it was the 'common sense' Conservative modification of the Individualist creed which dominated political rhetoric and helped overcome many of the hidden tensions present in creating a Party for the 'property-owning democracy.'
14
Carawan, James T. (James Terry). « Populism and the Poll Tax : the Politics and Propaganda of Suffrage Restriction in North Texas, 1892-1904 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278757/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis challenges the traditional interpretation of the history of Populism in America through the use of an intensive regional study. Using precinct-level returns, this thesis proves that, contrary to the conclusions of more general studies, voters from predominately Populist areas in North Texas did not support the poll tax amendment that passed in November 1902. The Populists within this region demonstrated their frustration and distrust of the political process by leaving the polls in higher percentages than other voters between 1896 and 1902. The Populists that did participate in 1902 reentered the Democratic Party but did not support the poll tax, which was a major plank within the Democratic platform. This thesis also proves that the poll tax had a significant effect in reducing the electorate in North Texas.
15
Mason, Anthony, et n/a. « Australian coverage of the Fiji coups of 1987 and 2000 : sources, practice and representation ». University of Canberra. Communication, 2009. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20090826.144012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For many Australians, Fiji is a place of holidays, coups and rugby. The extent to which we
think about this near-neighbour of ours is governed, for most, by what we learn about Fiji
through the media. In normal circumstances, there is not a lot to learn as Fiji rarely appears
in our media. At times of crisis, such as during the 1987 and 2000 coups in Fiji, there is
saturation coverage. At these times, the potential for generating understanding is great. The
reporting of a crisis can encapsulate all the social, political and economic issues which are a
cause or outcome of an event like a coup, elucidating for media consumers the culture, the
history and the social forces involved. In particular, the kinds of sources used and the kinds
of organisations these sources represent, the kinds of themes presented in the reporting, and
the way the journalists go about their work, can have a significant bearing on how an event
like a coup is represented. The reporting of the Fiji coups presented the opportunity to
examine these factors. As such, the aim of this thesis is to understand the role of the media
in building relationships between developed and developing post-colonial nations like
Australia and Fiji.
A content analysis of 419 articles published in three leading broadsheet newspapers, The
Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian and The Canberra Times, examined the basic
characteristics of the articles, with a particular focus on the sources used in these articles.
This analysis revealed that the reports were dominated by elite sources, particularly
representatives of governments, with a high proportion of Australian sources who provided
information from Australia. While alternative sources did appear, they were limited in
number. Women, Indian Fijians and representatives of non-government organisations were
rarely used as sources. There were some variations between the articles from 1987 and those
from 2000, primarily an increase in Indian Fijian sources, but overall the profile of the
sources were similar.
A thematic analysis of the same articles identified and examined the three most prevalent
themes in the coverage. These indicated important aspects of the way the coups were
represented: the way Fiji was represented, the way Australia's responses were represented,
and the way the coup leaders were represented. This analysis found that the way in which
the coups were represented reflected the nature of the relationship between Australia and
Fiji. In 1987, the unexpected nature of the coup meant there was a struggle to re-define how
Fiji should be understood. In 2000, Australia's increased focus on Fiji and the Pacific region
was demonstrated by reports which represented the situation as more complex and uncertain,
demanding more varied responses.
A series of interviews with journalists who travelled to Fiji to cover the coups revealed that
the working conditions for Australian media varied greatly between 1987 and 2000. The
situational factors, particularly those which limited their work, had an impact on the
journalists' ability to access specific kinds of sources and, ultimately, the kinds of themes
which appeared in the stories. The variation between 1987 and 2000 demonstrated that
under different conditions, journalists were able to access a more diverse range of sources
and present more sophisticated perspectives of the coup.
In a cross-cultural situation such as this, the impact of reporting dominated by elite sources
is felt not just in the country being covered, but also in the country where the reporting
appears. It presents a limited representation, which marginalises and downplays the often
complex social, cultural and historical factors which contribute to an event like a coup.
Debate and alternative ways of understanding are limited and the chance to engage more
deeply with a place like Fiji is, by and large, lost.
16
Roy, Christian. « Alexandre Marc and the personalism of l'Ordre nouveau 1920-1940 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66083.
Texte intégral
17
Willi, Victor Jonathan Amadeus. « The fourth ordeal : a history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt, 1973-2013 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b54c3cfe-14af-4bf7-8e73-fc27e6ab4ce7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an internal organisational history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt between 1973 and 2013. Based on memoires of Brotherhood leaders, as well as oral history interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013 with different rank-and-file members and dissidents, the thesis situates the life trajectories and personal experiences of these individuals within a larger national and international context. The purpose is to provide a historical account that is able to explain the reasons for the Brotherhood's cataclysmic failure of the summer of 2013. In accounting for the fall, my key argument centres on the internal rivalry between two political factions representing different "schools of thought", or visions, about the kind of organisation the Brotherhood was supposed to be. Representatives of the respective coalitions competed against each other over hegemony and organisational resources, basing their claims on contrasting intellectual traditions, political cultures and organisational values that had co-existed, sometimes uncomfortably, within the ranks of the Society since the times of Hasan al-Banna. The adherents of the "Qutbist" school of thought put forward the idea of a closed, pyramid-shaped and exclusive organisation, while those closer to 'Omar al-Tilmisani's model aspired to a reformed Society that was open to outsiders, and where internal progression was based on meritocracy, transparency and some form of democracy. I argue that it is through the holistic analysis of the complex dynamics between internal organisational politics, the use of ideology, and the personal experiences of key organisational members, that we are best able to grasp the Brotherhood's failed experience in governance in 2013.
18
Bennett, Andrew Peter Wallace. « 20th century Bannockburn : Scottish nationalism and the challenge posed to British identity, 1970-1980 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ29481.pdf.
Texte intégral
19
AXINIA, Anca Diana. « Women and politics in the Romanian Legionary Movement ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73796.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 13 January 2022Examining Board: Professor Laura L. Downs, (European University Institute); Professor Pieter M. Judson, European University Institute); Professor Irina Livezeanu, (University of Pittsburgh); Professor Kevin Passmore, (University of Cardiff)
This thesis examines women’s participation in the Legionary Movement or Iron Guard, a far-right, anti-Semitic movement active in interwar Romania. Over four chapters, I analyze how the participation of women changed over time, the different forms this participation took, and how these different forms shaped and redefined political relations within the movement. The first chapter focuses on women’s participation in the student activism that characterized Romanian universities throughout the interwar period. University politics played a major role in the origins, development, and self-image of the Legionary Movement. The chapter follows the evolution of the movement’s use of university politics through the lens of increasing female participation. The second chapter is entirely devoted to the exploration of family relations in the Legionary Movement’s ideology and experience. In the third chapter, I analyze the open support or sympathy for the Legionary Movement held among the intellectual elites of Bucharest, the aristocracy, and, finally, among some feminist circles. Gender and class dynamics are inseparable in the analysis of the political beliefs and activity of the women protagonists of this chapter, whose support of or sympathy for the Legion complicates the notion of membership and opens different perspectives on the intersection of gender and class within the movement. Finally, the fourth chapter explores the adoption and adaptation by some legionary women and, especially, by the more formal feminine section, of violence as a form of political action. What emerges from this study is the experimental nature of women’s participation, the constant redefinition of its forms and limits. Moving in an ideological framework designed for them by men, women found their space(s) of agency at the interplay of discourse and practice, through the opportunities for political action offered by the complexity of lived experience.
20
Rioux, Michèle. « Transnationalism and democracy in Brazil ». Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60472.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Brazil, the coincidence of massive growth and growing inequalities was also combined with an authoritarian regime. This coincidence led the dependency scholars to link the Brazilian economic model and the repressive and authoritarian nature of the political regime. However, the Brazilian democratization process, taking roots in the mid-70s, reformulated the issue. Indeed, while remaining committed to transnationalism, a democratization process was underway. This paper argues that the democratization process is consistent with, and even motivated by, the regulation imperatives of the regime of accumulation. However, these regulation imperatives limit the nature and scope of democratic reforms. Nevertheless, transnationalism also lay the foundations for more progressive and democratic option to emerge in formal politics and in civil society.
21
Leake, Elisabeth Mariko. « The politics of the north-west frontier of the Indian subcontinent, 1936-65 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608199.
Texte intégral
22
Franz, Kyle Randolph, et University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. « Painting the town red : the "Communist" administration at Blairmore, Alberta, 1933-1936 ». Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2007, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/530.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 14 February 1933, the citizens of Blairmore, Alberta, elected a Communist
town council; this so-called Red administration remained in power until 1936. Best
known for their seemingly outrageous actions, the council exists within current
historiography as either the result of protracted depression or an example of the success
experienced by the Communist Party of Canada during this period. This thesis will
challenge both arguments, demonstrating that a series of social, economic, and political
experiences resulted in the election of known Communists being socially permissible by
1933. It will be demonstrated that the agenda of council was not strictly Communist,
rather it represented a balance between radical and populist programs, thus enabling
council to challenge capitalist society while providing a practical response to the local
effects of the Depression. The deterioration of this balance by 1936, coupled with a series of scandals, was resultant in the councils electoral downfall.vii, 161 leaves ; 29 cm.
23
King, John Christopher. « Modeling State Repression in Argentina and Chile : A Time Series Analysis ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278861/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study is an attempt to contribute to the emerging theoretical literature on state repression. A time-series model was developed to test the hypothesis that state violence in Argentina and Chile is largely a function of four internal political factors and their interactions: 1) the inertial influence of past restrictive policies on the formulation of current policies, 2) the annual incidence of political protest demonstrations, 3) the perceived effectiveness of repressive measures on unrest, 4) and the institutionalization of military rule.
24
Longino, Elizabeth. « People power in struggling cities : pressure groups in Liverpool and Baltimore, 1980-1991 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ed16425c-212f-4e4a-b396-2ceaab825fca.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Liverpool and Baltimore in the 1980s were amongst the poorest cities in the United Kingdom and the United States, respectively. Since the 1960s, the ports on which they had built their economies and their reputations had all but collapsed and thousands of manufacturing jobs had been relocated or slashed. Property-led regeneration did more for the investors behind projects and the tourists who enjoyed them than for the cities' working classes. In such cities, battered by forces largely beyond their control, what could people disadvantaged by race and/or economic status do to compete for the resources necessary to improve their living conditions and wield power on a citywide level? This thesis explores the capacity of poor and middle-income people's pressure groups to successfully accomplish their goals in Liverpool and Baltimore during the 1980s. To do so, it examines three case study groups in Liverpool, the Merseyside Community Relations Council, the Eldonian Community Association, and the Anti-Cuts Campaign; and one in Baltimore, Baltimoreans United in Leadership Development. It follows their trajectories under unusually authoritarian local political regimes, the Militant Tendency-directed Labour city council in Liverpool and the Schaefer mayoral administration in Baltimore, through local elections in 1987, and finally under the more open local political regimes following those elections. Their success depended on three sets of factors. First, strong leadership and an animating cause were necessary conditions for groups to cohere, but were not sufficient to ensure their success. That further depended on a group's goals and the distribution of resources necessary to accomplish those goals, which in turn shaped the strategies each group chose to pursue its agenda. Third and finally, the effectiveness of those strategies depended on the group's ability to access and influence the resource-holders identified and, finally, on the scope for action of those resource-holders themselves.
25
Visessuvanapoom, Vinit. « State and economy in Thailand : the possibility of establishing a developmental state ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation addresses the question of whether the Thai state is already a
developmental state or could readily become one early in the 21St century. To begin with it identifies the two principal conditions that have to be satisfied, namely commitment to develop and state capacity to influence development. The latter of ‘which in turn depends on the state’s general authority (legitimacy) and its general regulatory capacity. The focus of the dissertation is on the particular capacities that can be said to characterise a developmental state in the present era. These particular capacities are, first, the particular capacities providing the basis of industry policy as identified in the analyses of the earlier formation of developmental states by Chalmers Johnson and his successors and, second, certain complementary capacities which are required to meet the challenges of the twenty—first century. The body of the dissertation is an examination of whether, and to what extent, the particular capacities exist within Thailand or could readily be brought into existence. The dissertation further examines the commitment to development in Thailand through an examination of contemporary Thai polity and specifically the state’s ability, under a Thaksin administration in particular, to govern conflicts within the Thai polity in a manner consistent with broad development. It is recognised that insofar as the state’s capacity to influence development also depends on its general authority (the legitimacy of the state), that authority also is sensitive to its ability to govern conflict resolution. The dissertation ends by speculating about how different the commitment to development might be under another Democrat-led administration. The overall conclusion of the dissertation is that, while the Thai state does indeed possess critical capacities for the pursuit of industry policy, other essential capacities - fundamental and complementary
— as well as legitimacy and commitment to development are weak and not obviously being strengthened. That being the case, it would only be wishful thinking to say that Thailand is already a developmental state.
26
Rees, Timothy John. « Agrarian society and politics in the province of Badajoz under the Spanish Second Republic, 1931-1936 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9a57d34-b448-434e-ab32-726a19aeffea.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses rural social and political conflict in the province of Badajoz (Extremadura) during the Spanish Second Republic of 1931 to 1936. It takes a broad approach to social and political change in a province typical of southern Spain, but focusses particularly on the under-explored role of powerful agrarian elites opposed to the reforms introduced by the new liberal-democratic regime. The study begins with two complementary chapters covering the period 1870-1930; they consider the evolution of the autocratic rural order presided over by the elite and discuss the growth of the challenge to agrian power from organised rural labour. In the following chapters covering in detail the period 1931 to 1936 the partial transformat ion of the rural order that accompanied the transition to the Republic, the subsequent processes of social and political struggle, and the polarisation that followed are documented. A final epilogue considers the Civil War as a rural counter-revolution that involved the resurgence of agrarian autocracy in Badajoz. The thesis draws on a wide range of primary materials, from archives and printed sources to memoirs, and utilizes the relevant secondary literature. In general the study forms part of a movement to reach a deeper understanding of social and political change during the Republic and in particular offers new perspectives on the contribution of the 'agrarian question' to the breakdown of the regime and the origins of the Civil War.
27
Goldberg, David Howard. « Ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of foreign policy : a theoretical and empirical inquiry ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76524.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigates the phenomenon of ethnic interest groups as domestic sources of influence on the making of foreign policy on a cross-national basis. The attempt is made first to develop a framework for comparing theoretically the role of ethnic groups in various governmental systems. Once completed, the various conceptual assumptions are applied to the activities of domestic ethnic interest groups in the United States and Canada concerned with policy for the Middle East and the Arab-Israel conflict. The focus is primarily on the American and Canadian pro-Israel lobbies during the period between October 1973 and September 1982. Data for domestic Arab ethnic constituencies are also considered where relevant, but more as logical counter-points to the North American Jewish communities than as bases for full and complete cross-ethnic comparison. The principal objective of this study is to compare the political influence of two interest groups of the same faith and fundamental purpose but of different systems of government and political cultures.
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Moss, William Henry Timothy. « Cities in the inflation : municipal government in Berlin, Cologne and Frankfurt am Main during the early years of the Weimar Republic ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670289.
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Cole, Alistair. « Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]
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Watkins, Kevin. « India : colonialism, nationalism and perceptions of development ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670394.
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SOUVLIS, George. « Towards an anatomy of Metaxas’s fascist experiment : organic intellectuals, antiparliamentarian discourse and authoritarian state building ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60984.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 February 2019Examining Board: Prof. Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Lucy Riall, European University Institute Prof. Aristotle Kallis, Keele University, (Ext. Advisor); Prof. Dylan Riley, University of California at Berkeley
Main aim of this thesis is to shed a new light on the 4th of August of regime, the authoritarian state that was established in August 1936 by Metaxas, and the anti-parliamentarian ideology that it developed during the years of its existence. Despite increasing production of literature on this topic in the last few years the bibliographical lacunae are still many and there is still a high degree of puzzlement in regard to the understanding of the nature of the regime. This thesis attempts to form a new understanding of its political nature and the discourses that it has developed as a regime on its own physiognomy. The anti-parliamentarian discourse is chosen to be analyzed from the ideological motives that the regime adopted since it is considered crucial for the understanding of the mentality of Greek fascist experiment. The overcoming of the parliamentarian rule was one of the key reasons for its establishment considered as destructive for the existence of the national totality. I adopt the concept of 'anti-parliamentarianism' as a more suitable term than that of 'anti-democratic' because it leaves room for alternative definitions of democracy.
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Brankovich, Jasmina. « Burning down the house ? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998 ». University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
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Thomas, Geraint Llyr. « Conservatives and the culture of 'National' government between the wars ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609335.
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Juhannis, Hamdan. « Mohamad Roem's political activities and Islamic political vision (1908-1983) ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0018/MQ56702.pdf.
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Chan, Man-lok, et 陳民洛. « Between red and white : Chinese communist and nationalist movements in Hong Kong, 1945-1958 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46088908.
Texte intégral
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Al, Khalifa Muneera. « Narratives of a nation : excluded episodes in Bahrain's contemporary history ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2899dc33-d211-4f32-8771-6db94b79a71c.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this research, I aim to present a narrative of the process of nation building in Bahrain - to further analyze it, interrogate it, and capture an aspect of its complexity. By focusing on the years following Bahrain's independence from Britain in 1971, I examine the period in which a constitution was introduced and a short-lived parliament was dissolved after two years of operation. The hypothesis underlying this thesis project is that the dominant historical account, which is provided and sponsored by the government, does not mirror the historical narratives of the various Bahraini communities. The central argument is advanced by examining the state sponsored public articulations of identity, which portray a continuum of exclusions by omitting significant historical episodes. By consulting archival material, oral narratives, and secondary sources, I aim to question the official historical narrative and show the polarized versions of history that can occur when such exclusions take place.
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Reeh, Tina Alice Bonne. « The Church of England and Britain's Cold War, 1937-1948 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2c197863-2037-4cf9-af48-590f5694abea.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis deals with Britain's early Cold War history and the political history of the Church of England. It mainly uses primary sources, and contributes to our growing understanding of the early Cold War, especially in its cultural/religious elements. It explores how the Church of England dealt with the development of the early Cold War in Britain. It argues that in order to understand better the Church of England's role, an account of its perspective on issues of state modernisation dating back to at least the 1930s is necessary. It was then, during a decade of authoritarianism, and especially at the Oxford Conference of 1937, that the Church' standpoint towards secularisation was established, while the transnational agenda of the ecumenical movement was also adopted and internalized by Church of England. The thesis also examines the agencies which it built and worked with: in particular the British Council of Churches and the World Council of Churches. As the Church is the Established Church, its relationship with specific government agencies, especially the British Foreign Office and the Ministry of Information also became increasingly important. The thesis reveals the Church of England's lack of autonomy in time of crisis and the importance of key individuals for the institutional leadership of the Church. Its ecumenical agenda had played an important role, but this was under pressure after the War, as a Europe-wide Christian community was increasingly challenged by 'Western Union' plans for a Cold War Western, Christian community and bloc. By 1948 the Church had been enrolled in the Cold War between East and West which was apparent in its alignment with British government policies and its withdrawn role in the ecumenical community. The thesis adds to our understanding of the Church of England's relationship to the state in these years, and contributes to the cultural dimension of the early Cold War in Britain.
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Fischer, Nick 1972. « The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935 ». Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.
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Wood, Michael John. « The historical past as a tool for nation-building in new order Indonesia / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84684.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz
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Nassimi, Azim M. « An ethnography of political leaders in Afghanistan ». Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063417.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics.Department of Educational Leadership
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Ondaatje, Michael L. « Neither counterfeit heroes nor colour-blind visionaries : black conservative intellectuals in modern America ». University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0029.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis focuses on the rise to prominence, during the 1980s and 1990s, of a coterie of African American intellectuals associated with the powerful networks and institutions of the New Right. It situates the relatively marginalised phenomenon of contemporary black conservatism within its historical context; explores the nature and significance of the racial discourse it has generated; and probes the intellectual character of the individuals whose contributions to this strand of black thought have stood out over the past three decades. Engaging the writings of the major black conservative figures and the literature of their supporters and critics, I then evaluate their ideas in relation to the key debates concerning race and class in American life debates that have centred, for the most part, on the vexed issues of affirmative action, poverty and public education. In illuminating this complex, still largely misunderstood phenomenon, this thesis reveals the black conservatives as more than a group but as individuals with their own distinctive arguments.
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Muller, Craig. « In Reagan's backyard : an examination of the condition of liberalism in California in the early 1980s ». University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1980, Ronald Reagan became the fortieth president of the United States following an election that was said to have presaged a political turn to the right in that country. This thesis identifies three broad historical themes that characterised the period in the immediate aftermath of the 1980 election. Firstly, there was the notion that the voting public was becoming more conservative in its choices in federal politics. This is tested by looking at voter behaviour in the 1982 midterm elections. Secondly, the idea that the liberal-conservative dialectic was becoming less important in United States politics is examined using as a framework the actions and statements of prominent liberals. Thirdly, the thesis examines the accuracy of prognoses that were being made about liberalism as a viable political entity in the wake of the 1980 elections. These themes are examined via a series of parallel, occasionally overlapping narratives, following the main strands of liberal activity and thought in one state California in the early 1980s. Many of the sources used were derived from commentary that was being made as events unfolded. The debate about the meaning of the 1980 election therefore changes and this change is part of the story told here. Answering some questions also involved using source material that was more reflective. Hence, parts of the thesis are historiographical. Despite its political content, this thesis is a work of history. It examines the drama of men and women acting within their time, bound by the world around them, but also trying to change that world.
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Fuwongcharoen, Puli. « Constitutions and legitimisation : the cases of Siam's permanent constitution and Japan's postwar constitution ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283934.
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Strickland, Kristi Throne. « The Significance and Impact of Women on the Rise of the Republican Party in Twentieth Century Texas ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2597/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the early twentieth century, the Democratic party dominated the conservative political landscape of Texas. Through the 1920s, members of the Republican party focused on patronage and seemed content to maintain the position of minority party. A growing dissatisfaction with the liberal policies of the New Deal during the 1930s created opportunities for state Republicans to woo dissenting Democrats to their side. With a change of leadership within the state GOP after 1950, the Republicans waged serious campaigns for offices for the first time. Republican men exercised their political yearnings through leadership positions. Women, on the other hand, were shut out of the leadership ranks, and, as a consequence, they chose a traditional female strategy. They organized clubs in order to support the new leadership and rising candidates. Against formidable odds, Republican women acted as foot soldiers and worked diligently to attain their objectives. As early as 1920, Texas Republican women began to organize. In 1938 they joined the newly chartered National Federation of Republican Women. In 1955 Texas women organized the Texas Federation of Republican Women (TFRW). Working through the TFRW, the women became the catalysts that broke the Republican party from its state of inertia, and they significantly contributed to the breakdown of the one-party system in Texas. Willing to do the "shoe leather politicking" necessary for victory, women became invaluable to GOP candidates, who began their campaigns in the clubhouses of Republican women. In 1978, with the election of the first Republican governor in a century, Republicans finally brought competitive politics to Texas. By the 1990s, the GOP became the majority party in the state. Republican women were not only important to the growth of the party, they were the driving force that broke the state from the shackles of one-party rule by winning elections through grassroots efforts. This study fully recognizes the rich contribution women made to Texas politics throughout the twentieth century.
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Doustdar, Haghighi Mohammad. « The religious thought of Aḥmad Kasravī Tabrīzī / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28265.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The advent of Ahmad Kasravi (1890--1946) and his Pakdini movement represents one of the most important developments in the history of socio-religious thought in Iran in the Pahlavi era (1925--1979). It was one of the greatest home-grown ideological challenges to Shi'ism and Shi'i clergy in the twentieth century.The present thesis aims to analyze Kasravi's religious ideology. It examines first the historical factors that played a significant role in the development of Kasravi's socio-religious consciousness and his keen interest in religion. Secondly, it explores the intellectual contexts of his religious thought---its origins, the controversial nature of it, the original aspects of it, the reaction of the clergy and intellectuals of the time to it, and its significance and impact on the coming generations. Finally, the key concepts of Kasravi's socio-religious ideology and some major current misunderstandings of them are examined. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. « Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.
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Kahfi, Erni Haryanti. « Haji Agus Salim : his role in nationalist movements in Indonesia during the early twentieth century ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ44090.pdf.
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Nwokora, Zim G. « Do the candidates matter ? : a theory of agency in American Presidential nominations ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2271ba3b-447f-4b1e-bfe2-ec473c87189b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis develops a candidate-centred conception of American presidential nominations. Candidates' choices in nomination politics remain under-theorised. The literature on nominations has tended either to downplay the role of candidates' independent influence or to suggest that the impact of their choices is too idiosyncratic to theorize about. I reject both of these positions; and instead develop the basic elements of a theory in which candidates are the principal agents of change in nomination contests. I argue that candidates make distinct identity, tactical, and management choices, and I show that this simple frame can be used to connect aspirants' varying goals to their choices and actions. In my theory, candidates' prospects remain relatively stable unless a shift occurs in their competitive setting in response to an unexpected event - for instance, a surprising election result. These shifts, or critical junctures, define a candidate's path to his party's presidential nomination. I argue that the rival candidates' choices dominate the development of these critical junctures and, therefore, that candidates' choices are crucial to nomination outcomes. Structural factors, the actions of non-candidates and the effects of exogenous events, account for a minority of critical junctures. In the empirical chapters of this study, I examine the Democratic and Republican nomination contests in selected years before the McGovern-Fraser reforms (1912, 1924, 1932) and in post-reform cases (1972, 1976, 1980) to demonstrate the pervasive influence of candidates' choices in contrasting institutional settings. These cases confirm my basic claim about the centrality of candidates' choices and also suggest significant ways in which candidates' choices have changed between 1912 and 1980.
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Michie, Lindsay W. « Robert Hadow : a case study of an appeaser ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14342.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Historians differ over the origins of Britain's policy of appeasement, and many analyses concentrate on the objectives of policy using the growth of overseas obligations or more recent historical markers such as the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. The approach of this thesis involves relating appeasement to the personal beliefs and decisions of those responsible for foreign policy. By pin-pointing Robert Hadow, a First Secretary in the Foreign Office, as an example of an appeaser, such an approach demonstrates how intelligent and capable men in Britain fell victim to a policy which, in retrospect, appears blind and irrational. An examination of Hadow's fear of war, bias against bolshevism, and sympathy for the German minority in Czechoslovakia is made in this thesis through detailed research of Foreign Office despatches and Hadow's reports, memoranda, and personal correspondence. Much of this hitherto unpublished material sheds new light on the course of events from the collapse of the Kredit Anstalt in Austria to the outbreak of World War II. By following the course of Hadow's career during this period, this thesis seeks to explain the mentality that produced the foreign policy followed by Britain in the 1930s.
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ROMANOS, Eduardo. « Ideologia libertaria y movilización clandestina : el anarquismo español durante el franquismo (1939-1975) ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10455.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Peter Wagner, (Università degli Studi di Trento and former EUI) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, (EUI) ; Prof. Demetrio Castro, (Universidad Pública de Navarra) ; Prof. Adrian Shubert, (York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Este trabajo examina el conjunto de creencias, valores e ideas políticas de los libertarios que en España se movilizaron contra la dictadura franquista entre 1939 y 1975. La tesis principal de la investigación es la emergencia de un proceso de cambio en la ideología libertaria durante ese periodo de clandestinidad que cuestionó algunos de los presupuestos esenciales del pensamiento anarquista clásico. Este cambio y la resistencia al mismo serán analizados teniendo en cuenta la experiencia histórica y las expectativas de los actores que compartieron la ideología, el contexto político y social que rodeó su movilización y la tradición política de la que provenían y a la que éstos de una u otra forma se vincularon.