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Tadić, Dejan. « Foreign election interference as a hybrid threat to national security : Presidential elections in the USA in 2016 and 2020 ». Politička revija 76, no 2 (2023) : 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pr76-43809.
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The second decade of the twenty-first century was marked by an expansion of interest in hybrid threats to national security. Foreign election interference became actual during the 2016 US presidential elections. As one of the modalities of subversive activities, foreign election interference faced a practical transformation along with the development of new technologies and the expansion of the social networks' influence. The hybrid character of foreign election interference is shown both in the fact that it can be realized in physical cyberspace by state or non-state actors. This hybrid threat is limited only by the imagination of its creators and the ability of its implementers. 2016 and 2020 United States presidential elections have shown that countries with the most complex security systems are not able to predict where the hybrid threat will realize. The author concludes that foreign election interference will remain actual in contemporary international relations, because of avoiding direct armed confrontation in gaining dominance in the interest zones of great and regional powers.
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Rogova, Natalia. « Specifics of unified government after 2020 elections in the USA ». Russia and America in the 21st Century, no 4 (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760017985-0.
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The article deals with interrelations between President Biden and the 117th Congress in this period of the unified government One of the main problems of the Democrats is that they have a minimal majority in both Chambers. Democrats in the Congress are divided into four major factions which not always vote together. Republicans are also divided into several caucuses, some of which try to maintain and develop Trump’s legacy. It is obvious that the one-party government will be seriously challenged at the 2022 elections.
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Bogaevskaya, O., A. Borisova, A. Davydov, E. Desiatsky, S. Dmitriev, V. Zhuravleva, S. Kislitsyn, V. Kulakova et K. Chudinova. « Pandemic, Protests, Protectionism and Presidential Elections in the USA in 2020 ». Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no 1 (2021) : 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-1-31-58.
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The article analyzes major trends in domestic, social, economic, trade and foreign policy of the USA in 2020. The last year of Donald Trump’s presidency became the most traumatic and unpredictable for the country. The COVID-19 pandemic dominated every process in the political, social and economic life of the American society and government. At the same time, it accentuated the main trends of the Trump foreign policy. Trump became the first president to be impeached twice, the 13th president who after being nominated by his party was not reelected by the society, the first president trying to fight both unknown epidemic and economic crisis during his reelection year, the first president who chose not to come to the inauguration of his successor, the first who made decisive steps to break with American-China interdependence and the first who openly declared that he put American interests above those of the other countries, even the allies. His presidency changed the USA deeply and the last year was the turning point in this transformation. He was the most polarized president and he left behind a deeply divided country. Trump spent his last year in the White House battling with the pandemic and fighting for power, and it highlighted how limited the capabilities of the American presidency are in the polarized system where political compromise between the parties is no longer possible. At the same time this last year pointed out a critical importance of a leader’s personality for politics in all spheres. In the time of deep polarization, foreign policy became the only sphere of possible compromise for the parties. Both Democrats and Republicans supported the economic instruments sponsored by Trump of ensuring American leadership in time of pandemic, despite his arrogant style so much criticized by the opposition. After four years of Trump’s presidency the policy of sanctions is considered an effective and long-lasting instrument to control the competitors and enhance the American influence. At the same time while the trend of confrontation became dominant during the Trump’s presidency and his policy of economic nationalism could have more distant and strategic consequences, the confrontation with key actors such as China demonstrated the limits of American power to influence and to control unilaterally both the global economic and political processes and the behavior of different actors. This article is a result of a collective multi-aspect research of transformations taking place in the US on a real time basis. The analysis is built methodologically on the systemic approach to studying American political, social and economic trends, both domestically and on international level.
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Klyuchevskiy, D. « Specific features of using social media in presidential campaigns in 2016 and 2020 in the USA : a comparative analysis ». Journal of Political Research 5, no 3 (13 octobre 2021) : 172–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-3-172-180.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience of using social networks as a political marketing tool in the US presidential elections. This article partially touches upon the global topic of marketization and digitalization of both the political process in general and at the level of the US presidential election. The paper highlights the changing role of social media as a policy tool, which today has become not only a tool for distributing content, but also one of the tools for analyzing data from the electorate. The author explores the possibilities of social networks, their strengths and weaknesses and development prospects in the field of political marketing. The work touches upon the role of social networks in the formation of «Electronic Democracy», their impact on the candidate's image and the relationship with the personalization of politics in the United States. The main method in the article is comparative analysis. The result was the definition of the role, key features of the mentioned social networks in the field of modern politics. A certain theoretical contribution is seen in the argumentation of the following observations: the speed of interaction between the candidate and the voter through social networks has increased, in addition, the area of image-making has been partially «digitalized». It was revealed that technologies of information influence on American voters, which positively influenced the results of the 2016 presidential election for the Republican candidate, lowered D. Trump's ratings during the 2020 elections.
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Zhezhko-Braun, Irina. « Ground wars of the presidential elections in the USA ». Ideas and Ideals 12, no 2-1 (15 juin 2020) : 48–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.2.1-48-82.
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Mezhuev, Boris V., Sergey V. Birrjukov, Vasily V. Vanchugov et Lyubov V. Ulyanova. « Ideology Restart : Liberal Project and Pandemic. Lessons of 2020 ». Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 35.5 (16 octobre 2021) : 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-3-181-193.
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The present article is an abridged version of the paper of the “Russian Idea” site editors staff devoted to the ideological transformation in the Western countries and Russia in 2020, – the year of COVID pandemic and dramatic elections in the USA. The paper was drawn before the results of the elections were made public, but still it contains the correct forecast of the electoral victory of the liberal establishment representative. The authors also made the hypothesis confirmed by further course of events, that the winner of the ideological contest of 2020 would be the ideology described by the authors as the “new Atlantism”, – the doctrine about the Atlantic coalition interests priority over the national interests of the countries composing the coalition. The paper also forecasts the defeat of populism and Trumpism: in fact, having initiated the new cold war against China the supporters of those trends in the USA will surrender the initiative to their ideological opponents who are much more experienced in leading cold wars. On the basis of these conclusions the authors make the assumption of which new ideologies opposing the liberal establishment would be adopted by the conservative-minded intellectuals, and which conservative strategies could be of current importance for Russia as well.
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Golovchenko, Vladimir I. « Specifics of Electoral Activity of the Second Echelon Political Actors in Modern Russia ». Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series : Sociology. Politology 20, no 4 (25 novembre 2020) : 474–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2020-20-4-474-478.
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Analysis of the second echelon parties and social associations’ participation in electoral processes within single voting day in September 2020 is presented in the article. An inference is made that as a result of municipal elections in different regions of Russia transformations related to strengthening oppositional forces’ resources have taken place; these transformations can manifest themselves as early as during the State Duma election-2021. Elections have shown that motivation of protest voting “we want reforms” is growing in popularity. It poses risks of orientation not as much on certain programs of political, social, and economic development, but on desire to bring into power new political forces and leaders. As a result, a threat of a “colored revolution” appears when protest actions of opposition (no matter how big its real share in the whole population is), upon the availability of strong diplomatic, financial, and information support of the USA and their allies, may be (as exemplified by events in Belarus) institutionalized by creating coordination councils and boards aimed at achieving the main goal – i.e. to overthrow existing political regime.
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Cherevichko, Tatyana V., et Vitaly G. Tsyplin. « Political Aspects of American Assistance to Ukraine on the Eve of the 2002 Parliamentary Elections ». Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series : Sociology. Politology 20, no 4 (25 novembre 2020) : 489–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2020-20-4-489-494.
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The article is devoted to the political analysis of the tools used by the United States to withdraw Ukraine from the sphere of economic influence of Russia. Based on the analysis of the materials of individual projects and scientific publications, the authors come to conclusion that by 2002 the expected change of generations of political scientists and economists did not take place in the USA. The tone within the Ukrainian issue continued to be set by the veterans of the Cold War and the financial structures behind them. The fragmentation of the activities of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) on the eve of the Ukrainian parliamentary elections made it possible to characterize the network principle of the distribution of financial resources allocated for the implementation of pre-planned framework political programs. It is noted that the American economic component was reliably hidden in the mechanisms of the formation of Ukrainian pre-election political blocs.
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Maloy, J. S., et Matthew Ward. « The Impact of Input Rules and Ballot Options on Voting Error : An Experimental Analysis ». Politics and Governance 9, no 2 (15 juin 2021) : 306–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3938.
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When election reforms such as Ranked Choice Voting or the Alternative Vote are proposed to replace plurality voting, they offer lengthier instructions, more opportunities for political expression, and more opportunities for mistakes on the ballot. Observational studies of voting error rely on ecological inference from geographically aggregated data. Here we use an experimental approach instead, to examine the effect of two different ballot conditions at the individual level of analysis: the input rules that the voter must use and the number of ballot options presented for the voter’s choice. This experiment randomly assigned three different input rules (single-mark, ranking, and grading) and two different candidate lists (with six and eight candidates) to over 6,000 online respondents in the USA, during the American presidential primary elections in 2020, simulating a single-winner presidential election. With more expressive input rules (ranking and grading), the distinction between minor mistakes and totally invalid votes—a distinction inapplicable to single‐mark ballots (1MB) voting—assumes new importance. Regression analysis indicates that more complicated input rules and more candidates on the ballot did not raise the probability that a voter would cast a void (uncountable) vote, despite raising the probability of at least one violation of voting instructions.
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Davydov, O. « The Prospects for Settlement of North Korean Nuclear Problem in View of the Presidential Elections in the USA ». World Economy and International Relations 64, no 9 (2020) : 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-9-105-113.
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Ray, Achintya. « The Impact of Non-Citizen Population in Regional Differences in Non-Voting in the USA ». Business Ethics and Leadership 6, no 3 (2022) : 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/bel.6(3).113-119.2022.
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Given that voting is the bedrock of any functional democracy, it is an intriguing puzzle as to why many eligible voters often choose not to vote. The rational choice theory posits that voters might decide to stay away from voting, especially if they believe that their votes are inconsequential and not enough to change the outcomes of an election, especially involving many unrelated voters. However, other socioeconomic factors may modify that belief as voters may respond to the environment they live in and vote accordingly just to make a statement. Also, affinity to other fellow citizens and the presence of social capital may lead the voters to vote in higher numbers to signal voter solidarity. Using the US Census Bureau’s voting participation and citizenship composition data at the state levels for the year 2020, this paper shows that citizens feel positively inclined to participate in voting if a larger percentage of citizens are registered to vote. Furthermore, controlling for voter registration and regional indicator variables, non-voting (by the registered voters) seems to decline (voting seems to increase) as the percentage of non-citizens increases in the population. The first result seems to point to the non-trivial role played by social capital and voter affinity in increasing turnout, while the second and the key result of this paper seems to indicate that larger immigration numbers may energize the citizens to vote in higher numbers, thereby reducing the percentage of citizens who do not vote. Further evidence regarding regional variations suggests that controlling for voter registration and percentage of non-citizens in the population, non-voting may be lower in the North-Eastern and Western regions of the USA compared to the Southern and Mid-Western regions. Asymmetries in regional immigrations, voter registration and voter engagement present a very interesting dynamism for future elections and public policy formulation in the USA.
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Buchyn, Mykola, et Khrystyna Kalynchuk. « The System of US Presidential Election : Particularities, Problems of Functioning and Prospects for Transformation. » Humanitarian vision 8, no 1 (2 mai 2022) : 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2022.01.001.
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The article examines the level of democracy of the US presidential electoral system and the prospects for its transformation. In order to do this examination, considerable attention is paying on the main procedural aspects of the US presidential election, in particular, on the features of the organization of primary elections, popular voting and the expression of will of the Electoral College. Using general scientific, logical and empirical research methods, the weaknesses and strengths of the US presidential electoral system are analyzed. For instance, the disproportion of the representation of American states in the Electoral College, as well as the disproportion between the number of votes and the number of electors as a factor of two-level electoral distortions are considered. The authors argue that the issue is relevant due to the emergence of political instability in the United States, which is related to the outcome of the 2020 presidential election and its non-recognition by part of American society and the defeated candidate, which provoked domestic social and political instability and negatively affected the international image of the USA. The study concluded that the electoral system used during the US presidential election, despite some positive aspects, can be partially interpreted as undemocratic, with the existing disproportion of representation, and therefore needs to be reformed and has enough prospects and ways for it. Ways to minimize shortcomings and prospects for the transformation of the US presidential electoral system are identified. The authors emphasize that the main problem is the choice of the most rational option for reforming the US presidential electoral system, which will not lead to an even greater socio-political crisis in the United States.
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Daly, Tom Gerald. « Understanding Multi-directional Democratic Decay : Lessons from the Rise of Bolsonaro in Brazil ». Law & ; Ethics of Human Rights 14, no 2 (25 novembre 2020) : 199–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2020-2014.
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AbstractOn 28 October 2018 the far-right candidate Jair Bolsonaro won the presidential elections in Brazil with 55% of the vote. This result has been viewed by many as yet another instance of the global rise of authoritarian populist leaders, grouping Bolsonaro alongside the likes of Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, India’s Narendra Modi, or Donald Trump in the USA – indeed, Bolsonaro has been dubbed the “Trump of the Tropics.” The focus on Bolsonaro himself reflects the strong emphasis on executives in a rapidly expanding literature suggesting the emergence of a new form of would-be autocrat who is democratically elected but who hollows out democratic rule over time. However, this Article argues that, far beyond Bolsonaro, the Brazilian experience is an important case-study as it prompts reflection on three fundamental propositions. First, any analysis of liberal democracy as the perceived object of attack must be highly cognizant of the democratic “starting point” and history of a given state. Second, an excessive focus on executive-led assaults on democratic rule can impede fuller analysis of a broader suite of actors and factors relevant to the (declining) health of the democratic system. Third, authoritarianism is a more appropriate analytical lens than populism for identifying potential democratic threats, especially in the Brazilian context.
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Trystanto, Trystanto. « Small Governing Coalition in Hong Kong and its Impact on Political Freedom ». Jurnal Sentris 4, no 1 (16 juin 2023) : 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v4i1.6346.46-60.
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Hong Kong has seen an upheaval in recent years. From the protests over the extradition law to the protests over the National Security Law, these protests are a response to the ever-encroaching hand of Beijing on political rights in Hong Kong. After the National Security Law was implemented, Hong Kong’s freedom was almost gone. One by one, pro-democracy protesters, opposition parliament members, and opposition media are being targeted and repressed. Despite the numerous protests and riots, the Hong Kong SAR government perseveres with little concession to the protesters. Why does the government of Hong Kong decided not to respect Hong Kong’s unique democratic system in China, arguably the system that has brought Hong Kong to one of the most prominent cities in the world for global interactions, and instead wish to turn it into another normal Chinese city? Why does the Hong Kong SAR government almost completely ignore the voice of the Hong Kong people? Using the framework developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith in The Dictator’s Handbook, I argue that the small size of Hong Kong’s governing coalition (i.e., the minimum amount of support required for the leader to stay in power) and the ease in which the Chief Executive of Hong Kong rewards her allies play a significant role in this democratic backsliding. Furthermore, while the Western World reacted in outrage over this undemocratic encroachment of Beijing on Hong Kong, I argue that their sanctions on Hong Kong leaders will not play a significant role as the Chief Executive of Hong Kong does not need their support. Keywords: Hong Kong; democracy; protests; governing coalition;sanctions REFERENCES Allison, Graham. Destined for War: Can America and China Escape the Thucydides’s Trap? New York: Houghton Miflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2017. Associated Press. “Only Hand-Picked Pro-Beijing ‘Patriots’ Get to Vote for Committee That Will Choose Hong Kong’s next Government.” The Globe and Mail, September 19, 2021. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/world/article-hong-kong-voters-to-choose-new-election committee-under-pro-beijing/. BBC News. “North Koreans Vote in ‘No-Choice’ Parliamentary Elections.” BBC News, March 10, 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-47492747. Bloomberg News. “Xi Finalizes Hong Kong Election Changes, Cementing China Control.” Bloomberg, March 30, 2021. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-03- 30/china-to-form-small-group-to-vet-hong-kong-elections-scmp-says. Candice Chau. “Hong Kong Democratic Party May Breach Security Law If It Tells Members Not to Run in Election, Warns Pro-Beijing Figure.” Hong Kong Free Press, September 6, 2021. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/09/06/hong-kong-democratic-party-may-breach-security-law if-it-tells-members-not-to-run-in-election-warns-pro-beijing-figure/. 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Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office, and Export Control Joint Unit. “UK Arms Embargo on Mainland China and Hong Kong.” GOV.UK, December 31, 2020. https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/uk-arms-embargo-on-mainland-china-and-hong kong. Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “Government Structure.” GovHK, September 2021. https://www.gov.hk/en/about/govdirectory/govstructure.htm. Grant, Charles. “Russia, China, and Global Governance.” London: Centre for European Reform, 2012. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Grant_CER_Eng.pdf. Grundy, Tom. “‘Highly Necessary’: Beijing to Discuss Enacting National Security Law in Hong Kong Following Months of Protest.” Hong Kong Free Press, May 21, 2020. https://hongkongfp.com/2020/05/21/breaking-beijing-to-discuss-enacting-national-security law-in-hong-kong-following-months-of-protest/. Hathaway, Oona A, and Scott J Shapiro. The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2017. Kirby, Jen. “Pro-Democracy Candidates Dominate Hong Kong’s Local Elections in a Rebuke to China.” Vox, November 25, 2019. https://www.vox.com/2019/11/25/20981691/hong-kong district-council-elections-pro-democracy. Kuo, Lily, and Verna Yu. “Hong Kong Protests: Carrie Lam Denies Offering to Resign.” The Guardian, September 3, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/03/hong-kong protests-carrie-lam-denies-she-considered-resigning. Leung, Christy. “Extradition Bill Not Made to Measure for Mainland China and Won’t Be Abandoned, Hong Kong Leader Carrie Lam Says.” South China Morning Post, April 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3004067/extradition-bill-not-made measure-mainland-china-and-wont. Lo, Chloe. “Hong Kong Leader’s Approval Rating Falls to Lowest since Sept.” Bloomberg, February 17, 2021. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-02-17/hong-kong-leader-s approval-rating-falls-to-lowest-since-sept. Low, Zoe. “What Sparked Hong Kong’s Biggest Mass Arrests under National Security Law?” South China Morning Post, January 6, 2021. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong kong/politics/article/3116586/hong-kong-national-security-law-35-plus-ambition-colour. Mahbubani, Kishore, and Jeffery Sng. The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2017. Mahbubani, Kishore. Has China Won? The Chinese Challenge to American Primacy. New York: PublicAffairs, 2020. Mahtani, Shibani, Tiffany Liang, Anna Kam, and Simon Denyer. “Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Parties Sweeping Pro-Beijing Establishment aside in Local Elections.” The Washington Post, March 30,2020. https://web.archive.org/web/20200330160031/https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/Record-turnout-in-Hong-Kong-election-seen-as-a-14858897.php. Mesquita, Bruce Bueno de, and Alastair Smith. The Dictator’s Handbook : Why Bad Behavior Is Almost Always Good Politics. New York: Public Affairs, 2012. Olorunnipa, Toluse. “As Trump Puts Partisan Spin on Federal Aid for States, Republicans and Democrats Warn of Coming Financial Calamity.” Washington Post, April 27, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/as-trump-puts-partisan-spin-on-federal-aid-for states-republicans-and-democrats-warn-of-coming-financial-calamity/2020/04/27/a542f19e 889a-11ea-8ac1-bfb250876b7a_story.html. Registration and Electoral Office of the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “REO : Who May Register / How to Register - Functional Constituencies.” Reo.gov.hk. Accessed October 19, 2021. https://www.reo.gov.hk/en/voter/FC.htm. Reuters. “U.S. Condemns ‘Unjustified Use of Force’ in Hong Kong: Senior Official.” Reuters, November 18, 2019, sec. Emerging Markets. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-usa-idUSKBN1XS06A. ———. “U.S. Condemns China’s New Security Law for Hong Kong, Threatens Further Actions.” Reuters, June 30, 2020, sec. APAC. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china hongkong-security-usa-idUSKBN2412N9. Roantree, Anne Marie, Greg Torode, and James Pomfret. “Special Report: Hong Kong Leader Says She Would ‘Quit’ If She Could, Fears Her Ability to Resolve Crisis Now ‘Very Limited.’” Reuters, September 3, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-carrielam-specialre-idUSKCN1VN1DU. Sanjaya, Trystanto. “Analyzing the ‘Democracy vs. Autocracy’ Advocacy of the Biden Administration in the Upcoming US-China Great Power Competition from the Perspective of National Interest .” Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 26, no. 4 (2023): 47–98. Subcommittee on Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Amended Annex I and Annex II to Basic Law, LC Paper No. CB(4)703/20-21(01) § (2021). https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr20- 21/english/hc/sub_com/hs102/papers/hs10220210331cb4-703-1-e.pdf. Tong, Kurt. “Hong Kong and the Limits of Decoupling.” Foreign Affairs, July 26, 2021. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/asia/2021-07-14/hong-kong-and-limits-decoupling. United Nations Treaty Collection, Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong, Vol. 1399, (New York, 1994), 62 United States Department of the Treasury. “Treasury Sanctions Individuals for Undermining Hong Kong’s Autonomy | U.S. Department of the Treasury.” home.treasury.gov, August 7, 2020. https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm1088. Weeks, Jessica L.P. Dictators at War and Peace. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014. Xinhua. “Hong Kong Must Be Governed by Patriots.” Global TImes, November 12, 2020. https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1206580.shtml. 香港中联办. “中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法附件二香港特别行政区立法会的产生办法和表 决程序.” Hong Kong Liaison Office, March 30, 2021. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/h6q6yzNwNXuJZ55bx98lFQ.
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Wodika, Alicia B., et Wendi K. Middleton. « Climate change advocacy : exploring links between student empowerment and civic engagement ». International Journal of Sustainability in Higher Education 21, no 6 (20 août 2020) : 1209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijshe-03-2020-0091.
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Purpose This study identified the attitudes and behaviors of college students regarding their advocacy for climate change adaptation and mitigation. Specifically, perceptions of climate change were assessed and advocacy activities were identified for climate change and/or other topics. Design/methodology/approach Using convenience sampling, students (n = 440) from three universities in the Midwest, the USA, completed surveys assessing their level of agreement with activities related to civic engagement, climate change and policy. Semantic differential scales focused on “learning about climate change,” “advocating for climate change mitigation” and “advocating for climate change adaptation.” Three open-ended questions were used to identify student experiences with civic engagement and/or service-learning, as well as topics in which they advocate and how they advocate. Findings Regarding advocacy in general, over 50% of the sample did not advocate for any topic, with 24.5% of students stating they advocated for the environment/climate change. Students who identified as female, democratic and 1st or 2nd year in school were more likely to be engaged with environmental advocacy. Regarding civic engagement, seniors were more actively engaged with their communities and also more likely to vote in local, state and national elections. Research limitations/implications Time of data collection was a potential limitation with schools conducting data collection at different time periods. Students who identified more progressive politically were also more likely to participate in the study. Originality/value While research exists regarding student civic engagement levels, this research project identified ways in which students engaged in advocacy, identifying potential links with civic engagement and enhanced participation in climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies.
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Khan, Asif, Huaping Zhang, Nada Boudjellal, Arshad Ahmad, Jianyun Shang, Lin Dai et Bashir Hayat. « Election Prediction on Twitter : A Systematic Mapping Study ». Complexity 2021 (7 avril 2021) : 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/5565434.
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Context. Social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter carry a big load of people’s opinions about politics and leaders, which makes them a good source of information for researchers to exploit different tasks that include election predictions. Objective. Identify, categorize, and present a comprehensive overview of the approaches, techniques, and tools used in election predictions on Twitter. Method. Conducted a systematic mapping study (SMS) on election predictions on Twitter and provided empirical evidence for the work published between January 2010 and January 2021. Results. This research identified 787 studies related to election predictions on Twitter. 98 primary studies were selected after defining and implementing several inclusion/exclusion criteria. The results show that most of the studies implemented sentiment analysis (SA) followed by volume-based and social network analysis (SNA) approaches. The majority of the studies employed supervised learning techniques, subsequently, lexicon-based approach SA, volume-based, and unsupervised learning. Besides this, 18 types of dictionaries were identified. Elections of 28 countries were analyzed, mainly USA (28%) and Indian (25%) elections. Furthermore, the results revealed that 50% of the primary studies used English tweets. The demographic data showed that academic organizations and conference venues are the most active. Conclusion. The evolution of the work published in the past 11 years shows that most of the studies employed SA. The implementation of SNA techniques is lower as compared to SA. Appropriate political labelled datasets are not available, especially in languages other than English. Deep learning needs to be employed in this domain to get better predictions.
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Misiuna, Jan. « Zarys historii regulacji finansowania kampanii wyborczych w USA ». Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no 1 (29 novembre 2011) : 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.8.
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The article presents the history of the US campaign finance law. It describes acts passed by the Congress, starting from the Tillman Act of 1907, followed among others by Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and finished with McCain-Feingold Act of 2002. There are also described the most important decisions of the US Supreme Court related to the campaign finance including Newberry vs. United States (256 U. S. 232 (1921)), Buckley v. Valeo (424 U. S. 1 (1976)), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (540 U. S. 93 (2003)) Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (130 S. Ct. 876 (2010)) of 2010. The paper also how has changed the attitude of the Supreme Court towards campaign finance regulation The article also recalls the historical events, such as Teapot Dome Scandal and Watergate, that were important stimuli for passing new law by the Congress. The background of the Supreme Court decisions is also provided.
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Dobrev, Momtchil, et Mariola Garibova-Dobreva. « The Counterfeiting of The Elections In The Usa 2020 By The Mafiotismus And The Representatives of The Financial Bank Resource Technological Mafiatized Materialism In Benefit of Biden Against Donald Trump And His Doctrine - In A Fictional Imitation of Democracy ». International Journal of Economics and Management Studies 8, no 1 (25 janvier 2021) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14445/23939125/ijems-v8i1p101.
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Guzmán, Carlos, et Adriana Ramírez. « El elector colombiano. Una aproximación al perfil del votante de los principales partidos en las elecciones presidenciales 2002-2010 ». Investigación & ; Desarrollo 23, no 1 (15 juin 2015) : 165–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/indes.23.1.6448.
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Zolnerkevic, Aleksei, et Fernando Guarnieri. « Eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020 em São Paulo : resultados diferentes, alinhamentos iguais ». Opinião Pública 29, no 1 (avril 2023) : 133–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912023291133.
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As eleições municipais de 2016 e 2020 em São Paulo apresentaram resultados desviantes das anteriores tanto nos padrões espaciais como no desempenho dos candidatos. Enquanto em 2016 o PT não obteve vitória em nenhum distrito, com parte dos seus votos “roubados” por Marta Suplicy (PMDB), em 2020 o partido pela primeira vez desde 1985 não ficou entre os primeiros colocados, posto ocupado pelo PSOL. Este artigo, através de mapas e análise fatorial, apresenta evidências desse desvio e busca possíveis explicações analisando, por meio de inferência ecológica, a transferência de votos de uma eleição para outra com a hipótese de que essa transferência se deve mais a um voto estratégico do que a realinhamentos eleitorais. Os resultados mostram que não houve uma modificação no “alinhamento do eleitor” e que os desvios encontrados se devem às estratégias de competição adotadas pelos partidos.
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Biryukov, Sergei V., Sergey N. Chirun et Vladislav V. Kozhevnikov. « The USA : The 2020 Election in the Context of a Systemic Internal Political Crisis ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Filosofiya, sotsiologiya, politologiya, no 65 (1 février 2022) : 264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/1998863x/65/22.
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Schofield, Norman, Gary Miller et Andrew Martin. « Critical Elections and Political Realignments in the USA : 1860–2000 ». Political Studies 51, no 2 (27 mars 2003) : 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00181-i1.
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The sequence of US presidential elections from 1964 to 1972 is generally regarded as heralding a fundamental political realignment, during which time civil rights became as important a cleavage as economic rights. In certain respects, this realignment mirrored the transformation of politics that occurred in the period before the Civil War. Formal models of voting (based on assumptions of rational voters, and plurality-maximizing candidates) have typically been unable to provide an account of such realignments. In this paper, we propose that US politics necessarily involves two dimensions of policy. Whatever positions US presidential candidates adopt, there will always be two groups of disaffected voters. Such voters may be mobilized by third party candidates, and may eventually be absorbed into one or other of the two dominant party coalitions. The policy compromise, or change, required of the successful presidential candidate then triggers the political realignment. A formal activist-voter model is presented, as a first step in understanding such a dynamic equilibrium between parties and voters.
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Pivovarova, N. S. « Image of Hugo Chavez Created by US Mass Media in Context of Venezuela 1998 Presidential Elections ». Izvestiya of Altai State University, no 3(119) (9 juillet 2021) : 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)3-09.
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This paper investigates the features of the US mass media approaches in creating the image of Hugo Chavez on the eve of the Venezuela 1998 Presidential Elections. The paper studies the historical context, which influenced the creation of Chavez's image. The socio-economic and political development of Venezuela in those days is analyzed. The key traits of Chavez’s image highlighted during the period under study, as well as the emotional background of the publications, are analyzed. Although both the domestic and foreign historiography has paid a most sufficient attention to the history of Venezuela, the biography and political activity of Hugo Chavez, his image as a presidential candidate in the 1998 Venezuela elections remains unexplored. This work aims to fill this gap. The paper systematically examines the materials of the three major US newspapers, namely, the “New York Times”, the “Wall Street Journal”, and the “Los Angeles Times”, published from July to December, 1998. The established methodologies of document analysis and quantitative content analysis are applied. The study leads to the conclusion that the USA mass media created a negative image of Hugo Chavez during the pre-election period, implementing understatements and a negative emotional background in their publications.
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Krapyva, Yuliia, et Anna Sukhenko. « Presidential Debate (on the material of the 2020 Election Campaign in the USA) ». Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Series "Philology", no 90 (5 septembre 2022) : 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-1864-2022-90-01.
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The paper in question is devoted to the study of political debates which are held during the presidential election campaign, based on the first debate between the Republican nominee D. Trump and the Democratic nominee J. Biden in the USA. The above mentioned phenomenon is studied from the standpoint of communicative linguistics. During political communication the debate in its classical meaning tends to such a form of controversy as polemics, in which the main efforts of the debaters are focused on the asserting their views on the issue under discussion rather than seeking consensus. Presidential debate has the features of the conflict discourse. The debaters compete for the electorate sympathy, with the main goal being to win power. The communicants’ intention to defeat the opponent and to get the votes determines the optimal way to implement it. The candidates exploit two principal communicative strategies, namely to create and maintain a positive self-image, as well as to discredit the opponent. To realize the first strategy the following tactics are used: positive presenting of the situation, self-praising, promising, and denying the allegation. The tactics of blackening of the competitor, accusing the opponent, insulting and threatening the other debater are effective to implement the second strategy. The analysis of the US presidential debate dated September 29, 2020 has revealed that the choice of tactics primarily depends on the following parameters: 1) the topic under discussion, 2) the official status of the debater (it is crucial whether the participant of the event is the incumbent or not), 3) the political past of the candidate. During the debate under consideration both nominees were vulnerable to criticism, as D. Trump was the incumbent president and J. Biden had a long track record, including his serving as the vice-president under B. Obama (2009–2017). The attempts of both parties to evade direct questions of the moderator and to destabilize the opponent’s emotional state with the help of verbal aggression were observed.
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Segado-Boj, Francisco, Lidia Maestro-Espínola et Elías Said-Hung. « Quién y cómo comparte noticias en Facebook : observación de usuarios y análisis de mensajes en jóvenes y jóvenes adultos de España. » Revista científica de información y comunicación, no 18 (2021) : 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ic.2021.i18.19.
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El miedo es una emoción usada en propaganda como una herramienta de control social y dominación política. Este estudio analiza dicha emoción en las elecciones andaluzas de 2018, pues fueron el preámbulo del ciclo electoral vivido en España en 2019, el cual cambió el contexto político. Se aplica una técnica de recogida de datos cuantitativa (análisis de contenido) al debate electoral, obteniendo resultados y conclusiones interesantes como el uso de la técnica de “creación del enemigo”.
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Dolgikh, Fedor I. « Lobbying in the USA as a Competitive Tool ». Journal of Modern Competition 16, no 5 (31 octobre 2022) : 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37791/2687-0657-2022-16-5-116-129.
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The economic sphere of society in the United States is a highly competitive environment, within which there is a clash of various interest groups seeking to influence political decision-making in order to ensure the most favorable business conditions for themselves. The purpose of the study is to consider lobbying as a competitive tool for various business sectors in the United States. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks: to analyze the features of the economic sphere of US society as a competitive environment; to consider the legal basis for regulating lobbying activities in the United States; to determine the methods of lobbying; to analyze the overall structure of lobbying expenses in the United States and determine the share of business expenses in various sectors; to determine the place of the two leading political parties in the United States – Democratic and Republican – in the process of lobbying the interests of various business sectors and the reasons for such a difference. The study covers the period of the 2020 election cycle in the United States. The problem of lobbying the interests of business sectors is considered on the example of the competition between Donald Trump and Joe Biden in the 2020 US presidential election. The work is based on a dialectical research method. According to the results of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that in the structure of lobbying activities, lobbying for business interests repeatedly prevails over lobbying for the interests of the non-profit sector. Lobbying is a form of competitive struggle, one of the ways to carry out competitive actions, an instrument of competition between various business sectors for the establishment of the most favorable conditions for their sector. According to the results of the 2020 presidential election, the communications and electronics sector won in the person of its key lobbyist, Democratic candidate Joe Biden. During the election campaign, both Trump and Biden used a marketing approach, “selling” their “political product” that expressed the interests of certain business sectors, certain groups of voters whose consumer preferences would allow them to “realize” this “product”. The intersectoral competition of various business sectors harmoniously integrated into the political competition of the two leading political parties in the United States.
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STASІUK, Oleksandra. « OUN AND UIA DOCUMENTS ON THE CIVILIAN POPULATION RESISTANCE FORMS AND METHODS DURING THE ELECTIONS TO THE SUPREME COUNCILS OF THE USSR, AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES IN THE POST-WAR PERIOD USSR ». Contemporary era 10 (2022) : 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-141-153.
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Based on the analysis of Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA) documents, the scale, forms, and methods of the civilian population resistance of the western Ukrainian regions to the Soviet election campaigns in the postwar period are shown. It is noted that most of the OUN and UIA documents, which systematically cover the elections to the UkrianeSSR, USSR Supreme Soviets, and local authorities in western Ukraine, are stored in the Sectoral State Archives of the Security Service of Ukraine. It is investigated that the most informative of them are the reports of OUN leaders at various levels, which carefully record each preparation stage and elections conduction under the government supervision actions and reactions, which allows the author to recreate a holistic government picture, efficiency, and emotional assessments. It is emphasized that the insurgent reports testify to the mass and general regional protests dimension and outline the reasons that forced Western Ukrainians to protest. As researched, the Western Ukrainian protest position was motivated by political, economic, socio-domestic, as well as moral, and psychological reasons, but political ones remained a priority. It was found that the protests were socially differentiated: the peasantry protested most actively, the workers and intellectuals joined the situation, and women's anti-government protests (both individual and mass), outnumbered men's in number and emotional tension. The civilian population in opposition to the authorities used mainly non-violent forms and resistance methods, which were divided into the mass, group, and individual, overt and covert, aggressive and demonstrative, etc.; widely used and non-traditional. Statistical data from the reports of OUN leaders at various levels concerning the voting results in the elections to the Ukraine SSR and the USSR Supreme Soviets in 1946-1947 and the election falsification facts results by government officials were analyzed. It is emphasized that these figures confirm the mass western Ukrainian region's population resistance to the planting of Soviet-style democracy in the region and contrast with the official reporting. It is noted that the insurgent reporting, although not devoid of political connotations, covers the processes much more objectively than the Soviet party documents.
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Peixoto, Vítor, Larissa Martins Marques, Matheus Virginio Harduim Machado et Myllena Peres Souza da Rocha. « Eleição proporcional em 2020 : uma análise do desempenho feminino nos municípios brasileiros ». Caderno Eletrônico de Ciências Sociais 10, no 1 (2022) : 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47456/cadecs.
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This paper analyzes the impact of municipal political and sociodemographic factors on female representation in the 2020 elections. Hypotheses are derived from theories about the influences of socioeconomic conditions, electoral competition and district size on women's performance in proportional elections. Four dependent variables were analyzed: proportion of female candidates, campaign funding, percentage of votes and percentage of seats won by councilors. Bivariate descriptive analysis were used through ANOVA and post-hoc tests between population size categories and dependent variables; pearson correlation matrix between quantitative variables; and, finally, multilevel hierarchical econometric models were built in order to perform multivariate analysis that would allow the simultaneous estimation of the impacts of independent variables and control for the random effects of states. The results point to inversely proportional impacts between the size of the municipality and the percentage of applications and funding. Socioeconomic variables of the municipalities had little or no impact on women's performance in all variables analyzed. Electoral competition had a positive impact on the percentage of female candidates, but a negative impact on the percentage of votes and seats won by women.
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Bachini, Natasha, Keila C. G. Rosa, Andressa Liegi Vieira Costa et Robson Nunes de Farias Silva. « Comunicação política no ambiente digital : uma análise das campanhas eleitorais municipais de 2020 no Facebook ». Opinião Pública 28, no 3 (septembre 2022) : 750–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912022283750.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Neste artigo, analisamos as campanhas oficiais dos(as) candidatos(as) às prefeituras de todas as capitais brasileiras, em 2020, no Facebook. A partir de técnicas de estatística descritiva e da análise de enquadramentos, observamos os atores e narrativas com melhor desempenho na rede e suas principais características, como posicionamento no espectro político, enquadramentos, alinhamentos e recursos comunicacionais. Os resultados mostram a reação da esquerda na rede após as eleições de 2018, liderada por páginas de partidos pequenos, que usaram a plataforma principalmente para discutir conjuntura e questões identitárias. Contudo, mantiveram-se como tendência as práticas de campanha negativa e o agendamento de temas de apelo subjetivo, como família e religião, sobretudo entre as páginas apoiadoras de Bolsonaro, político mais referenciado durante o pleito.
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Fowler, Anthony, et B. Pablo Montagnes. « College football, elections, and false-positive results in observational research ». Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no 45 (26 octobre 2015) : 13800–13804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1502615112.
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A recent, widely cited study [Healy AJ, Malhotra N, Mo CH (2010) Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 107(29):12804–12809] finds that college football games influence voting behavior. Victories within 2 weeks of an election reportedly increase the success of the incumbent party in presidential, senatorial, and gubernatorial elections in the home county of the team. We reassess the evidence and conclude that there is likely no such effect, despite the fact that Healy et al. followed the best practices in social science and used a credible research design. Multiple independent sources of evidence suggest that the original finding was spurious—reflecting bad luck for researchers rather than a shortcoming of American voters. We fail to estimate the same effect when we leverage situations where multiple elections with differing incumbent parties occur in the same county and year. We also find that the purported effect of college football games is stronger in counties where people are less interested in college football, just as strong when the incumbent candidate does not run for reelection, and just as strong in other parts of the state outside the home county of the team. Lastly, we detect no effect of National Football League games on elections, despite their greater popularity. We conclude with recommendations for evaluating surprising research findings and avoiding similar false-positive results.
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Vieira dos Santos, Daniela, Mário Augusto Medeiros da Silva et Sandra Assunção. « Cultura e Política no Brasil : balanço de uma década (2011-2020) ». Brasiliana : Journal for Brazilian Studies 10, no 1 (2 octobre 2021) : 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v10i1.128861.
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The period between 2011 and 2020 was marked by a number of milestone political events, such as Dilma Rousseff’s two-term administration – including the June 2013 protests and the 2016 presidential impeachment –, Michel Temer’s transitional administration, and the election of Jair Bolsonaro. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this special issue critically examines the way that relationships between culture and politics have been articulated in Brazil in connection with major national and/or global events over the past decade.
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Weichelt, Ryan, et Ezra Zeitler. « Multi-scalar cartographic analysis of 2008 and 2010 election returns in Wisconsin, USA ». Journal of Maps 8, no 3 (24 juillet 2012) : 312–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17445647.2012.705542.
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Boduleva, Alla R., Luiza R. Saifutdinova et Anastasia S. Salina. « Language peculiarities of fake news (based on fake news about Donald Trump and the USA election campaign 2020) ». Vestnik of the Mari State University 14, no 4 (2020) : 466–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30914/2072-6783-2020-14-4-466-473.
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Lagares Díez, Nieves, Nieves Lagares Díez, Paulo Carlos López-López et Erika Jaráiz Gulías. « La idea de comunidad digital y el uso político de las redes sociales en España ». Araucaria, no 48 (2021) : 235–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2021.i48.11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El presente artículo analiza los usos políticos de las redes sociales en España y las funciones de las comunidades digitales que se generan a través de ellas. Para esto se han utilizado la Encuesta Social Europea del año 2018 para España, así como el Estudio Postelectoral Elecciones Generales de noviembre 2019 y el Barómetro Postelectoral del CIS de esa misma elección. Además, se analizan casi medio millón de tweets como respuesta a los mensajes emitidos en Twitter por los principales candidatos en los meses anteriores a las elecciones celebradas en abril. Como principales resultados, se constata un uso polarizado de las redes sociales para informarse y participar, así como la existencia de dos grupos dentro de las comunidades digitales que realizan el proceso de orientación o discusión. Igualmente, a medida que se acerca la fecha de las elecciones, las dinámicas de competición no se construyen en función de la lógica izquierda-derecha, sino en clave gobierno-oposición.
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Valero Heredia, Ana. « Citizens United y la financiación de las campañas electorales en el derecho norteamericano ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 30 (1 juin 2012) : 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.30.2012.7015.
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Con la sentencia de la Corte Suprema norteamericana, pronunciada en el Caso Citizens United v. Federal Electoral Commission, de febrero de 2010, el Tribunal Supremo Norteamericano ha revocado un fallo que desde hacía veinte años imponía límites y restringía la capacidad de las empresas y los sindicatos para financiar las campañas electorales de los partidos políticos en las elecciones federales. Esta reñidísima decisión del Supremo intérprete de la Constitución estadounidense, ha supuesto una auténtica convulsión en materian electoral en los Estados Unidos pues anula el fallo emitido veinte años atrás en el Caso Austin v. Cámara de Comercio de Michigan, según el cual, las empresas podían ver limitado el uso de sus fondos con fines políticos para evitar los riesgos de corrupción.Citizens ofrece una visión absolutista de la Primera Enmienda de la Constitución que permite a las empresas gastar sumas ilimitadas de dinero de manera independiente para apoyar u oponerse a candidatos para el cargo, dando carta blanca a la desregularización de la financiación de las campañas electorales y permitiendo a las contribuciones opacas de las empresas sin límite de ningún tipo.With the ruling of the U.S. Supreme Court, pronounced in the case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, February 2010, the American Supreme Court has overturned a ruling that for twenty years imposed limits and restricted the ability of firms and unions to finance the election campaigns of political parties in federal elections. This decision of the Supreme interpreter of the U.S. Constitution was a radical upheaval in the U.S. election as the ruling nullifies twenty years ago in Austin v Case. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, according to which companies could have limited the use of their funds for political purposes to avoid the risks of corruption. Citizens offers an absolutist view of the First Amendment of the Constitution that allows companies to spend unlimited amounts of money independently to support or oppose candidates for office, giving carte blanche to the deregulation of the financing of election campaigns and allowing contributions opaque firms without any limit.
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Oliveira, Fabrício Roberto Costa, et Paulo Gracino Junior. « A máquina universal : uma análise da mobilização do discurso moral na Folha Universal nas eleições de 2022 ». Religião & ; Sociedade 43, no 1 (janvier 2023) : 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0100-85872023v43n1cap04.
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Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar uma análise sobre a maneira com que a Folha Universal, da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD), mobilizou discursos políticos religiosos de fundo moral nas eleições de 2022. Nosso recorte de análise cobrirá o período que se estende da primeira edição do ano até a edição que precede a votação em segundo turno. Nossa pesquisa evidencia que o jornal da IURD foi um órgão politicamente atuante e se colocou como instrumento de campanha do campo conservador e deixou explícito o apoio à candidatura de Jair Bolsonaro. Nosso trabalho revela que a pauta dos costumes alicerçada numa postura conservadora de defesa da “família tradicional” e o receio de um governo de esquerda foram discursos basilares na defesa da candidatura de Bolsonaro e pautaram inclusive suas propostas de governo. Esse cenário contribuiu para que o seu principal adversário, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, assumisse compromissos com pautas morais, recuando e/ou abandoando algumas agendas caras aos movimentos sociais historicamente ligados à esquerda e ao Partido dos Trabalhadores.
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Wobick, Kim. « Federal Election Commission Home Page00101Federal Election Commission Home Page. 999 E Street, NW, Washington, DC 20463, USA : Federal Election Commission 2000. No charge ». Electronic Resources Review 4, no 10 (septembre 2000) : 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/err.2000.4.10.117.101.
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Bowern, Michael. « An Ethical Method for Developing Electronic Voting Systems ». MANUSYA 7, no 4 (2004) : 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-00704004.
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Recently there has been widespread concern about the use of electronic voting machines to record votes in elections. Although discussions on this technology have taken place in several countries, this paper will focus on the issues raised in the context of the USA presidential elections in 2000 and 2004. These concerns will be considered in the light of practices in Australia.
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Keating, John. « Populist discourse and active metaphors in the 2016 US presidential elections ». Intercultural Pragmatics 18, no 4 (30 août 2021) : 499–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ip-2021-4004.
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Abstract In recent years, the specter of populism has grown increasingly restless in the Western world and beyond. This new populism has been observed in different political movements in Europe; the Brexit movement in the UK, Podemos and Vox in Spain, Rassemblement National in France, Partij voor de Vrijheid in the Netherlands, and Viktor Orbán’s illiberal democracy in Hungary. Inevitably, it is most commonly associated with the election of Donald Trump as president of the USA in 2016. In this paper, a pragmatic interaction theory of metaphorical utterances is applied to a corpus of speeches given by candidates during the American 2016 presidential elections. First, speeches and candidates were graded for populism according to a holistic grading method. Secondly, speeches were analyzed using quantitative and qualitative methods to investigate if and how active metaphorical language was used to construct the populist frame. The findings suggest that active metaphors can be useful for politicians who wish to counter the dominant conventional frames, and so can serve the ideological purposes of populists and non-populists alike. Therefore, this paper also argues that novel metaphorical concepts and active metaphorical utterances make important contributions to the communication of ideologies in political discourse and should not be overlooked by analysts.
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Segurado, Rosemary, Tathiana Senne Chicarino et Desirèe Luíse Lopes Conceição. « A percepção de conservadores e progressistas sobre memes desinformativos nas eleições 2020 ». Cadernos Metrópole 24, no 55 (décembre 2022) : 1025–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-9996.2022-5508.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumo Este artigo tem o objetivo de analisar a percepção das eleitoras e dos eleitores da cidade de São Paulo sobre dois memes políticos com dados falsos que circularam nas redes digitais durante as eleições 2020, também abordando a dieta informacional e o comportamento de checagem de informação dos participantes. Para a metodologia, foi adotada a pesquisa qualitativa, a partir de grupos de discussão e entrevistas em profundidade. Por meio da expressão de valores (atitudinais) evidenciados pelos participantes divididos entre conservadores e progressistas, identificaram-se quatro mecanismos que estimularam uma espécie de aderência ao conteúdo dos memes, principalmente entre conservadores: 1) associar com seu repertório particular; 2) despertar um sentimento de medo/preocupação; 3) ter convicção sobre o tema; 4) não ter conhecimento da informação exposta.
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Cárdenas Ruiz, Juan David. « CULTURA POLÍTICA DE LOS BOGOTANOS : PATRONES DEL COMPORTAMIENTO POLÍTICO DE CARA A LAS ELECCIONES DE 2019 ». Revista Republicana 29 (20 juillet 2020) : 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21017/rev.repub.2020.v29.a91.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El Observatorio de Medios de la Universidad de La Sabana realizó en septiembre de 2019 un estudio de cultura política de los habitantes de Bogotá. Se entrevistó a 781 personas para identificar sus imaginarios frente a la política, sus hábitos de participación, información y socialización política, y sus valores políticos, en medio del contexto electoral regional de octubre de 2019 en la ciudad. Se logró evidenciar un patrón de comportamiento que encierra una contradicción entre un alto nivel de participación electoral histórico y unos bajos niveles de interés por la política, la información sobre temas públicos y la interacción política con otras personas, así como también un imaginario negativo frente a la política y la realidad de la ciudad.
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Qaisar, Shahzad, Muhammad Zubair Iqbal et Muhammad Shoaib Malik. « Pakistan- US Relations in Elite Press (2012-2013) ». Global Regional Review VII, no I (30 mars 2022) : 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2022(vii-i).12.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pakistan-USA relations have witnessed many ups and downs throughout the history of their interaction. The elite press on both sides played an important role in shaping and re-shaping attitudes,policies, and public opinion over various bilateral and regional issues. Post 9/11 situation expanded the part of the press on both sides due to war on terror cooperation and subsequent developments. Regime changes in America or Pakistan are often perceived as a harbinger of new policy shifts with anticipations of a new era of bilateral relations. The last year of the PPP government in Pakistan witnessed re-election of Barack Obama for the second term, but Pakistan's upcoming elections were more speculative interms of office holder and the party. The scholar are divided about the role of the elite press in policy making and influencing the policy-making process through their content and issue projection.But the press on both sides published their approaches through editorials over a number of issues that could be major component of the upcoming government's policy-making process. War on terror,political discourse, religion, and politics remained choices for editorials for Daily Dawn and Washington Post during that period of time.
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Reguero Sanz, Itziar, et Jacobo Herrero Izquierdo. « Andalucía en campaña : opinión publicada y política durante las primeras elecciones autonómicas (1982) ». RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación, no 18 (2022) : 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rihc.2022.i18.07.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La campaña electoral de mayo de 1982 en Andalucía contó con varios elementos que la colocaron en el centro político y mediático del país. En primer lugar, se trataba de las primeras elecciones autonómicas en la región, la cual había conquistado excepcionalmente su derecho al autogobierno por la vía constitucional del artículo 151. En segundo lugar, estos comicios eran una prueba para analizar el pulso político del conjunto del país, ya que poco después se celebrarían unas elecciones generales que se adelantaron a octubre de ese mismo año. Por último, la propaganda de la Confederación de Empresarios Andaluces y su ataque al PSOE destapó un debate cuyo eco en los diarios no pasó desapercibido. El presente artículo analiza la prensa a través de las opiniones y los editoriales publicados por El País, ABC y Diario 16. Se pretende examinar cómo estas voces mediáticas trasladaron a la opinión pública lo sucedido en aquella campaña inserta en los episodios finales de la Transición y en Andalucía, una autonomía que había sido clave en el proceso de descentralización territorial.
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Flores-Vivar, Jesús Miguel, et Ana María Zaharía. « Etnografía digital del ciberactivismo político-social. Caso : elecciones generales españolas de 2019. » Ámbitos. Revista Internacional de Comunicación, no 56 (2022) : 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ambitos.2022.i56.02.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El artículo analiza la inclusión de la antropología y etnografía digital en el estudio de la audiencia online que condiciona la ciberpolítica con el uso de las redes sociales en Internet. Desde hace algunos años, el ciberactivismo político de usuarios, realizado a través de los medios sociales, juega un papel importante en el fortalecimiento o respaldo de movimientos, partidos y líderes políticos, influyendo directamente en los resultados de los diversos comicios electorales en diferentes partes del mundo. Para entender este fenómeno es importante tener en cuenta las disciplinas mencionadas las mismas que constituyen paradigmas en la eclosión de los nuevos movimientos políticos en red y que aplicadas a las redes sociales configuran un coctel de estudio cada vez más necesario. Para el presente trabajo se realiza una revisión bibliográfica de la descripción y características fundamentales de la antropología y etnografía digital y se han tomado como referencia las páginas web de los principales medios sociales (Facebook, Twitter e Instagram) de partidos y líderes políticos en las elecciones de 2019 en España. El resultado obtenido sugiere un uso cada vez más especializado de las técnicas etnográficas y antropológicas en el estudio las redes sociales en ámbitos políticos o sociales, y, por consiguiente, su uso en el estudio de audiencias de los medios en Internet.
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Campbell, Noel, et Marcus Witcher. « Political entrepreneurship : Jefferson, Bayard, and the election of 1800 ». Journal of Entrepreneurship and Public Policy 4, no 3 (2 novembre 2015) : 298–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jepp-01-2014-0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that an implication of Holcombe’s (2002) model is a “revolution trap.” This paper extends Holcombe’s model adding Klein’s concept of entrepreneurship as judgment concerning the use of heterogeneous political capital. The authors use the case of the USA presidential election of 1800 to demonstrate the utility of the extension, and to discuss how political entrepreneurship served to prevent a revolution trap. The political entrepreneurship of 1800 established the precedent of peaceful transition of power in the USA, which opened the door to the rapid economic development of the early nineteenth century. Design/methodology/approach – This is a historical case study using letters, newspapers, pamphlets, and other pieces of empirical evidence to highlight an important moment of political entrepreneurship. Findings – Many contemporary observers predicted that the USA would devolve into continuous revolution, which the authors argue Holcombe’s (2002) model predicts. However, political entrepreneurship ended the revolutionary period in the former British North America. Moreover, the political entrepreneurship ending the election crisis established the precedent of peaceful political succession. This precedent comparatively elevated the returns of productive, market entrepreneurship (Baumol, 1990). As a result, the USA experiences a prolonged period of entrepreneurially driven economic growth. Originality/value – To the authors knowledge, no one has developed the implication of a “revolution trap” from Holcombe’s (2002) model, nor has anyone applied Klein’s (2008) model to extend Holcombe’s model of political entrepreneurship. Although the disputed presidential election of 1800 has been extensively researched, no one has analyzed the election and its resolution from the perspective of political entrepreneurship.
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ROGOZIN, ANDREY YU. « SPORTS LEXIS IN THE ENGLISH PRE-ELECTION DISCOURSE ». Cherepovets State University Bulletin 5, no 110 (2022) : 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/1994-0637-2022-5-110-13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with interaction (in the period of presidential races in the USA in 2016 and 2020) between English sports and pre-election discourses at pragmatic and stylistic levels as well as in the aspect of communicative strategies used. Strategies of pre-election discourse are investigated in terms of their impact on the text perception. The author concludes that sports vocabulary gives the image of a sports competition to pre-election campaigns achieving this by stylistic and pragmatic means that are used in accordance with syntactic communicative strategies, which may be represented by the strategies with a focus on the rheme superposition and non-inherent theme.
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Zimina, N. « PRIMARIES AS A FORM OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF PARTIES ». TRANSBAIKAL STATE UNIVERSITY JOURNAL 27, no 10 (2021) : 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-10-65-69.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the procedure of conducting primaries - preliminary intraparty voting in Russia and participation in primaries of political parties. The subject of the article “Primaries as a form of political participation of parties” is primaries. The purpose of the article is to study the procedure of primaries as a form of political participation of political parties. The article presents various methods, such as analysis, comparative method, survey, which to a greater extent make it possible to define the conceptual apparatus, to conduct a comprehensive analysis of primaries. Primaries are used in the electoral systems of the USA, Italy, Russia and other countries. The history of primaries in Russia dates back to 2000, and the United Russia party held its first primaries in 2007 in order to determine the party's candidates for the elections. It can be noted that despite the rather long existence of primaries in the Russian political process, there is still no single legal interpretation of the primaries procedure. Today, attempts are being made in Russia to institutionalize primaries as a form of political and legal participation of parties in electoral procedures, which is confirmed by the data of recent electoral campaigns. Primaries are firmly included in the electoral process as pre-election intra-party voting, which allows forming lists of participants in the elections from a political party at the preliminary stage of the elections. In Russia, with its imitation democracy, primaries in “systemic” parties can also be called imitation. In non-systemic opposition blocs, we can sometimes observe honest primaries; these parties have no chance of getting into power even at the regional level, because primaries are actively used only by United Russia. As a result of the work, the author comes to the conclusion that the Russian version of the primaries is far from perfect and needs careful refinement of the legal and technological aspects of the primaries and requires rethinking the true objectives of the procedure, which was projected from the American political reality to the unprepared Russian electoral procedure. The results of the study can be applied when conducting primaries by political parties and their regional branches in the conditions of the Transbaikal Territory.
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Naumov, Aleksandr. « The Position of the Russian Federation Regarding the “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia in 2000 ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 4 (2023) : 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023664-8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The authors examine the evolution of Russia's position regarding the “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia in 2000. The response of official Moscow to the 'colour revolutions' at the beginning of the twenty-first century is a blank spot in Russian scholarly discourse, and the issue is being analysed in Russian and international historiography for the first time. In the course of the study, the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, the Digital Library of B. Clinton (USA), the Federal Election Commission of Yugoslavia, statements by major Russian politicians and diplomats, materials from leading domestic and Western media, many of which are published for the first time in the academic literature. The authors come to the conclusion that the official reaction of the leadership of the Russian Federation to the crisis events of autumn 2000 in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was cautious and restrained, which excluded open support for one of the parties to the internal political confrontation. While the collective West openly advocated the removal of Slobodan Milošević from power, Russia sought to ensure that the president of the country was elected by the Yugoslav people legally, without foreign interference and internal unrest. That is why, during the elections and before the victory of the “Bulldozer Revolution”, Russian officials and diplomats did not speak out in favour of any candidate, but also did not succumb to the pressure of Western politicians who sought to use Moscow to put pressure on Milošević. Russia attempted to play the role of mediator between the authorities and the opposition, yet in the face of proactive action by Western countries to overthrow the ruling regime, this policy was doomed to failure.
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Łukowiak, Dominik. « Między wolnością słowa a zasadą równości biernego prawa wyborczego. Ramy prawne systemu finansowania kampanii wyborczych w świetle I poprawki do Konstytucji USA ». Studia Iuridica 72 (17 avril 2018) : 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0011.7599.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is a paper presented during the Poland-wide academic conference The U.S. Constitution – theory and practice. The basis for reflections constitutes an issue of the constitutionality of the federal legislation establishing restrictions on the money’s influence on financing election campaigns. The paper focuses on an analysis of the U.S. Supreme Court’s case law related to the range of an acceptable interference of such regulations in the freedom of speech and political expression clause of the First Amendment to the Constitution. The author discusses selected statements contained in the rulings made in cases, from which as the most crucial he regards: Buckley v. Valeo (1976), McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (2003) and Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (2010). In the conclusion of the article an opinion is presented that the U.S. Supreme Court judicature, co-creating with the federal legislation the campaign finance law, is an unique attempt at balancing the two values fundamental to the democratic election process, which are freedom of speech and the principle of equal opportunities for political competitors.
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Tatum, Alexander, et Alessandro Nai. « Entitled and self-conscious ? The ego-centric underpinnings of electoral preferences during the 2020 U.S. election ». Research & ; Politics 9, no 4 (octobre 2022) : 205316802211455. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221145554.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We investigate whether entitlement (feeling more deserving than others) and several dimensions of self-conscious affect (broadly reflecting responses to shame and guilt) are associated with voting intentions during the 2020 Presidential election in the USA. We utilized a sample of 443 adults recruited through Prolific. The sample was demographically representative with respect to age, gender, and race. Participants were recruited from 12 October 2020 to 15 October 2020, approximately 3 weeks before the national election held on 3 November 2020. Results reveal that higher entitlement beliefs are associated with support for Republicans, and so are shame proneness vis-à-vis behavioral avoidance (desire to hide) and blame externalization. Inversely, guilt proneness and shame proneness vis-à-vis negative self-evaluation is associated with support for Democrats. Results also suggest that shame proneness and blame externalization most closely correspond with voting preference; specifically, negative self-evaluation drives support for Democrats, whereas blame externalization and behavioral avoidance drives support for Republicans. While these effects are often only in the small-to-medium range in terms of magnitude, their implications for a more nuanced understanding of electoral politics—and its pitfalls—are noteworthy.