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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Urban political »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 9 mars 2023
Mis à jour le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Urban political"

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Dr. N.M. Sali, Dr N. M. Sali. « Role of Political Parties in Urban Development ». Indian Journal of Applied Research 1, no 11 (1 octobre 2011) : 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/aug2012/39.

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Keil, Roger. « Urban Political Ecology1 ». Urban Geography 24, no 8 (décembre 2003) : 723–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.24.8.723.

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DiGaetano, Alan. « Urban Political Reform ». Journal of Urban History 18, no 1 (novembre 1991) : 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614429101800103.

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Rademacher, Anne. « Urban Political Ecology ». Annual Review of Anthropology 44, no 1 (21 octobre 2015) : 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102214-014208.

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Wilson, David, et Andrew E. G. Jonas. « Urban resilience : an urban political movement ». Urban Geography 39, no 8 (22 mars 2018) : 1265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2018.1452873.

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Kjaer, Ulrik. « Urban Political Leadership and Political Representation ». Urban Affairs Review 51, no 4 (5 juin 2014) : 563–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087414537610.

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Heynen, Nik. « Urban political ecology I ». Progress in Human Geography 38, no 4 (30 août 2013) : 598–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132513500443.

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Heynen, Nik. « Urban political ecology II ». Progress in Human Geography 40, no 6 (10 juillet 2016) : 839–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132515617394.

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Attention to the urban and metropolitan growth of nature can no longer be denied. Nor can the intense scrutiny of racialized, postcolonial and indigenous perspectives on the press and pulse of uneven development across the planet’s urban political ecology be deferred any longer. There is sufficient research ranging across antiracist and postcolonial perspectives to constitute a need to discuss what is referred to here as ‘abolition ecology’. Abolition ecology represents an approach to studying urban natures more informed by antiracist, postcolonial and indigenous theory. The goal of abolition ecology is to elucidate and extrapolate the interconnected white supremacist and racialized processes that lead to uneven develop within urban environments.
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Heynen, Nik. « Urban political ecology III ». Progress in Human Geography 42, no 3 (20 février 2017) : 446–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132517693336.

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Given the ongoing importance of nature in the city, better grappling with the gendering and queering of urban political ecology offers important insights that collectively provides important political possibilities. The cross-currents of feminist political ecology, queer ecology, queer urbanism and more general contributions to feminist urban geography create critical opportunities to expand UPE’s horizons toward more egalitarian and praxis-centered prospects. These intellectual threads in conversation with the broader Marxist roots of UPE, and other second-generation variants, including what I have previously called abolition ecology, combine to at once show the ongoing promises of heterodox UPE and at the same time contribute more broadly beyond the realm of UPE.
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de Queiroz Ribeiro, Luiz Cesar, et Orlando Alves dos Santos Junior. « Challenges of Urban Reform, Urban Political Monitoring and Urban Management ». disP - The Planning Review 37, no 147 (janvier 2001) : 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02513625.2001.10556789.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Urban political"

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Camacho, David E. « Chicano Urban Politics : The Role of the Political Entrepreneur ». University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.

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Nathan, Noah. « Electoral Politics Amid Africa's Urban Transition : A Study of Urban Ghana ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493394.

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Africa is rapidly urbanizing. With so many African voters now living in cities, understanding African electoral politics now requires understanding the politics of urban areas. How does urbanization affect the accountability relationships between voters and politicians? Answering this question means answering a series of more specific empirical questions: what do urban voters want from the government? Which types of urban voters participate in politics and which do not? How do urban voters choose which candidates to support? How do politicians campaign in cities? Which types of urban voters do politicians seek to favor with state resources? %These are the core empirical questions examined in the dissertation. Electoral politics in African cities received significant attention in the independence era, but little political science research has examined these cities in the contemporary democratic period. The small literature that has is largely supportive of modernization approaches. Modernization theories expect a series of socio-economic transformations created by urbanization to reduce the political importance of ethnicity and the prevalence of clientelism and other forms of patronage-based politics. But I argue that urbanization also simultaneously creates conditions that reinforce incentives for patronage distribution, clientelism, and ethnic voting. Scarcity in the provision of basic services in contexts of low state capacity encourages politicians to continue employing patronage-based appeals. This solidifies many voters' incentives to support ethnically-aligned parties and drives the new urban middle class away from active political participation, lowering pressure on urban politicians to engage in programmatic, policy-based competition. I explore these incentives through a detailed study of Greater Accra, the largest metropolitan area in Ghana. I combine original survey data and survey experiments, fine-grained geo-coded census data, and extensive qualitative evidence to explore voters' policy preferences, vote choices, and patterns of political participation, as well as politicians' strategies in a cross-section of urban neighborhoods. The findings suggest that rather than pulling political competition in one direction, as modernization theories expect, urbanization in Africa instead moves political outcomes in multiple directions at once: reinforcing ethnic competition and clientelism in some neighborhoods, while undermining these forms of political competition in other neighborhoods within the same city at the same time. Studies of the effects of urbanization must recognize that these dual realities co-exist within African cities. In addition to building our understanding of urban politics in Africa, the dissertation contributes to broader political science debates about the emergence of programmatic competition, determinants of political participation, patterns of distributive politics, the importance of neighborhood context, and the causes of ethnic political competition in new democracies.
Government
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Chan, Siu-mui. « Political economy of urban redevelopment in Hong Kong / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B14803963.

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Chan, Siu-mui, et 陳少梅. « Political economy of urban redevelopment in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31258797.

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Locret-Collet, Martin Michel Georges. « Commoning our futures ? : an anarchist urban political ecology ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7839/.

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One response to the increasing pressure of urban living is in the re-appropriation of public spaces and urban green to help sustain and enhance the environmental, social and cultural life of cities. But a major paradox arises here: while they are increasingly leaning on voluntarist discourses of sustainability, the pressure of privatization, the implementation of risk-based policies and the general principles of consumer-based urban economies only scarcely fit with the notion of common, public spaces, and hardly accommodate with the freedom of their users or their alternative or even subversive occupation. Using an explicitly anarchist analytical lens and based on extensive fieldwork in Birmingham and Belfast (UK) and Amsterdam (NL), this thesis uses an ethno-geographic approach, consisting mainly of documents and policy analysis, semi-structured interviews and field notes to replace urban green commons in their broader spatial, social and political networks. It demonstrates how sustainability is a consensual but ultimately undetermined political object. Emerging co-operative processes of environmental governance and stewardship are identified and traced to the development of a new category of actors and networks. The potential of urban green commons to foster more resilient, socially inclusive cities is assessed alongside the need for radically re-politicized urban environments.
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Ostrove, Geoffrey Benjamin. « Towards a Political Economy of Urban Communication Technologies ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10142280.

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By the year 2050, about three quarters of the world’s population will live in cities. Most cities are developed by state or federal governments; however, some cities are developed for the purpose of private interests that plan the city. While the concept of private companies planning and sometimes even owning cities is not a new development, there seems to currently be a rise in this trend, with communication corporations such as IBM, Google, Intel, and Cisco now taking advantage of this growing market.

Known as “smart” or “wired” cities, this new privatized way of planning communities allows major communication corporations to play an important role in shaping the future of our communities. Google, IBM, and Intel are all playing a role in planning the future of Portland, Oregon. By analyzing documents such as planning ordinances, financial reports, and government transcripts, as well as conducting interviews with city planners and corporate employees, this study found that many of the “smart” city efforts being undertaken by these communication corporations are intimately tied to their efforts to bring the Internet of Things (IoT) to fruition. Ultimately, the main goal of these efforts is to utilize urban communication technologies (UCTs) to gather data about community members by tracking their activities. In this emerging personal data economy, identities are the main commodity being fetishized.

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Neely, Runa. « Political Tolerance Amongst Swedish Rural and Urban Youth ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374101.

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Lévêque, Christophe. « Four essays in urban economics and political economy ». Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOU10007.

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Cette thèse contribue à l’étude des interactions entre individus au sein des villes. Plus concrètement, mes recherches se concentrent sur trois thèmes principaux – (1) la ségrégation résidentielle, (2) la politique locale, (3) et le comportement des agents immobiliers – qui sont étudiés au travers de quatre études empiriques. La littérature sur la ségrégation résidentielle analyse dans quelle mesure plusieurs groupes de population sont capables d’interagir au sein d’un espace. Malgré les nombreuses études sur ce sujet, les conséquences de l’industrialisation sur la diversité ou l’isolation intergroupes (religieux ou ethniques), restent peu connus. Le premier chapitre de cette thèse est co-écrit avec le professeur Saleh. Nous documentons les conséquences de deux vagues d’industrialisation sur la ségrégation résidentielle entre Musulmans et non-Musulmans dans la ville du Caire au XIXème siècle. L’ouverture et la fermeture de grandes manufactures d’Etat nous permet d’observer l'évolution de l’isolation intergroupe dans les quartiers les plus impactés par ces vagues d’industrialisation. Nous mettons ainsi en parallèle l’arrivée de travailleurs non-qualifiés (majoritairement Musulmans) dans ces quartiers avec l’évolution de l’isolation intergroupe mesurée au niveau local. Dans ce premier projet, nous montrons que des politiques instaurées au niveau des villes impactent la capacité qu’ont les individus d’interagir. A l’inverse, les relations entre individus peuvent impacter la politique et les prises de décisions au niveau local. Dans le second chapitre de cette thèse, je montre que les réseaux familiaux jouent également un rôle important dans ces élections dans les villes de plus de 3500 habitants. Plus de 40% des listes lors des élections municipales comptent plusieurs individus de la même famille. Par ailleurs, les électeurs semblent réagir à ces “réseaux familiaux”. En effet, les listes composées de plusieurs individus de la même famille obtiennent moins de voix que les listes dont aucun individu ne semble concourir avec un autre membre de sa famille. Je discute ensuite quelques mécanismes qui pourraient expliquer ce résultat et je montre qu’il ne se réduit pas au fait que seules les têtes de listes inefficaces utilisent leurs réseaux familiaux. Il est possible que les électeurs sanctionnent le risque de népotisme. Dans un autre chapitre (chapitre 3), j’étudie les émissions de permis de construire au sein des villes et montre que les individus qui ont soutenus la majorité municipale durant les élections de 2008 obtiennent plus de permis de construire pour de nouveaux logements que ceux ayant soutenus d’autres listes. Je discute des mécanismes pouvant générer ce résultat. Les incitations des politiciens locaux semblent cruciales, notamment celles liées à la compétition politique. La différence d’obtention de permis de construire est par exemple plus importante dans les villes avec une faible compétition politique. Le dernier chapitre de cette thèse étudie le comportement des agents immobiliers. Des études précédentes (Levitt et Syverson (2008) notamment), illustrent le problème d’agence entre agents immobiliers et vendeurs. Les premiers souhaitent vendre plus rapidement (et donc peut-être moins cher) que les derniers. En conséquent, les agents pourraient souhaiter biaiser leurs estimations de la valeur des biens afin de convaincre les vendeurs de diminuer leurs prix. Dans un travail mené conjointement avec le professeur Cherbonnier, nous montrons qu’une augmentation de la concurrence peut partiellement résoudre ce problème. Les agents estiment les biens immobiliers à des valeurs supérieurs lorsqu’ils sont en concurrence, ce qui se traduit par des prix de mises en vente et des prix de vente plus élevés. A l’inverse, plus de coordination entre agents immobiliers impacte négativement les prix
The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the study of interactions among individuals within cities. It contains four empirical case studies which reflect a focus on three main themes. Namely, (1) residential segregation, (2) local politics and (3) the behavior of real estate agents. The literature on residential segregation investigates the extent to which different population groups living in the same area are able to interact with each other. Within this branch of studies, the impact of industrialization and labor market shocks on the diversity of neighborhoods and inter-group segregation remains an open question. It is the key question of the first chapter of this thesis, which is co-authored with professor Saleh. We document the consequences of two early industrialization waves on the residential segregation between Muslims and non-Muslims in nineteenth century Cairo. These early industrialization waves led to the opening and closure of large state firms. We relate changes in inter-group isolation to the massive arrival of unskilled workers who were predominantly Muslims in the proximity of these state firms. Through this first project, we show that policies enacted within cities affect the ability of individuals to interact. Conversely, relationships among individuals have an impact on local politics. For instance, Vignon (2014) recalls that in small villages, rivalries between persons and families play an important role during French municipal elections. In the second chapter, I show that family networks play an important role during these elections, even in large cities. It appears that more than 40% of lists competing during municipal elections in cities with more than 3,500 inhabitants are composed by several individuals from the same family. Moreover, voters seem to react when several members of the same family are registered on the same lists: these lists obtain fewer votes than lists which do not rely on family networks. I discuss several mechanisms which can explain this finding and I show that it does not reduce to a selection issue whereby only inefficient list leaders rely on family networks. On the contrary, it is possible that voters sanction risks of nepotism. In another chapter (chapter 3), I study whether the emission of building permits is biased in favor of individuals who supported the mayor during the municipal elections of 2008. I find that political supporters of municipal majorities (and their families) obtain more building permits than political supporters of other lists. I discuss whether this result is related to sorting of individuals among lists of candidates and how it is related to incentives of local politicians. I find that the difference in the obtaining of building permits is exacerbated in cities with a low level of political competition. Finally, the last chapter of this thesis focuses on the behavior of real estate agents. Previous investigations (such as, for instance, Levitt and Syverson, 2008) detect an agency problem between real-estate agents and sellers. The former group prefers to sell housings faster (and cheaper) than the latter one. As a consequence, agents might be tempted to minimize housing values when they give advices to sellers. In a joint work with professor Cherbonnier, we show that competition may partly solve this agency problem and that, on the contrary, ability to coordinate leads real-estate agents to minimize housing values, which translate into lower listing and selling prices
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Ostrove, Geoffrey. « Towards a Political Economy of Urban Communication Technologies ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20514.

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By the year 2050, about three quarters of the world’s population will live in cities. Most cities are developed by state or federal governments; however, some cities are developed for the purpose of private interests that plan the city. While the concept of private companies planning and sometimes even owning cities is not a new development, there seems to currently be a rise in this trend, with communication corporations such as IBM, Google, Intel, and Cisco now taking advantage of this growing market. Known as “smart” or “wired” cities, this new privatized way of planning communities allows major communication corporations to play an important role in shaping the future of our communities. Google, IBM, and Intel are all playing a role in planning the future of Portland, Oregon. By analyzing documents such as planning ordinances, financial reports, and government transcripts, as well as conducting interviews with city planners and corporate employees, this study found that many of the “smart” city efforts being undertaken by these communication corporations are intimately tied to their efforts to bring the Internet of Things (IoT) to fruition. Ultimately, the main goal of these efforts is to utilize urban communication technologies (UCTs) to gather data about community members by tracking their activities. In this emerging personal data economy, identities are the main commodity being fetishized.
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O'Toole, Barbara Maria. « Differentiation and coherence in urban policy : the impact of locality on Urban Development Corporations ». Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241556.

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Livres sur le sujet "Urban political"

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Bäck, Henry, Gunnar Gjelstrup, Marit Helgesen, Folke Johansson et Jan Erling Klausen. Urban Political Decentralisation. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80974-2.

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Enright, Theresa, et Ugo Rossi, dir. The Urban Political. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64534-6.

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Mukherjee, Jenia. Historical Urban Political Ecology. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1628-1.

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Political socialization of the urban political elites. New Delhi : Discovery Pub. House, 1991.

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Aarrevaara, Eeva, Philip Speranza et Samantha Salden. Political placemaking and urban mythology. Berkeley, CA : International Association for the Study of Traditional Environments, 2012.

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1917-, Stedman Murray Salisbury, dir. Urban politics. 3e éd. Itasca, Ill : F.E. Peacock Publishers, 1985.

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1967-, Glaeser Edward L., et Meyer John Robert, dir. Chile : Political economy of urban development. Cambridge, MA : Harvard Institute for International Development, 2000.

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1967-, Glaeser Edward L., et Meyer John Robert, dir. Chile : Political economy of urban development. Cambridge, Mass : John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, 2002.

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Urban political economy : Broward County, Florida. Gainesville : University Press of Florida, 1992.

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Urban politics : A political economy approach. Englewood Cliffs, N.J : Prentice-Hall, 1985.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Urban political"

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Short, John Rennie. « The Political City ». Dans Urban Theory, 144–59. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-23320-2_10.

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Short, John Rennie. « The Political City ». Dans Urban Theory, 150–71. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-38266-5_8.

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Cicalo, André. « Narrowing Political Gaps ». Dans Urban Encounters, 127–65. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137096012_5.

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Helsley, Robert W. « Urban Political Economy ». Dans The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 14145–51. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95189-5_2843.

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Helsley, Robert W. « Urban Political Economy ». Dans The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 1–6. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_2843-1.

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James, Malcolm. « Conclusions and Political Endnotes ». Dans Urban Multiculture, 156–68. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137473813_8.

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Eizenberg, Efrat, Simone Tappert, Nicola Thomas, Andis Zilans, Kristine Abolina, Theodosia Anthopoulou et Jevgenijs Duboks. « Political-economic urban restructuring ». Dans Urban Allotment Gardens in Europe, 91–112. New York : Routledge, 2016. : Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315686608-5.

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Enright, Theresa, et Ugo Rossi. « Introduction : Locating the Political in Late Neoliberalism ». Dans The Urban Political, 1–24. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64534-6_1.

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Al-Bulushi, Yousuf. « Precarity, Surplus, and the Urban Political : Shack Life in South Africa ». Dans The Urban Political, 189–208. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64534-6_10.

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Dzudzek, Iris. « Voice or Noise ? Spaces of Appearance and Political Subjectivity in the London Riots 2011 ». Dans The Urban Political, 211–27. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64534-6_11.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Urban political"

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Siregar, Yuanita Aprilandini, Ubedillah Badun et Francisia Saveria Sika Ery Seda. « Digital Patriarchy on Arab Women in Urban Area ». Dans International Conference on Social Political Development (ICOSOP) 3. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010035204070413.

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Cedroni, Anna Rita. « Building the global democracy from urban planning policy to populism in architecture ». Dans Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona : Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8153.

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It is possible to claim that there is an analogy, in terms of management and programming, between the modality of execution in political contents and the formalities of the application of architectural models, or more precisely in the methods of carrying out such proposals. The choice and the management of planning strategies go along with the choice of political strategies. The changes occurring in the politics and democracy can be also found in urban planning politics and involve mainly the public space and the design for the related public buildings. The emptying of social content in most constitutional democracies, together with the spreading of populist “politics” are phenomena that emerge in the architecture of public buildings and in the way in which the architecture relates to the urban form of their surroundings. Deprived of their contents, (which are related to their functions), public spaces and public building become non-ruled yet “objectified” spaces targeted for a collective use. The first analysis, which comes out of my background, led me to look at urban planning in Europe, starting from Italy and keeping the focus on the politics of public spaces and on the ways in which their conception, design and relationship to the city, shape the collective social values, attitudes and demands. These cases provide some opportunities for a reflection about governance and planning, focussing on the relationship between Democracy and Architecture.
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Ihsan, A., Cucu Nurhayati et Muhammad Aqshadigrama. « Social Media, Political Identities, and Religiosity in Urban Society ». Dans International Conference on Recent Innovations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0011240100003376.

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Orhan Nalbantoglu, Ezgi. « Transition in Spaces of Power : An analysis on public buildings in Ankara, Turkey. » Dans 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5067.

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Ankara, the capital of Turkey, experienced a fundamental spatial structuring process after the proclamation of the Republic. The vision of modernity and protective economic structure of the Early Republican era determined the spatial configuration of the city and produced public buildings as the icons of the young regime. City planning and architecture had been used as the instruments of the new regime in making itself visible, concrete, and symbolized. The buildings and urban plans transmitting the foundation ideals of Republic together with modernity have contributed to the creation of national sovereignty and a modern society. After the span of eighty years, the new politic-economic climate of Turkey redesigned the urban regime of Ankara and its symbols. One of the most concrete transformations is observed in the public offices which convey the political and economic intents of each period through their spatial and architectural organizations, and symbolic meanings. This study examines the change in the urban symbols with an emphasis on public offices; their spatial organization, their archistar buildings, and their messages conveyed to public with respect to the change in political and economic systems. This article concludes that public offices and their relations with urban space and public are considered as the icons in representing the dominant political power in both the early republican period and post-2000s; the former period benefited them as the visual representations of national sovereignty while the latter used them as the landmarks of the authoritarian and neoliberal political power over the nation.
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Kundu, Ratoola. « The informal syndicate Raj : Emerging urban governance challenges in newly incorporated ». Dans 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/nnxq9422.

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Peri-urban spaces in the Global South are regarded as sites of radical and often violent of transformation of social and spatial structures, of brutal dispossessions of lives and livelihoods to make way for speculative real estate development and the accumulation of capital through the expropriation and commodification of land. What kinds of politics and governance configurations emerge in the peri-urban areas of mega-cities? A host of state and non-state actors such as developers, aspiring middle-class urban dwellers are reimagining these sites. This paper investigates the complex governance and livelihood transformations following the upgradation of Bidhan Municipality to a Corporation in 2015 through the state driven merger of the existing planned satellite township of Salt Lake with the surrounding unplanned rural and urban areas. The paper argues that a new politics of unsteady alliances characterises the messy, unsettled and restless territories of the newly formed Municipal Corporation. A highly contingent, informalised and powerful configuration of non-state actors – locally known as Syndicates control the development dynamics and political fortunes of the periphery
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CHZHAN, Khailung. « PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN MODERN CHINA ». Dans Social and political challenges of modernization in the 21st century. Publishing House of Buryat Scientific Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30792/978-5-7925-0537-7-2018-107-108.

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Liang, Tang. « “The Frontier Political Science” : A Model of The Border City Policing Research ». Dans 2020 International Conference on Urban Engineering and Management Science (ICUEMS). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icuems50872.2020.00153.

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Tanrivermis, Harun, et Rodrigue Bazame. « Urban Land Issues in Burkina Faso : A Matter of Political and Institutional Failure in Urban Policy ? » Dans 26th Annual European Real Estate Society Conference. European Real Estate Society, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/eres2019_264.

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Asrinaldi, Asrinaldi, Yanita Yanita et Yoserizal Yoserizal. « Fragmentation of 2019 Post-Election Political Discussions in Urban Minangkabau Society ». Dans Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Social Sciences, ICSS 2019, 5-6 November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.5-11-2019.2292482.

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Radionova, L., et N. Kozyrieva. « Transformation of public spaces of modern urban ». Dans SCHOLARLY DISPUTES IN PHILOSOPHY, SOCIOLOGY, POLITICAL SCIENCE, AND HISTORY AMIDST GLOBALIZATION AND DIGITALIZATION. Baltija Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-181-7-26.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Urban political"

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Blodgett, Forrest. Institutional economics and urban political economy. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.849.

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Sami, Neha. The Political Economy of Urban Land in India : Key Issues. Indian Institute for Human Settlements, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.24943/9789351568391.

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Sun, Pu. Reproduction of 'Home Price Subsidies Increase Local-Level Political Participation in Urban India'. Social Science Reproduction Platform, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.48152/ssrp-jtyg-hg93.

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Surie, Aditi, Amlanjyoti Goswami, Amogh Arakali, Aromar Revi, Divya Ravindranath, Gautam Bhan, Geetika Anand Anand et al. Towards a New Urban Practice : The Urban Fellows Programme 2016-2022. Indian Institute for Human Settlements, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24943/9788195847303.

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In 2022, the Urban Fellows Programme at the Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bengaluru, completed six years with 227 graduates. Collectively written by Faculty and sta at IIHS, Towards a New Urban Practice marks this moment as a point of Reflection. Using the programme as an archive, the book reflects on questions of contemporary urban knowledge, interdisciplinary and southern urban pedagogy, what it means to teach about and from practice, and how our thinking on pedagogy needs to be equally rooted in questions of institutional design, operations, admissions, and the political economy of employment for new urban practitioners.
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Ikehara, Elizabeth. A Comparison of Socio-Political Attitudes of Older Urban Women : The 1910-1924 Cohorts. Portland State University Library, janvier 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1341.

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Haider, Huma. Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People : Post-conflict Opportunities. Institute of Development Studies, juin 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.108.

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The instability and upheaval of violent conflict can break down patriarchal structures, challenge traditional gender norms and open up new roles and spaces for collective agency of women, sexual and gender minorities (SGM), and other marginalised groups (Yadav, 2021; Myrittinen & Daigle, 2017). A recent study on the gendered implications of civil war finds that countries recovering from ‘major civil war’ experience substantial improvements in women’s civil liberties and political participation—complementary aspects of political empowerment (Bakken & Bahaug, 2020). This rapid literature review explores the openings that conflict and post-conflict settings can create for the development of political empowerment of women and LGBTQ+ communities—as well as challenges. Drawing primarily on a range of academic, non-governmental organisation (NGO), and practitioner literature, it explores conflict-affected settings from around the world. There was limited literature available on experience from Ukraine (which was of interest for this report); and on specific opportunities at the level of local administrations. In addition, the available literature on empowerment of LGBTQ+ communities was much less than that available for women’s empowerment. The literature also focused on women, with an absence of information on girls. It is important to note that while much of the literature speaks to women in society as a whole, there are various intersectionalities (e.g. class, race, ethnicity, religion, age, disability, rural/urban etc.) that can produce varying treatment and degrees of empowerment of women. Several examples are noted within the report.
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Just, Richard E., Eithan Hochman et Sinaia Netanyahu. Problems and Prospects in the Political Economy of Trans-Boundary Water Issues. United States Department of Agriculture, février 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2000.7573997.bard.

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The objective of this research was to develop and apply a conceptual framework for evaluating the potential of trans-boundary bargaining with respect to water resource sharing. The research accomplished this objective by developing a framework for trans-boundary bargaining, identifying opportunities for application, and illustrating the potential benefits that can be gained thereby. Specifically, we have accomplished the following: - Developed a framework to measure the potential for improving economic efficiency considering issues of political feasibility and sustainability that are crucial in trans-boundary cooperation. - Used both cooperative and non-cooperative game theory to assess feasible coalitions among the parties involved and to model potential bargaining procedures. - Identified empirically alternative schemes of cooperation that both improve upon the economic efficiency of present water usage and appease all of the cooperating parties. - Estimated the potential short-run and long-run affects of water reallocation on the agricultural sector and used this information to understand potential strategies taken by the countries in bargaining processes. - Performed case studies in Israeli-Jordanian relations, the relationship of Israel to the Palestinian Authority, and cooperation on the Chesapeake Bay. - Published or have in process publication of a series of refereed journal articles. - Published a book which first develops the theoretical framework, then presents research results relating to the case studies, and finally draws implications for water cooperation issues generally. Background to the Topic The increase in water scarcity and decline in water quality that has resulted from increased agricultural, industrial, and urban demands raises questions regarding profitability of the agricultural sector under its present structure. The lack of efficient management has been underscored recently by consecutive years of drought in Israel and increased needs to clean up the Chesapeake Bay. Since agriculture in the Middle East (Chesapeake Bay) is both the main water user (polluter) and the low-value user (polluter), a reallocation of water use (pollution rights) away from agriculture is likely with further industrial and urban growth. Furthermore, the trans-boundary nature of water resources in the case of the Middle East and the Chesapeake Bay contributes to increased conflicts over the use of the resources and therefore requires a political economic approach. Major Conclusions, Solutions, Achievements and Implications Using game theory tools, we critically identify obstacles to cooperation. We identify potential gains from coordination on trans-boundary water policies and projects. We identify the conditions under which partial (versus grand) coalitions dominate in solving water quality disputes among riparian countries. We identify conditions under which linking water issues to unrelated disputes achieves gains in trans-boundary negotiations. We show that gains are likely only when unrelated issues satisfy certain characteristics. We find conditions for efficient water markets under price-determined and quantity-determined markets. We find water recycling and adoption of new technologies such as desalination can be part of the solution for alleviating water shortages locally and regionally but that timing is likely to be different than anticipated. These results have been disseminated through a wide variety of publications and oral presentations as well as through interaction with policymakers in both countries.
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Ripoll, Santiago, Ashley Ouvrier, Tabitha Hrynick et Megan Schmidt-Sane. Vaccine Equity in Multicultural Urban Settings : A comparative analysis of local government and community action, contextualised political economies and moral frameworks in Marseille and London. The British Academy, août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/c19-recoveryg7/sr.

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Bano, Masooda, et Daniel Dyonisius. The Role of District-Level Political Elites in Education Planning in Indonesia : Evidence from Two Districts. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/109.

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Focus on decentralisation as a way to improve service delivery has led to significant research on the processes of education-policy adoption and implementation at the district level. Much of this research has, however, focused on understanding the working of the district education bureaucracies and the impact of increased community participation on holding teachers to account. Despite recognition of the role of political elites in prioritising investment in education, studies examining this, especially at the district-government level, are rare. This paper explores the extent and nature of engagement of political elites in setting the education-reform agenda in two districts in the state of West Java in Indonesia: Karawang (urban district) and Purwakarta (rural district). The paper shows that for a country where the state schooling system faces a serious learning crisis, the district-level political elites do show considerable levels of engagement with education issues: governments in both districts under study allocate higher percentages of the district-government budget to education than mandated by the national legislation. However, the attitude of the political elites towards meeting challenges to the provision of good-quality education appears to be opportunistic and tokenistic: policies prioritised are those that promise immediate visibility and credit-taking, help to consolidate the authority of the bupati (the top political position in the district-government hierarchy), and align with the ruling party’s political positioning or ideology. A desire to appease growing community demand for investment in education rather than a commitment to improving learning outcomes seems to guide the process. Faced with public pressure for increased access to formal employment opportunities, the political elites in the urban district have invested in providing scholarships for secondary-school students to ensure secondary school completion, even though the district-government budget is meant for primary and junior secondary schools. The bupati in the rural district, has, on the other hand, prioritised investment in moral education; such prioritisation is in line with the community's preferences, but it is also opportunistic, as increased respect for tradition also preserves reverence for the post of the bupati—a position which was part of the traditional governance system before being absorbed into the modern democratic framework. The paper thus shows that decentralisation is enabling communities to make political elites recognise that they want the state to prioritise education, but that the response of the political elites remains piecemeal, with no evidence of a serious commitment to pursuing policies aimed at improving learning outcomes. Further, the paper shows that the political culture at the district level reproduces the problems associated with Indonesian democracy at the national level: the need for cross-party alliances to hold political office, and resulting pressure to share the spoils. Thus, based on the evidence from the two districts studied for this paper, we find that given the competitive and clientelist nature of political settlements in Indonesia, even the district level political elite do not seem pressured to prioritise policies aimed at improving learning outcomes.
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Kolb, Eugenia. Does the Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) of the European Union guarantee successful citizen participation ? Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.51592.

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The Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) is a concept of the European Union. The non-binding guidelines formulated within this framework aim to help municipalities and cities to strategically define a local and long term transport and mobility plan. From the European Union's point of view, citizen participation plays a pivotal role during all phases – from the development of the plan until its implementation. This intends to achieve greater support and acceptance from the community for the plan, and to facilitate its implementation. This paper investigates whether the planning and political SUMP approach guarantees successful participatory processes, and what conclusions can be drawn to amend the SUMP process and general transport planning practice. It discusses how citizen participation is defined in the SUMP guidelines and how these elements are reflected in the SUMP guidelines of 2013 and 2019. In a second step, this paper shows how successful citizen participation is defined in an academic context and to what extent the SUMP reflects these findings. The findings derived from the academic context are then applied to the case studies of Ghent and Limburg in order to evaluate how successfully participation procedures were implemented in these SUMP processes. Finally, the question - what conclusions can be drawn from this to improve the SUMP process and general transport planning practice - is assessed.
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