Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « United Women's Organisation »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "United Women's Organisation"
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DONERT, CELIA. « From Communist Internationalism to Human Rights : Gender, Violence and International Law in the Women's International Democratic Federation Mission to North Korea, 1951 ». Contemporary European History 25, no 2 (12 avril 2016) : 313–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000096.
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AbstractIn May 1951 the Women's International Democratic Federation – a communist-sponsored non-governmental organisation – sent an all-female international commission to investigate the war crimes and atrocities allegedly committed by United Nations forces against civilians during the military occupation of North Korea in late 1950. Communist internationalism has been relatively marginalised in the recent wave of scholarship on internationalism and international organisations. This article uses the Women's International Democratic Federation mission to Korea to analyse how the shifting relationship between communist internationalism, human rights and feminism played out in the ‘Third World’ during the early Cold War.
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Geisler, Gisela. « Sisters under the Skin : Women and the Women's League in Zambia ». Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no 1 (mars 1987) : 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000759x.
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In March 1985 the Second National Women's Rights Conference was held on the Copperbelt. Although Betty Kaunda, wife of the President, addressed the 135 participants in her opening speech as if they were representing the Women's League of the United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.), surprisingly only two of them, apart from the invited guests of honour, claimed to be associated with this organisation. Hardly any of the issues raised by the League entered the discussions during the three-day conference, and the recommendations were far form being a reflection of its stated aims.1
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Suryanti, Made Selly Dwi, M. Zaenul Muttaqin et Sukron Makmun. « Unfolding the Landscape of Conflict ». Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 7, no 1 (20 juin 2023) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v7i1.30517.
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This study aims to examine the role of the United Nations Fund for Women (UNIFEM) in upholding women's rights by helping victims of sexual violence in the Darfur region of Sudan. By extension, it explores whether the organisation provided an effective example of a feminist groups in the face of this issue. This research is descriptive, using qualitative methods. The data taken is based on relevant books, academic journals, and online material. The analytical tools used are the concepts of feminism and international cooperation. The results of this research show that, when attempting to solve the problem of sexual violence in Darfur, UNIFEM came to the aid of victims, collaborating with local institutions in the area. This resulted in positive outcomes for sexual violence victims in Darfur, though UNIFEM continues to face several challenges.
Keywords: Feminism, Sexual Violence, Conflict, UNIFEM
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Fernandes, Monica G. « The transnational factor : The beginnings of South Africa’s women’s movement ». New Contree 73 (30 novembre 2015) : 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v73i0.172.
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The South African women’s movement had its origins in the Cape, but it also had a strong transnational relationship with countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States. The earliest formally created women’s organisation in the country, the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), established in 1889, focused on forging a pure society that was liberated from the so-called constraints and perils of liquor. By 1892, the WCTU had formed a franchise department in response to the absence of female enfranchisement in the Cape, therefore promoting women’s national and international suffrage. The WCTU encouraged the establishment of other women’s organisations such as the Women’s Enfranchisement League (WEL) in 1907, which was solely dedicated to the promotion and creation of women’s suffrage. This article aims to understand the international links of the WCTU and WEL as the first two women’s organisations in the Cape Colony. It does so through the framework of transnationalism and also considers the transnational influence on further developments in South Africa’s women’s movement during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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Dajnowicz, Małgorzata. « The League of Women (Liga Kobiet) – the conditions for functioning of the women’s organisation in the communist system of the Polish People’s Republic (in the first period of the organisation’s activity from 1945 to 1975) ». Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, no 2(9) (2020) : 186–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2020.02.09.10.
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The League of Women (Liga Kobiet), until 1949 operating under the name of the Socio-Civic League of Women (Społeczno-Obywatelska Liga Kobiet), was a mass women’s organisation functioning in the Polish People’s Republic. Throughout the whole period, one of the priorities set by the organisation was to build up its mass character and, thus, to influence different social, professional and environmental groups of Polish women, fitting into the general agenda of implementing the communist regime in Polish society. Most League of Women’s members were also members to the Polish United Workers’ Party. The League of Women tried to play a role of a “utilitarian” organisation, supporting in a genuine and diverse way the Polish women’s environment. The period between 1945 and 1975 was the first stage of organisation’s activity; in the communist Polish People’s Republic it was a period of “isolation” of the Polish society from the Western world and of a significant influence of the Soviet Union’s policy on the social relations in the country. The League of Women was an example of an East European women’s organisation in the communist era.
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Cupać, Jelena, et Irem Ebetürk. « The personal is global political : The antifeminist backlash in the United Nations ». British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no 4 (9 septembre 2020) : 702–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120948733.
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Antifeminist mobilisation is growing in the United Nations. It is led by a coalition of certain post-Soviet, Catholic, and Islamic states; the United States; the Vatican; conservative nongovernmental organisations, occasionally joined by the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation, the League of Arab States, the UN Africa Group, and the G77. Uniting them is the aim of restoring the ‘natural family’ and opposing ‘gender ideology’. The group has become increasingly strategic, and its impact can already be seen in a number of UN fora, including the Security Council. By surveying feminist notions of backlash and comparing them to Alter and Zürn’s definition of ‘backlash politics’, the article gauges whether the group’s activities can be characterised as such politics. The conclusion is that they can, suggesting that we are looking at a group with the potential to alter not only the global course of women’s rights but also how politics is done within the UN.
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Caltekin, Demet Asli. « Women’s Organisations’ Role in (Re)Constructing the Narratives in Femicide Cases : Şule Çet’s Case ». Laws 11, no 1 (7 février 2022) : 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws11010012.
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In 2020, men in Turkey murdered 300 women, and 171 women were found suspiciously dead. The dominant narrative around suspicious death cases involves a faulty assumption that women are prone to committing suicide. Women’s organisations and cause lawyers unite against all kinds of violence to challenge this dominant narrative, which grants impunity to perpetrators. Drawing on resource mobilisation theory, this article investigates how women’s organisations become involved in femicide and suspicious death cases to articulate counter-narratives and advance women’s access to justice. It focuses on Şule Çet’s case, which raised intense public reactions due to the lack of procedural fairness at the investigation stage. It relies on semi-structured interviews with Şule’s lawyer and the members of the We Will Stop Femicide Platform (Kadın Cinayetlerini Durduracağız Platformu) and the Gelincik Centre (Gelincik Merkezi) to illustrate how women’s organisations made Şule’s story visible and countered the dominant narrative surrounding suspicious death cases. The findings illustrate that women’s organisations’ ongoing struggle to encourage courts to hear women’s stories demands co-operation between different social and legal mechanisms. It includes a combination of several strategies, such as following femicide cases and forming public opinion through social media. The article concludes by arguing that women’s organisations’ use of counter-narratives transforms femicide cases from being only a statistic to a public cause, contributing to women’s struggle in accessing justice.
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Jilani, Hina, et Khan Ayesha. « Hina Jilani on the value of the rights discourse in the context of political Islam ». Feminist Dissent, no 3 (27 novembre 2018) : 240–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.378.
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Hina Jilani is one of Pakistan’s most influential human rights activists and a leader of Women’s Action Forum, the group that began the modern women’s movement in the country. She co-founded the first women’s law firm and legal aid organisation, AGHS, and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. At the international level she has held numerous positions as well. She is a member of the Eminent Jurists Panel on Terrorism, Counterterrorism and Human Rights. In 2009, she was appointed to the United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict. She was also UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders (2000–2008); appointed to the UN International Fact-Finding Commission on Darfur (2006); and served as President of the World Organisation Against Torture (2016).
Jilani received the Amnesty International Genetta Sagan Award for Women’s Rights (2000), and the Millennium Peace Prize for Women (2001). She is a member of The Elders, an independent group of global leaders working together for peace and human rights, founded by Nelson Mandela.
Below are edited excerpts from an interview with Ayesha Khan held at Jilani’s home in Lahore on 23 October 2015.
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Pappa, Marianthi. « unscr 1325 and Maritime Security ». Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 24, no 1 (17 décembre 2021) : 137–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413_02401006.
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United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325/ 2000 on Women, Peace and Security (‘unscr 1325’) has been hailed by States, scholars, and organisations concerned with gender equality. It was a major step towards the recognition of the nexus between gender, violence, and security and a beacon of women’s empowerment. Notwithstanding, it is not without contextual limitations. The security sector is faced with challenges that are not covered by the Resolution. These include non- war situations, such as security crises at sea. The rise of threats at sea (such as piracy, maritime terrorism, and irregular migration) has caused a rapid evolution of maritime security strategies. Still, important aspects are missing therefrom. Such is the treatment of gender – and more specifically, women. Despite their increasing presence in the maritime domain, women are not explicitly mentioned in the maritime affairs agenda. An analysis of some of the world’s most progressive maritime security frameworks (national, regional, and organisational) demonstrates that these are primarily concerned with state (rather than human) security and pay little or no attention to gender aspects. What is more, the international laws (the law of the sea, safety and security laws, human rights instruments, and humanitarian law conventions) that might fill this gap take a fragmented and ineffective approach towards women’s interests in the maritime domain. The gender blindness of the maritime sector may ultimately lead to bias against women, threatening gender equality. This article argues that unscr 1325 should be extended to maritime security contexts in order to advance women’s empowerment at sea.
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Dubel, Ireen. « 1975 – ‘Not just a year, but a lifetime for women’ ». Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies 24, no 1 (1 avril 2021) : 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgn2021.1.001.dube.
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Abstract The article looks at the significance of the International Women’s Year (IWY) 1975 for the development of Dutch policy on development-related gender equality issues. It analyses how the route to the IWY World Conference and Women’s Tribune in Mexico City was marked by power struggles in and around the United Nations (UN), amongst member states, and between national governments and women’s organisations, in a geopolitical context of the Cold War and Global North–South divisions. The article discusses how, despite little initial enthusiasm for the IWY amongst the Dutch government and feminist groups, engagement with IWY generated a new momentum for national and international policy advocacy that was to come to fruition after 1975.
Thèses sur le sujet "United Women's Organisation"
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Kulcur, Rakibe. « Environmental injustice ? : an analysis of gender in environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) in the United Kingdom and Turkey ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2012. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/7680.
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In this thesis I investigate gender in environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) in the United Kingdom (UK) and Turkey. ENGOs play an increasingly important role as lobbyists on environmental policy making at national and international scales. There is large literature dealing with gender inequalities in governing bodies, and in organisations. However, gender structures of ENGOs and their implications for campaigns have been under-researched. I therefore examined the structure and composition of ENGOs in the UK and Turkey, how far they include women in decision-making process and the implications for their campaigns. To this end, I undertook cross-national comparative research applying feminist research methodology to explore differences and similarities and underlying factors for gender inequalities in organisational settings in two different societies. The research methods included 38 interviews and one focus group interview in 9 ENGOs in the UK and 40 interviews in 10 ENGOs in Turkey. These were conducted mainly with senior managers, but also with junior managers and staff. Furthermore, I placed myself as a volunteer and researcher in two ENGOs, one in the UK and one in Turkey in order to observe the organisational practices directly and to enable triangulation of data. In addition, I collected secondary data from annual reports, staff charts, publications and websites of the organisations to collect data on gender compositions as well as campaigns of the ENGOs. In order to explore and provide sufficient explanation for the under-representation of female senior managers and gender inequalities in ENGOs settings, theoretical approaches were looked into in order to find the most appropriate feminist theories that explain the gendered nature of ENGOs. I found that while the ENGO sectors in both countries are dominated by female employees, white, middle class men are in charge of the decision-making in the ENGOs. Moreover, in the ENGOs I found that there seemed to be resistance to integrate gender related perspectives when deciding environmental campaigns. Since there is no research on ENGOs that makes gender blindness visible, this thesis is an attempt to fill that gap. I argue that neglecting gender relations in environmental decision-making and campaigns reinforces the current gendered practices and imbalances in ENGOs that fail to integrate women’s perspectives in environmental policies.
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Verhaeghe, Linda. « Les Femmes au service de la Paix. De l'établissement de la paix à l'aide humanitaire internationale, leur engagement au sein de l'UNDPKO (United Nations Department of Peace Keeping Operations) et du CICR (Comité International de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant-Rouge) ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030089.
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La présente thèse étudie le lien entre la capacité à construire un monde de paix et la place accordée aux femmes dans la société. Elle étudie plus particulièrement les instances dont la charge principale de sauvegarder la paix leur a été confiée par la Communauté Internationale - les Nations Unies et le Comité International de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant-Rouge - que ce soit au sein de leurs systèmes propres, qu’au sein des programmes et missions conduits par ces dernières à travers le monde. Cette thèse cherche à montrer en quoi la paix est un concept qui ne se caractérise pas uniquement par l’absence de conflit et de destruction entre des nations et des peuples, mais aussi par la construction et le développement de sociétés modernes, libérées, justes, ainsi plus sûres. Et en quoi les inégalités qui touchent les femmes dans l’ensemble des sociétés, le non-respect de leurs droits, ainsi que leur marginalisation dans les milieux de pouvoir, politique et militaire, sont en contrepartie de réels facteurs d’instabilité, d’insécurité et un risque pour la paix mondialeThis thesis studies the link between peacebuilding throughout the world and women’s position in society. It studies more particularly the main institutions which were entrusted the responsibility of protecting peace by the International Community – the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red-Cross and the Red-Crescent – within their own system and within programs and missions worldwide. This thesis tries to demonstrate that peace is a concept which is not only characterized by the absence of conflict and destruction between nations and people, but also by the development of modern, freed, right, equal, then safer, societies. And in what, as the disparities between women and men and the disregard of women’s rights, as their marginalization in the political and military circles of powers, threaten world stability and security, and constitute a risk for international peace
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Robeye, Rirangar Aime. « Genre et conflits : l'effectivité de la résolution 1325 de l'ONU de l'oeuvre sur les femmes la paix et la sécurité ». Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3063/document.
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Les populations civiles, dont la majorité est constituée des femmes et des enfants (près de 70%), ont été de tout temps la cible privilégiée des conflits armés, qui s’accompagnent généralement des conséquences graves en matière des violations des droits de l’homme. Et pourtant les conventions et textes juridiques internationaux protègent les personnes civiles en temps de guerre. Dans le but de lutter contre l’exclusion des femmes aux processus de paix et faciliter leur participation, le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU a adopté le 31 octobre 2000 la résolution 1325 intitulée « les femmes, la paix et la sécurité », qui fait obligation aux Etats et aux organisations impliquées dans un conflit d’impliquer les femmes dans tous les processus de paix. L’adoption de cette résolution par le Conseil de Sécurité a permis de réaliser un certain nombre de progrès en matière de renforcement des mécanismes de protection des droits des femmes et de leur participation aux opérations de paix. Toutefois des efforts restent encore à faire pour atteindre les objectifs fixés notamment par l’adoption des plans d’actions nationaux par tous les EtatsCivilians, which most of them are women and children (nearly 70%) were always the main target of armed conflicts, which generally involve serious consequences for human rights violations. Yet international conventions and laws protect civilians in wartime. In order to fight against women's exclusion in peace processes and facilitate their involvement, the UN Security Council adopted on October 31st 2000 the 1325's Resolution entitled " Women, Peace and Security " which requires states and organizations involved in a conflict to involve women in all peace processes. The Security Council's adoption of this resolution allowed to make some progress on strengthening women's rights protection mechanisms and participation in peacekeeping operations. However, efforts are still needed to achieve the objectives including the adoption of national action plans by all States
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Greco, Morgane. « Le travail des fonctionnaires internationaux du Bureau du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général de l’ONU chargé de la question des violences sexuelles commises en période de conflit en République démocratique du Congo ». Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24127.
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Notre étude s’intéresse au travail des fonctionnaires internationaux du Bureau du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général de l’ONU chargé de la question des violences sexuelles commises en période de conflit (RSSG-VSC) en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) sous le prisme de l’idéal type wébérien de la bureaucratie. À partir de six entretiens semi-directifs et de l’analyse de sources publiques onusiennes, cette étude vise à mettre en perspectives les points de vue des fonctionnaires du Bureau au regard de leurs missions et des moyens dont ils disposent pour les remplir. Ce travail s’intéresse aussi à la portée de l’action du Bureau du RSSG-VSC en RDC, du point de vue de ces fonctionnaires internationaux basé au siège. Aucune étude qualitative n’a été menée sur le travail des fonctionnaires du Bureau du RSSG-VSC par le passé. De plus, les rapports annuels du Secrétaire général disponibles au grand public ne permettent pas de comprendre l’intégralité de son action en RDC. Ainsi, ce projet de recherche cherche précisément à combler cette lacune.
L’analyse des données recueillies montre que la création du mandat aurait été préméditée : en effet, malgré plusieurs résolutions du Conseil de sécurité et appels à la cessation de ces violences, la perpétration de ces crimes perdurait. Ainsi, le mandat du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général pour les Enfants et les conflits armés aurait permis, grâce à un travail de plaidoyer combiné avec les appels de la communauté internationale, à la création du mandat du RSSG-VSC. Les objectifs du mandat, à savoir mettre fin aux violences sexuelles liées aux conflits à travers le monde en contribuant à libérer la parole des victimes, assurer leur réintégration dans les communautés, comblant les lacunes et renforçant les connaissances sur ces crimes sont partagés par tous les répondants, de manière identique. De plus, la vision de leur travail au sein du Bureau est unanimement partagée. Toutefois, les points de vue des répondants divergent davantage lorsqu'ils abordent le thème de la portée des actions du Bureau. Les défis à relever par le mandat sont encore nombreux afin d’éradiquer de la surface de la planète les violences sexuelles liées aux conflits.Our study focuses on the work achieved by international civil servants at the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict (SRSG-SVC), regarding the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) through the prism of the Weberian bureaucracy. Based on six semi-directive interviews and the analysis of United Nations public sources, this study aims to providing perspectives on the views of the Office’s officials in relation to their missions and the means at their disposal to carry them out. This academic work also focuses on the scope of the work of the RSSG-VSC Office in the DRC, from the point of view of these international officials based in headquarters. So far, no qualitative studies had been conducted on the topic of the work of these civil servants. In addition to that, the Secretary-General’s annual reports drafted by this Office do not provide an understanding of the full scope of the work done in the DRC. Thus, this research project seeks to fill this gap. The analysis of the data collected shows that the creation of the mandate would have been premeditated: indeed, despite several Security Council resolutions and call for the end to conflict-related sexual violence, these crimes continue to be perpetrated. Thus, the mandate of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict would have enabled the creation of the mandate of the SRSG-SVC, through advocacy work combined with multiple calls from the international community. The mandate’s goals which are ending conflict-related sexual violence around the world by helping to free victims’ voices, ensuring their reintegration into communities, filling gaps and strengthening knowledge about these crimes are shared by all respondents. In addition, the vision of their work within the Office is unanimously shared. However, respondents’ views differ when addressing the scope of the Office’s actions. The mandate still faces many challenges to end rape in war.
Livres sur le sujet "United Women's Organisation"
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Commission, Great Britain Women'sNational, dir. Women's organisations in the United Kingdom. London : Women's National Commission, 1990.
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Great Britain. Women's National Commission. Women's organisations in the United Kingdom. London : Women's National Commission, 1998.
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Great Britain. Women's National Commission., dir. Women's organisations in the United Kingdom. London : Women's National Commission, 1991.
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Great Britain. Women's National Commission., dir. Women's organisations in the United Kingdom 1997/98. London : Women's National Commission, 1997.
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Great Britain. Women's National Commission. Women's organisations in the United Kingdom : A directory. London : Women's National Commission, 2001.
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Great Britain. Women's National Commission., dir. Women's organisations in the United Kingdom 2003 : A directory. London : Women's National Commission, 2003.
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Great Britain. Women's National Commission. Women's organisations in the United Kingdom 1994/95 : A directory. London : Women's National Commission, 1994.
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Cold War women : The international activities of American women's organisations. Manchester, UK : Manchester University Press, 2002.
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Natural allies : Women's associations in American history. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1993.
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Lubin, Carol Riegelman. Social justice for women : The International Labor Organization and women. Durham : Duke University Press, 1990.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "United Women's Organisation"
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Rendall, Jane. « Work and Organisation ». Dans The Origins of Modern Feminism : Women in Britain, France and the United States 1780–1860, 150–88. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17733-2_6.
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Frańczak, Olga. « (Stereo)typical Law : Challenging the Transformative Potential of Human Rights ». Dans Towards Gender Equality in Law, 15–33. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98072-6_2.
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AbstractThe UN Commission on the Status of Women stated that addressing gender stereotypes “must be a key element in all efforts to achieve the realization of women’s human rights” (2010). Leading human rights organisations (African Union, Council of Europe, European Union, Organization of American States and the United Nations) have introduced instruments aimed at the elimination of gender stereotypes, like CEDAW or the Istanbul Convention. Feminist legal scholarship reaffirms this position, considering stereotyping to be one of the biggest challenges for realisation of human rights in contemporary society. Nevertheless, the topic remains largely under-researched. Drawing on feminist legal theory, this chapter addresses the following question: Can and should law be used to address gender stereotyping? It explores the complexity of this topic, with focus on the opportunities and constrains of using law to affect substantive change. This chapter takes up an interdisciplinary approach of law and politics.
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Coccia, Giuliana, et Emanuela Scavalli. « Monitoring and evaluation of gender equality policies ». Dans Proceedings e report, 275–80. Florence : Firenze University Press and Genova University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0106-3.48.
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The 2030 Agenda has been adopted to achieve a better and sustainable future for all. The process of approaching its 17 Sustainable Development Goals is monitored through a global system of 240 statistical indicators approved in March 2016 by the United Nations Statistical Commission. Sustainable Development Goal 5 seeks to achieve gender equality and empowerment all women and girls: it is broken down into 9 targets. According to these targets, indicators are being established for monitoring and evaluating progress on SDG in order to ensure high transparency and accountability within the 2030 Agenda. A gender equality plan will typically address several issues at once, leading to a complex set of measures. Nonetheless, effective monitoring and evaluation instruments are often lacking, which undermines the transformative potential of the planned measures. If objectives are not indexed on relevant progress, success or outreach indicators, it is difficult to assess whether the organisation is actually being transformed. Monitoring and evaluation are critical for building a strong, global evidence base around gender equality and for assessing the wide, diverse range of interventions being implemented to address it. Policy makers need support now if they are to use SDG evaluation as an opportunity to improve policies and programmes closer to home, applying tailored approaches. This paper deals with monitoring and evaluation of Goal 5 in Italy. In the context of the SDGs, evaluation relates to determining the merit, worth, significance and sustainability of strategies, policies and programmes that contribute to the achievement of the SDGs at national and territorial level. After analyzing the indicators available for the monitoring of the Goal 5, the benefits and limits that still exist for a full representation of gender equality will be explained.
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Herman, Clem. « Crossing the Digital Divide in a Women's Community ICT Centre ». Dans Global Information Technologies, 2151–58. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-939-7.ch155.
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This article examines the role of community-based training initiatives in enabling women to cross the so-called digital divide and become confident users of ICTs. Drawing on a case study of the Women’s Electronic Village Hall (WEVH) in Manchester, United Kingdom, one of the first such initiatives in Europe offering both skills training and Internet access to women, the article will illustrate the impact that community-based initiatives can have in challenging and changing prevailing gendered attitudes toward technology. Gendered constructions of technology in dominant discourse suggest that women must also cross an internal digital divide, involving a change in attitude and self–identification, before they can see themselves as technically competent. Learning about technology is intimately linked to learning about gender, and the performance of skills and tasks that are culturally identified as masculine can be an empowering step for women, successfully challenging preconceived gendered relationships with technology. The WEVH occupied a unique position, acting as a model for other women’s ICT initiatives and influencing the development and proliferation of other community-based ICT access projects. There were two main motivating forces behind its setting up in 1992. The first was a shared vision of the potential for ICTs to be used as a tool to combat social exclusion. The second was a feminist commitment to redressing the inequalities and underrepresentation of women in computing. Both these perspectives formed an important backdrop to the growth and development of the organisation and have continued to inform its strategic plans.
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Herman, Clem. « Crossing the Digital Divide in a Women's Community ICT Centre ». Dans Information Communication Technologies, 904–10. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-949-6.ch061.
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This article examines the role of community-based training initiatives in enabling women to cross the so-called digital divide and become confident users of ICTs. Drawing on a case study of the Women’s Electronic Village Hall (WEVH) in Manchester, United Kingdom, one of the first such initiatives in Europe offering both skills training and Internet access to women, the article will illustrate the impact that community-based initiatives can have in challenging and changing prevailing gendered attitudes toward technology. Gendered constructions of technology in dominant discourse suggest that women must also cross an internal digital divide, involving a change in attitude and self–identification, before they can see themselves as technically competent. Learning about technology is intimately linked to learning about gender, and the performance of skills and tasks that are culturally identified as masculine can be an empowering step for women, successfully challenging preconceived gendered relationships with technology. The WEVH occupied a unique position, acting as a model for other women’s ICT initiatives and influencing the development and proliferation of other community-based ICT access projects. There were two main motivating forces behind its setting up in 1992. The first was a shared vision of the potential for ICTs to be used as a tool to combat social exclusion. The second was a feminist commitment to redressing the inequalities and underrepresentation of women in computing. Both these perspectives formed an important backdrop to the growth and development of the organisation and have continued to inform its strategic plans.
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Keyhan, Rochelle. « Street harassment activism in the twenty-first century ». Dans Women's Emancipation and Civil Society Organisations. Policy Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447324775.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The experience of gender-based violence, and the internalised shame and self-blame that so often accompanies it, hinders the full emancipation of women and lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgendered (LGBT) members of society. This chapter examines CSOs currently working toward ending street harassment. Technological advances have created innovative options for today’s CSOs to unite in unprecedented ways. Modern activism will be highlighted through a case study of Hollaback!, an international network of unified activists who simultaneously work locally and globally to fight street harassment. Research and academic discussion about street harassment and the culture that sustains it have lagged far behind global anti-street harassment activism. Street harassment activists emphasize shifting cultural perspective to a perpetrator-focused, survivor-centred approach that supports survivors. The chapter concludes with an analysis of how the internet has provided organizations and activists the capacity to embrace intersectional and cross-cultural ideals.
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Stephenson, Elise. « Where Are the Women in International Affairs Leadership ? » Dans The Face of the Nation, 144–67. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197632727.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Chapter 6 presents some of the first surprising conclusions around militaristic versus bureaucratic structures when it comes to international gender representation. It breaks down the data, demonstrating a broad pattern whereby women remain segregated by status, prestige, and strategic importance of posts and positions gained. It finds that women’s underrepresentation in international affairs is pervasive, unrelenting, and seldom overcome. Underrepresentation is evidenced across diplomatic missions, the United Nations and other international organisations, military bases, political meetings, and negotiations, think tanks and the corporate advisory community, and even academia. Women’s underrepresentation in international affairs is therefore all-consuming.
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Munthali, Josephine. « Social Norms or Child Labour ? » Dans Global Ideologies Surrounding Children's Rights and Social Justice, 88–104. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2578-3.ch006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter discusses social norms which purportedly condone “unpaid child labour” as a way of bringing up children, especially girls, in preparation for early marriage in the Maasai community in Kenya. International organisations such as the International Labour Office (ILO) and United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) view “unpaid child labour” as detrimental to children's education and welfare. Yet, in the Maasai culture, it is viewed as a way mothers prepare girls to be responsible married women from an early age. Findings revealed that the young educated Maasai girls and boys who are “agents of change” are actively engaged in sensitising their communities and advocating for the rights of girls, and women. The Chapter recommends that the Government of Kenya, international NGOs and stakeholders work together with agents of change in their communities to create awareness concerning children's rights.
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Lopidia, Rita M., et Lucy Hall. « South Sudanese Women on the Move : An Account of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda ». Dans New Directions in Women, Peace and Security, 29–40. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter offers a personal reflection of Rita M. Lopidia’s journey into activism on matters related to Women, Peace and Security (WPS) in South Sudan. In this chapter, Rita discusses her first-hand experience of feminist advocacy in relation to WPS in South Sudan and transnationally. Rita is the co-founder of EVE organisation, which under Rita’s leadership has played a critical role in monitoring the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in South Sudan. This chapter focuses on the work involved in monitoring the implementation of UNSCR 1325, and the opportunities and obstacles activists face. Rita describes her personal experience of advocacy in the region and at the UN Security Council level. To conclude, Rita explains the local context and the future of the women’s movement in South Sudan, with reference to the intersections between WPS with UNSCR 2250 on Youth, Peace and Security. Rita’s tireless advocacy and work addressing gendered violence, justice, peace and security is an awe-inspiring example of the connectedness between the normative gains of WPS and the on the ground realities of ensuring women’s voices are heard at the negotiating table.
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George, Nicole. « The Price of Peace ? Frictional Encounters on Gender, Security and the ‘Economic Peace Paradigm’ ». Dans New Directions in Women, Peace and Security, 41–60. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the early 2000s, the United Nations Security Council’s Women Peace and Security framework has been a key focus of gender advocacy for women’s organisations confronting outbreaks of conflict in the Pacific Islands region, and for those who demand involvement in processes of conflict transition. But in these contexts, arguments about the rights of women to be recognised as bearers of specific burdens in times of instability, we well as active contributors to the consolidation of peace and durable post-conflict governance also come into friction with vernacular notions of security and localised sentiments about the foundations for the safe ordering of community. In this chapter, I reflect on recent academic development of the concept of vernacular security and the insights this work might offer when examining the enabling and constraining nature of these frictions. In particular I examine the impact of programs emphasising women’s economic participation as a key element of post-conflict restoration in Solomon Islands and Bougainville. These programs yoke liberal models of individualised, rights bearing citizenship and empowerment with advocacy aiming to encourage women’s entrepreneurship and business acumen. They constitute an important element of post-conflict external aid delivery programs in both countries. Yet my own research conducted with women who have participated in these programs, as well as those seeking to improve their economic participation independently, point to the problems of assuming that women’s economic participation easily correlates to higher levels of gendered security and empowerment in these post conflict contexts. To develop this argument I reflect on the idea that women may labour, but for negligible gain, a concept first expressed by Solomon Islands scholar Alice Aruhe’eta Pollard in the early 2000s. Building further on this idea, I argue that vernacular perspectives on gender and economic order are particularly helpful for exposing the fragile and complex relationship between gendered “labour” and “gains” in gendered security in these sites.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "United Women's Organisation"
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David, Raluca. Advancing gender equality and closing the gender digital gap : Three principles to support behavioural change policy and intervention. Digital Pathways at Oxford, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/02.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Worldwide, interventions and policies to improve gender equality or close gender gaps often struggle to reach their targets. For example, women lag considerably behind in use of even simple digital technologies such as mobile phones or the internet. In 2020, the gap in mobile internet use in low- and middle-income countries was at 15%, while in South Asian and Sub-Saharan African countries, it remained as high as 36% and 37% respectively (GSMA, 2021). Use of the internet for more complex activities shows an even wider gap. In Cairo, in 2018, only 21% of female internet users gained economically, and only 7% were able to voice their opinions online (with similar statistics for India, Indonesia, Kenya, Uganda and Colombia, Sambuli et al., 2018). This is despite the fact that empowering women through digital technologies is central to global gender equality strategies (e.g. Sustainable Development Goals, United Nations, 2015), and is believed to facilitate economic growth and industry-level transformation (International Monetary Fund, 2020). Progress is slow because behaviours are gendered: there are stark dissociations between what women and men do – or are expected to do. These dissociations are deeply entrenched by social norms, to the extent that interventions to change them face resistance or can even backfire. Increasingly, governments are using behavioural change interventions in a bid to improve public policy outcomes, while development or gender organisations are using behavioural change programmes to shift gender norms. However, very little is known about how gendered social norms impact the digital divide, or how to use behavioural interventions to shift these norms. Drawing on several research papers that look at the gender digital gap, this brief examines why behavioural change is difficult, and how it could be implemented more effectively. This brief is addressed to policymakers, programme co-ordinators in development organisations, and strategy planners in gender equality interventions who are interested in ways to accelerate progress on gender equality, and close the gender digital gap. The brief offers a set of principles on which to base interventions, programmes and strategies to change gendered behaviours. The principles in this brief were developed as part of a programme of research into ways to close the gender digital gap.
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Iffat, Idris. Best Practices in CRSV Monitoring and Early Warning. Institute of Development Studies, juin 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.126.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is a major problem, which has significant negative impacts on victims/survivors, wider society and peace prospects. There is growing international recognition of the need to combat it. CRSV monitoring and early warning are vital in this regard, enabling effective responses and preventive measures. Various factors, notably social stigma, mean that CRSV is vastly under-reported. Best practices to promote CRSV monitoring and early warning include: having appropriate staff (including specialist personnel); engaging with local communities to promote reporting of cases and of warning signals; following principles such as ensuring confidentiality, informed consent and respect for victims/survivors; using standardised data collection templates to facilitate information sharing and analysis; assessing CRSV risks in context against a prepared matrix of early warning indicators; carrying out awareness-raising and advocacy on CRSV; and, where risks are identified, raising the alarm in affected communities. This review looks at best practices in monitoring conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), and in CRSV early warning. It draws largely on grey literature, in particular reports of development organisations such as the United Nations. Much of the literature focuses on peacekeeping missions: far less was found with regard to the role of other actors (e.g. NGOs) in CRSV monitoring and early warning. [Note: there is substantial academic literature on the problem of CRSV rather than on best practices to combat it.] In addition, the review found no in-depth evidence (e.g. evaluations) on the experience of applying CRSV monitoring and early warning practices in specific contexts. Given the subject, the available literature does refer to women and girls, but was largely disability-blind. URI
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Let’s Talk About the Need to Invest in Women Researchers and Leaders. ACAMH, mars 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.13056/acamh.26614.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Every International Women’s Day, there is a call to retain talented women in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) fields, with strategies and proposals often given by influential organisations such as the United Nations. These proposals aim to steer improvement in workplace cultures and environments, and champion equity in the opportunities available to women across fields. The theme of this year’s United Nations International Women’s Day is “Invest in women: Accelerate progress.” This blog discusses the leaky STEM pipeline with a focus on why we need to invest in women researchers, and sharing my own experiences as a woman pursing mental health research.