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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « United States – Foreign relations – 1969-1985 »

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Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "United States – Foreign relations – 1969-1985"

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Briggs, E. Donald. « Review : United States Foreign Policy : The United States and South Africa, 1968–1985 ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 43, no 2 (juin 1988) : 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208804300210.

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Onslow, Sue. « Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, Vol. XXVIII : Southern Africa ». Cold War History 13, no 1 (février 2013) : 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2013.762239.

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Dobson, Alan. « Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, vol. XXXIV, Energy Diplomacy and Global Issues Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, vol. III, Foreign Economic Policy, 1969–1972 ; International Monetary Policy, 1969–1972 ». Diplomacy & ; Statecraft 18, no 3 (13 septembre 2007) : 645–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290701548903.

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Prados, John. « Foreign Relations of the United States 1969-1976, vol. 6, Vietnam, January 1969-July 1970 (review) ». Journal of Military History 71, no 2 (2007) : 596–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2007.0145.

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Hasegawa, Tsuyoshi. « The Soviet Factor in U.S.-Japanese Defense Cooperation, 1978–1985 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no 2 (avril 2013) : 72–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00338.

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In the crucial period from 1978 to 1975, Japan jettisoned its “omnidirectional” foreign policy and embraced a closer and more integrated defense alliance with the United States. Concern about the Soviet threat was the chief motive for this shift. The deployment of Soviet troops in the Northern Territories (Southern Kuriles), the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the deployment of Soviet Backfire bombers and SS-20 nuclear missiles in the Far East all provided impetus toward closer U.S.-Japanese defense cooperation. As Japan closely aligned its defense policy with the United States, Soviet-Japanese relations correspondingly deteriorated. Normal channels of communication were broken off. As the Japanese government elevated the Northern Territories issue to the forefront of Soviet-Japanese relations, Soviet criticism of Japan escalated. By the time Mikhail Gorbachev took power in 1985, Soviet-Japanese relations had sunk to their lowest point.
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Basosi, Duccio. « Kathleen Rasmussen (ed.), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXXI, Foreign Economic Policy 1973–1976 ». Journal of Contemporary History 47, no 3 (juillet 2012) : 681–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009412440542r.

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Cherkasov, P. « Returning of Primakov (1985–1989) ». World Economy and International Relations, no 3 (2014) : 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-98-110.

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The article is devoted to the research activities of IMEMO in 1985–1989, when the Institute was headed by Academician Yevgeny Primakov. Perestroika in IMEMO was characterized by a noticeable revival of scientific research, which was gradually released from censorship and ideological diktat. The revision of the old dogmas affected both the theory and practical politics. In this way, the researchers met with great difficulties. Thus, the attempt to create in IMEMO a fundamental work on the theory of international relations failed. During these years political theory couldn’t keep pace with political practice. More successful was the search for new approaches to foreign and defense policy of the USSR. A number of recommendations of IMEMO were approved and used in a strategic dialogue with the United States.
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Clarizio, Lynda M. « United States v. Yunis ». American Journal of International Law 83, no 1 (janvier 1989) : 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202796.

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Defendant Fawaz Yunis, a Lebanese resident and citizen, was charged for his alleged involvement in the 1985 hijacking of a Jordanian civil aircraft in the Middle East. Defendant moved to dismiss the indictment on the ground that, under general principles of international law, the court lacked subject matter and personal jurisdiction over a crime committed by a nonresident alien on foreign soil and that federal law provided no independent basis for such jurisdiction. The United States District Court for the District of Columbia (per Parker, J.) denied the motion to dismiss in part and granted it in part, and held: (1) that those counts of the indictment charging the defendant with violation of section 32(a) of the Destruction of Aircraft Act (18 U.S.C. §32(a) (1986)) (Aircraft Piracy Act) should be dismissed on the ground that this section provided no jurisdiction over aircraft piracy offenses having no connection to U.S. territory; (2) that traditional principles of international law provided sufficient grounds for asserting both subject matter and personal jurisdiction over the other crimes charged; and (3) that the Act for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Hostage Taking (18 U.S.C. §1203 (1986)) (Hostage Taking Act) and section 32(b) of the Aircraft Piracy Act imposed liability for the offenses allegedly committed by the defendant.
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Lillich, Richard B., et David J. Bederman. « Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission : Iran Claims ». American Journal of International Law 91, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 436–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954182.

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The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission (Commission or FCSC) was granted jurisdiction to determine the validity and amounts of certain claims by U.S. nationals against Iran by the Iran Claims Act and the 1990 Settlement Agreement (lump sum settlement) between the United States and Iran. The Iran Claims Act, a 1985 statute enacted in anticipation of the lump sum agreement settling U.S. “small claims” against Iran, required the Commission to apply: (1)the terms of any settlement agreement [lump sum settlement];(2)the relevant provisions of the Declarations of the Government of the Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria of January 19, 1981, giving consideration to interpretations thereof by the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal; and(3)applicable principles of international law, justice, and equity.
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Chang, Xinxin. « SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS IN THE PERCEPTION OF CHINESE MEDIA : FROM 1985 THROUGH 1987 ». Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no 3 (15 décembre 2019) : 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/19-3/08.

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The article addresses main issues of United States-Soviet Union relations in 1985-1987 as per perception by the Media of the People's Republic of China. After World War II, the world split into two opposing blocs, led by the USA and the USSR. The 1980s brought about a significant shift in international economic relations. In 1985, new trends emerged: firstly, a number of developed and developing countries opposed the arms race fearing it might expand as far as the outer space and bring back the military polarization with unpredictable consequences for the economy; secondly, the demands of renouncing the tough confrontation were voiced within the military alliances. The leaders of both blocs found themselves unable to effectively control their allies. These changes forced the leadership of the USSR and the USA to adopt new foreign policies. This paper describes the course of negotiations between the USSR and the USA, the attitude of the Soviet leaders to American politicians, and the assessments of the actions of Soviet leaders by Chinese media. The evolution of Soviet foreign policy at that period can be divided into three stages: simultaneous dialogue and confrontation, first Soviet concessions and compromises, and two concessions of the USSR. In order to objectively and fairly describe the historical facts of the Soviet-American negotiations in 1985-1987, the author carefully analyzes the most important foreign policies of the USSR from the standpoint of the Chinese press and quotes the opinions of major Chinese newspapers, such as Renmin Ribao , Guangming Ribao , Xinhua Ribao and Zhongguo Qingnian Bao .
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Thèses sur le sujet "United States – Foreign relations – 1969-1985"

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Burn, Adrian E. « From containment to detente : aspects of American foreign policy under Johnson and Nixon ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114553.

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The years from 1963 to 1974 were a turbulent and eventful period in American life . From the assassination of John F. Kennedy to the resignation of Richard Nixon, the period was characterized by social and political upheaval. After the stability and predictability of the Eisenhower years and then the optimism and excitement generated by the youthful President Kennedy, the years o f Johnson and Nixon saw a sharp growth in domestic political dissent , unprecedented attacks on political institutions and civil authorities , and a deep questioning of many of the foundations of American foreign policy.
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Rae, Michelle Frasher. « International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s ». Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.

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Katahara, Eiichi. « The U.S.-Japan security relationship, 1975-1985 : a Japanese perspective ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112048.

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Japan and the United States, two bitter wartime enemies, have become two of the closest and perhaps most important allies in the world today. Given the dissimilarities between the two countries, the U.S.-Japan alliance is, indeed, a remarkable achievement. In spite of the marked differences in culture, tradition, language and ethnicity, the two countries share a basic similarity in that they are now industrial democracies, embracing democratic values and a free economy. Although the post-war U .S .-Japanese relationship can be viewed as a remarkable success, diverging national interests and differing perceptions have troubled the relationship from time to time. These create an ever-present potential for mishandling and misunderstanding, as were the textile dispute in 1969-71 and the "Nixon shocks" of 1971. Although Japan has been the cornerstone of the U.S. strategy of forward deployment in the Asia-Pacific region, recent U .S .-Japanese relations have been strained by chronic economic friction and U.S. demands for an increased Japanese defence effort. This paper deals with the strategic aspects of the current U .S .-Japanese relationship. It focusses on the period from 1975 to the present because since the late 1970s, the U . S .-Japanese security relationship has entered a new phase. Recent trends indicate that Japan seems to be increasingly integrated into the U.S. global alliance system. Some indications of this are joint defence planning, military technology cooperation and joint military exercises. But questions which need to be answered remain. Is Japan really prepared to meet the U.S. demands? What are the implications of the deepening military ties between the U.S. and Japan for the security of Japanese interests, or for the stability of the Asia-Pacific region? How can a more stable U,S.-Japanese security relationship be developed?
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Blackburn, Robert M. (Robert Michael). « Mercenaries in Service to America : The "More Flags" Foreign Policy of the United States ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332519/.

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On 23 April 1964, five months after assuming the office of President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson launched the "More Flags" program as United States policy. While the publicly stated purpose of.the "More Flags" program was to obtain as much non-military free world aid for the Republic of Vietnam as possible, the program's principle goal centered around Lyndon Johnson's desire to obtain an international consensus for America's policies toward Vietnam and Southeast Asia. The "More Flags" program continued to serve both goals for the remainder of Johnson's presidency. Although started with high expectations of success, the "More Flags" program never succeeded in achieving the levels of international cooperation Lyndon Johnson desired. In fact, the program's significant lack of success necessitated a number of changes, during the program's first year, in both its stated goals and in the methods used to prosecute it's implementation. The most important of these changes would be Washington's use of the program's beneficent objectives to mask it's use as the means through which the United States would purchase mercenary troops to fight in South Vietnam. "Mercenaries in Service to America: The 'More Flags' Foreign Policy of the United States," presents the available history of the "More Flags" program during the years of the Johnson Presidency, with an emphasis on the documentation of the program's use as a disguise for America's obtaining mercenary forces from the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand. The non-mercenary troop contributions from Australia and New Zealand are likewise examined. The majority of documentary evidence comes from the original sources documents in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library in Austin, Texas.
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Chan, Catherine See. « Alliance en garde : the United States of America and West Germany, 1977-1985 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1300.

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Sohns, Olivia Louise. « Lyndon Baines Johnson and the Arab-Israeli conflict ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283940.

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Lam, Man Ho. « Risky business : difficulties in the American perception of and reaction to Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, 1969-1971 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 1998. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/235.

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Nichter, Luke A. « Richard Nixon and Europe confrontation and cooperation, 1969-1974 / ». Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1213987283.

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Bristow, Alexander. « The 1969 Summit within the Japan-US security treaty system : a two-level approach ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e25b695-def3-4854-a04a-033566034384.

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This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography
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DEMIDOVA, Ksenia. « The formation of US foreign policy towards Euro-Soviet gas trade during the Cold War (1969-1985) ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15399.

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Defence date: 26 November 2010
Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Federico (European University Institute) – Supervisor; Prof. Kiran Patel (European University Institute); Prof. Matthias Schulz (Université de Genève); Prof. Giles Scott-Smith (University of Leiden)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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Livres sur le sujet "United States – Foreign relations – 1969-1985"

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Irogbe, Kema. The roots of United States foreign policy toward apartheid South Africa, 1969-1985. Lewiston : E. Mellen Press, 1997.

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Haass, Richard. The United States and Greece : February 8, 1985. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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Haass, Richard N. The United States and Greece : February 8, 1985. Washington, D.C : U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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Okoth, P. Godfrey. United States of America's foreign policy towards Kenya, 1952-1969. Nairobi, Kenya : Gideon S. Were Press, 1992.

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The United States and Thailand : Alliance dynamics, 1950-1985. Berkeley : Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1986.

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Grantham, Dewey W. Recent America : The United States since 1945. 2e éd. Wheeling, Ill : Harlan Davidson, 1998.

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Recent America : The United States since 1945. Arlington Heights, Ill : H. Davidson, 1987.

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Negotiating cooperation : The United States and China, 1969-1989. Stanford, Calif : Stanford University Press, 1995.

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Stewart, Alva W. United States--Soviet summit meetings, 1967-1985 : A checklist. Monticello, Ill : Vance Bibliographies, 1986.

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Hero, Alfred O. Contemporary Quebec and the United States, 1960-1985. [Cambridge, Mass.] : Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 1988.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "United States – Foreign relations – 1969-1985"

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Trachtenberg, Marc. « The French Factor in U.S. Foreign Policy during the Nixon-Pompidou Period ». Dans The Cold War and After. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691152028.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses relations between France and the United States under the Nixon administration. When Nixon took office as president in early 1969, he and his national security advisor Henry Kissinger wanted to put America's relationship with France on an entirely new footing. Relations between the two countries in the 1960s, and especially from early 1963 on, had been far from ideal. Nixon and Kissinger tried to develop a close relationship with the Pompidou government and in the early Nixon–Pompidou period the two governments were on very good terms. Both governments were also interested in developing a certain relationship in the nuclear area. However, by 1973 relations between the two countries took a sharp turn for the worse. The chapter considers what went wrong and why the attempt to develop a close relationship failed.
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Miles, Simon. « New Departures ». Dans Engaging the Evil Empire, 106–29. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501751691.003.0006.

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This chapter covers Ronald Reagan's first meeting with Mikhail Gorbache in Geneva in November 1985, exploring the internal and external roots of the nascent new thinking in Soviet foreign-policy and its impact on East–West relations. It recounts how superpower relations over a five-year period became messy and contradictory as Moscow and Washington exchanged harsh words and engaged in more dialogue than is commonly thought. It also mentions how the process of ending the Cold War had begun as US policymakers regained confidence in their place in the world and their Soviet counterparts took drastic measures to deal with a deteriorating situation. The chapter refers to policymakers in Washington and Moscow who struggled with the dualities of the Cold War. It describes that the policymakers witnessed a strong and rising United States and a Soviet Union that was on a grim downward trajectory.
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Hurtado-Torres, Sebastián. « Time of Hope, 1964–1967 ». Dans The Gathering Storm, 46–71. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747182.003.0003.

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This chapter examines how, between 1964 and 1969, relations between the U.S. government and the Chilean government were conducted mostly through the channels established by the work of U.S. ambassadors and political officers assigned to Chile. This mode of operation was an underlying condition for the U.S. embassy's deep level of involvement in Chilean politics in the years of the Frei administration. The chapter then looks at the appointment of Ralph Dungan as ambassador to Chile. Dungan adhered, broadly speaking, to the ideas encompassed in modernization theory that served as the intellectual basis for U.S. foreign policy in the Kennedy–Johnson era, so his personal convictions converged nicely with the political project of the Chilean Christian Democratic Party. This ideological affinity made for smooth functioning of the relations between Chile and the United States while Dungan served as ambassador in Santiago even when the positions of both parties were at odds, as in the case of the U.S. intervention in the Dominican Republic in 1965.
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