Articles de revues : « United Nations – European Economic Community countries »

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IGNATOV, AUGUSTIN. « GOVERNANCE EFFICIENCY, ECONOMIC SECURITY AND FEDERALISATION. THE EUROPEAN UNION AT CROSSROADS — IS IT TIME FOR CONSOLIDATION ? » Global Economy Journal 19, n^o 01 (mars 2019) : 1950003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2194565919500039.

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The European Union (EU) has certainly reduced its influence in the global economic affairs. Despite the fact that it unites 28 nations, including the former great powers such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, the political and economic power of the community has considerably decreased starting with the second half of 2000s. The present research is undertaken with the aim of increasing the readers’ awareness regarding the necessity of enforcing the EU economic security through consolidating the authority of the supranational bodies in relation with national representatives. The objectives to be reached in this regard include assessing how much the governance efficiency alternations among the EU member countries influence the efficiency of the single market in a globalised society. It was found that several processes determined the decline of Europe’s strength including raising globalisation and increasing competition, economic weaknesses of the EU which worsened during the crisis, stagnation of the integration process, feeble leadership and lack of resoluteness, especially in the most developed EU nations, declining adherence to “core” values, migration crisis, little political commitment to protecting EU’s citizens’ interests, and countries’ individualism in promoting key initiatives.

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Noiriel, Gérard. « “Civil Rights” Policy in the United States and the Policy of “Integration” in Europe : Divergent Approaches to a Similar Issue ». Journal of Policy History 6, n^o 1 (janvier 1994) : 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003651.

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Comparing European and North American policies with respect to “civil rights” is a difficult exercise for two reasons. First, it is important to emphasize that Europe and the United States are not political entities of a same nature. Granted, the fact that the nations that today comprise Europe are heirs of common history explains in part the similarities in their political behavior and distinguishes them as a group from the “New World.” Yet in the American case, despite the country's federalist structure and the existence of fifty states within the Union, we are dealing with a single nation, endowed with a central government capable of generating policies that are valid throughout the territory. Such is not the case with Europe. As is well known, the European continent is divided into two sharply contrasted spheres. On the one hand, there is the East, thrown into confusion by the devastation of communism and mired in a profound economic crisis. On the other hand, there is the West, comprised of nations that share a level of economic prosperity comparable to that of the United States but which do not form a single political entity. At present, the European Economic Community includes only twelve European states; the remaining countries, such as Switzerland, Sweden, and Austria, have yet to become members. In this essay, the question of “civil rights” will be examined specifically in light of those countries that already belong to the EEC.

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Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n^o 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

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Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, n^o 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

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Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, n^o 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

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Linsenmeyer, William S. « Foreign Nations, International Organizations, and Their Impact on Health Conditions in Nicaragua since 1979 ». International Journal of Health Services 19, n^o 3 (juillet 1989) : 509–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/5fv4-w26a-adgt-kepb.

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In July 1979, a coalition of social forces in Nicaragua, under the leadership of the Sandinistas, toppled the discredited 43-year Somoza dictatorship. In addition to revolutionary Nicaragua's own substantial efforts, since 1979 international forces and developments have had profound impacts on the nation's ambitious social programs. This article investigates the impact of foreign nations and international organizations on Nicaragua's health conditions since 1979. Given or pledged assistance, for health and other social needs, has been forthcoming, for example, from Latin America, Western Europe, socialist countries, the United Nations, the Organization of American States, and the European Economic Community. International forces, however, have also had a negative impact on Nicaragua's health conditions. Since 1981, counter-revolutionary guerilla forces, known as contras, have fought the Nicaraguan government troops in a disastrous conflict, involving substantial international assistance for each side. The United States and several other nations have provided some form of aid to the contras. The war in Nicaragua has resulted in enormous human and material losses, and, of course, has adversely affected health conditions.

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Yengibaryan, R. V. « Mass and uncontrolled immigration as a threat to the civil, legal and civilizational stability in Western European countries and Russia ». Journal of Law and Administration 15, n^o 3 (2 décembre 2019) : 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-3-9.

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Introduction. Following the collapse, or rather self-liquidation, of the Soviet Union-USSR world events began to develop at a kaleidoscopic speed. Europe, Russia and the United States ceased to be central actors in global politics. Huge civilization countries such as China, India and the African continent broke into global politics with ever-increasing power. The united bloc of Islamic countries began to make aggressive claims to the entire world community, and especially to the countries of Christian civilization. And the most important and unexpected thing is that the peoples, nations, communities everywhere began to return to their civilizational, religious and spiritual roots.Materials and methods. Various methods such as comparative law, systemic, logical analysis and other methods were used in writing this article.The results of the study. The attempt to globalize the world by the socio-political criterion “capitalism socialism” failed. The world community, or rather its political, economic and intellectual elite, was given a clear message: ideologies of all kinds communism, fascism, nationalism, socialism eventually undergo transformation, split into sub streams and practically disappear, but the world religions and civilizations remain.Discussion and conclusion. The world globalized spontaneously and naturally, with financial, economic, political and technological dimensions playing the major role. At the same time globalization laid the foundation of new contradictions among countries that enjoy different social, economic levels of development and belong to various civilizations. Moreover, the interests of civilizations living in different time dimensions began to clash, like Islam that lives in 1441 and other countries that have been living in the 21st century for the second decade. The ideology of multiculturalism both in Western Europe and in the USA turned out to be unrealizable in practice, just like the communist ideology that has sunk into oblivion.

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Sultan, Arif. « WTO SUCCESSOR TO GATT ». American Journal of Islam and Society 14, n^o 2 (1 juillet 1997) : 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i2.2248.

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Within a short span of time a number of economic blocs have emergedon the world horizon. In this race, all countriedeveloped, developingand underdeveloped-are included. Members of the North America FreeTrade Agreement (NAITA) and the European Economic Community(EEC) are primarily of the developed countries, while the EconomicCooperation Organization (ECO) and the Association of South EastAsian Nations (ASEAN) are of the developing and underdevelopedAsian countries.The developed countries are scrambling to create hegemonies throughthe General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT). In these circumstances,economic cooperation among Muslim countries should be onthe top of their agenda.Muslim countries today constitute about one-third of the membershipof the United Nations. There are around 56 independentMuslim states with a population of around 800 million coveringabout 20 percent of the land area of the world. Stretchingbetween Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, the Muslim Worldstraddles from North Africa to Indonesia, in two major Islamicblocs, they are concentrated in the heart of Africa to Indonesia,in two major blocs, they are concentrated in the heart of Africaand Asia and a smaller group in South and Southeast Asia.'GATT is a multilateral agreement on tariffs and trade establishing thecode of rules, regulations, and modalities regulating and operating internationaltrade. It also serves as a forum for discussions and negotiations ...

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Morin, Jacques-Yvan. « Droit et souveraineté à l'aube du XXIe siècle ». Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 25 (1988) : 47–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800003143.

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SummaryThe author explores the relationship between the concept of sovereignty and international law. First, he examines this theme in its changing historical context, particularly the subordination of law to sovereignty by Hegel and the nineteenth-century positivists, and the various attempts by Kelsen and others in the twentieth century to assert the primacy of international law. He then examines the stress laid upon sovereignty as a means of obtaining a more just international economic order by states of the Third World. The implications of bilateral and multilateral agreements that grant broad powers to financial and economic international institutions are also examined to determine their impact upon the sovereignty of less developed countries. The author also examines the implications of the extensive practice of treaty-making and the adoption of rules and standards within a range of Specialized Agencies of the United Nations. He also traces the gradual development of the European Economic Community from free trade area to European union as envisaged by the Single European Act, under which the sovereignty of member states is steadily giving way. In the final analysis, the author concludes that sovereignty is a relative concept. It is not sovereignty itself which is impeding the development of a true community of states but rather the many economic, social, political, and psychological conflicts which impede the development of common values uniting the whole international community.

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Klovach, E. V., G. M. Seleznev et A. Yu Sulimov. « Relationship between the Classification of Chemical Products and Criteria for Qualifying Objects as Hazardous Production Facilities ». Occupational Safety in Industry, n^o 10 (octobre 2022) : 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24000/0409-2961-2022-10-27-32.

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In 2002 the international community adopted a new system of hazard classification and labeling of chemical products, which is recommended to be implemented by all the Member- countries of the United Nations through national legislation and international acts. Within the frame of the implementation of this decision, in 2015 the amendments were made to the Directive of the European Community of June 24, 1982, № 82/501/EEC on the prevention of major industrial accidents, and to the United Nations Convention onthe prevention of major industrial accidents, and a little later to the national legislation of the European countries establishing measures on preventing major accidents. In 2017, the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union adopted the technical regulation on the safety of chemical products, which establishes classification criteria that are completely identical to the criteria for the system of hazard classification and labeling of chemical products. Entry into force of the technical regulation of the Eurasian Economic Union will lead to the need for amending all theregulatory legal acts and regulations that contain regulations based on the classification of chemical products, including in the Federal Law № 116-FZ of July 21, 1997, On industrial safety of hazardous production facilities. The task of harmonizing the legislation on industrial safety with the international documents in terms of the classification of chemicals was planned to be solved when developing a new law on industrial safety. During the discussion, the developers encountered different approaches to the definition of classes of hazardous substances, the analysis of which became the subject of this article. The authors formulated proposals that can be used at the next round of harmonization of the Russian legislation on industrial safety with the international documents. When preparing proposals with classes and lists of hazardous chemicals for use in the industrial safety legislation, a comparison was made not only of the definitions of classes of chemicals in different documents, but also of their quantities, which are the criteria for qualifying objects as hazardous production facilities. It is noted that the term «flammable liquids», used in 116-FZ, practically does not occur in the international classifications, therefore, when developing new documents, it was proposed not to use it.

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Mukhtar, Sohaib, Muhammad Fayaz et Malieka Farah Deeba. « Afghan Refugees in Pakistan and Syrian Refugees in European Union : A Comparative Analysis ». Journal of Economics, Trade and Marketing Management 5, n^o 1 (9 janvier 2023) : p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jetmm.v5n1p1.

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Displaced persons are Refugees, cross borders under coercion by force, leave motherland and difficult to return safely to home of parents. Root word is ‘refuge’ from which ‘refugee’ is derived, it means hiding and shelter from danger. Pakistan is not signatory of Refugee Convention 1951 but member of the United Nations (UN). Afghan refugees are living in Pakistan for approximately four decades, the Government of Pakistan provides favorable treatment and atmosphere to Afghan Refugees in Pakistan. Resultantly, Pakistan has been suffering terrorism, political instability, and economic dropdown though after left of Unites States of America (USA) in 2021, many more Afghan Refugees are expected to migrate to Pakistan. International Community is required to work and ensure peace and stability in Afghanistan in order to ensure returning back of Afghan Refugees to their parent’s home safely and work for stability and peace of Afghanistan and the region so that they live there peacefully. According to Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ (UDHR) article 14: everybody has freedom and right to enjoy, seek asylum from persecution in other countries. Asylum right not invoked if (i) genuinely arising prosecutions from non-political crimes, or (ii) acts repugnant to principles and purposes of United Nations, and Convention Relating to Status of Refugee signed in 1951 under United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). There are 145 signatories currently to Refugee Convention 1951 but Pakistan has not yet acceded to Refugee Convention 1951. According to Refugee Convention 1951 preamble: freedom under fundamental rights enjoyed by human beings under Charter of the UN and UDHR without discrimination. The UN has assured efforts to expand freedom under fundamental rights to refugees. Communitarian Critique research methodology is deployed to help understand issues of refugees. Qualitative methodology is used while conducting this research, an analytical and comparative methods to analyze and compare Government of Pakistan’s treatment of Afghan refugees in Pakistan approximately for 4 decades as compare to Syrian Refugees’ treatment by European Union (EU). The largest populated migrants refugee country of the world for 4 decades is Pakistan, approximately 5 million Afghan nationals migrated to Pakistan during Cold War and approximately around 1.3 million still living in Pakistan and they are not willing to go back to Afghanistan specially after withdrawal of USA in 2021. The International Community is required, requested, and suggested to wish, help, and endeavor to build up economies of Afghanistan and Pakistan and try to strengthen stability and peace so that remaining Afghan nationals who are living as refugees in Pakistan can go back to their motherland safely, happily, and live there peacefully.

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Kwak, Dong Hun. « Romania’s National Security through Alliance Diplomacy ». East European and Balkan Institute 46, n^o 3 (31 août 2022) : 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.3.155.

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To understand a phenomenon and to overcome it effectively, we need a lens that can see the phenomenon clearly. The meaning and type of the phenomenon look different depending on which lens we look through, and furthermore, the countermeasures and solution method for it are also different. The same goes for international relations. Alliance diplomacy, one of the various approaches to understanding the behavior of international relations, can be said to be a basic diplomatic means to maintain the balance of power between countries. The key to alliance diplomacy is the balance of power. The true purpose of alliance diplomacy is to secure a balanced power against the hostile country by forming an alliance with other countries when national security cannot be achieved on its own. The military value of Romania is increasing at the European level by the United States trying to strengthen NATO’s current strategic role. Romania is a very important region for the national interest of the United States. It is true that Romania, which is very close to Russia, a hostile hegemon, is also faithfully responding to changes in the security environment through an alliance with the United States. However, the range of mutual understanding between the United States and European countries across the Atlantic Ocean is getting narrower. Between the two powers, Europe, which provides software values such as economy and culture, and the United States, which provides hardware means such as political and military power, the scope of Romania’s movement may be narrowed. Romania is receiving economic support from the EU, a large European economic community, and security guarantees from NATO, led by the United States. Therefore, in the face of the dilemma of cooperation and discord between the two powers, Romania will have to properly adapt to the international system that is transitioning to a multipolar system by maximizing its strategic flexibility.

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Majone, Giandomenico. « Cross-National Sources of Regulatory Policymaking in Europe and the United States ». Journal of Public Policy 11, n^o 1 (janvier 1991) : 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004943.

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ABSTRACTBecause events occur too fast and ideas mature too slowly for responses to be designed anew for each pressing problem, policy innovation often relies on pre-existing models, foreign or domestic. This seems to be especially true for regulatory policymaking, since public regulation is typically introduced in conditions of crisis. In this paper we examine several cases of policy innovation in the area of economic and social regulation where the influence of foreign models is quite clear: the development of competition policy in Europe in the 1950s, the growth of European Community regulation, and the impact of the American deregulation movement on the telecommunications policies of different European countries. The analysis shows that while utilization of preexisting models is a common feature of policy innovation, such models are not literally translated into current policy. More or less extensive adaptations to a particular political, institutional and economic context are usually required. We also identify two distinct ways – push or pull – in which foreign models can affect domestic policy.

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Afriyie, Frederick Appiah, et Jisong Jian. « An Investigation of Economic Sanctions and Its Implications for Africa ». Journal of Politics and Law 11, n^o 3 (30 août 2018) : 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n3p74.

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Economic sanctions are not only applied to countries in Africa by the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) but also by the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as well. The African continent is considered to be the most affected in terms of the influences of more economic sanctions from the UN, EU, and the U.S than any other continent across the globe and these sanctions normally comes into force as a result of conflicts, civil wars and also unconstitutional overthrow of a constitutionally elected government. Also these sanctions come to serve as a punishment and a deterrent to those who deviate from or go against internationally agreed laws.Undeniably, in recent years economic sanctions have become more effective and an efficient known foreign policy tool used as the number one alternative to halt wars or military takeovers.Despite economic sanctions being widely accepted by the international community as the most effective panacea and also a preferred choice, when it is imposed on a state, it has serious repercussions on the innocent citizens while the initiators or the main officials in various positions for whom these sanctions were intended for are always left off the hook.This paper therefore investigates the merits and the demerits that are associated with economic sanctions both within some countries on the African continent and the non-African continent. In addition, we will elaborate on the implications of such sanctions relative to the Africa Continent. The paper is divided into four sections. The first section of this paper elaborates on the introduction, the importance of economic sanctions and the types of sanctions. The second section deals with the definition of economic sanction, explains the sanction process at EU, AU, UN and the US and the final part looks at both the positive and negative effects of economic sanctions.

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Dolzhenkova, E., et A. Yu Mokhorova. « Realization of the Interests of “Small States” in the European Union ». Administrative Consulting, n^o 9 (10 novembre 2022) : 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-9-29-39.

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Over the past few years, there have been certain shifts in favor of the national agenda in the European Union. Similar divergences from the main goal of the EU are observed in the UK and Poland. The COVID-19 pandemic also revealed the mismatch between the interests of a united Europe and the national preferences of the participating countries. The purpose of the article is to determine the possibility / impossibility of realizing the national interests of “small states” — EU members in the formation and implementation of a single community policy. To achieve the goal, it is necessary to establish the existence of different interests of states within the EU, the possibility of the participating countries to influence the development of the policy of the Union as a whole, the role of “small states” in the process under consideration. Applying a regional approach and narrowing the study to a single country (the Republic of Latvia), as well as applying methods of analysis and comparison, the nature of the relationship between the policies of the European Union and individual countries is revealed. The experience of the Republic of Latvia has shown that the state, which is most dependent on the economy and the general policy of the union, builds its own relations with the EU, relying mainly on the interests of “donor countries”. This dynamics is also manifested in international commercial relations, influencing the state of some sectors of the economy, as well as the economic situation of individual cities. Despite some negative points, mainly related to the economic indicators of individual industries, the participating countries do not deviate from the policy of European integration. Civil society, for the most part, also chooses the opportunities provided by the European Union. The challenges that the European community faced over time are being resolved. The Government of the European Union speaks openly about the existing problems, which are also related to the solution of common problems, and tries to solve them in a timely manner and by common efforts.

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Varady, David, Reinout Kleinhans et Maarten van Ham. « The potential of community entrepreneurship for neighbourhood revitalization in the United Kingdom and the United States ». Journal of Enterprising Communities : People and Places in the Global Economy 9, n^o 3 (10 août 2015) : 253–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jec-01-2015-0009.

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Purpose – The aim of this paper is to assess the current potential of community entrepreneurship in neighbourhood revitalisation in the US and the UK. The global economic crisis has had a major impact on government spending for urban regeneration. In the context of these austerity regimes, in many European countries, community entrepreneurship and active citizenship are increasingly considered as a means to continue small-scale urban revitalisation. This paper investigates recent literature on both British community enterprises (CEs) and American community development corporations (CDCs). Design/methodology/approach – Starting from a seminal article, this paper reviews literature focusing on the role of CEs and CDCs in neighbourhood revitalisation. Differences and similarities are analysed, taking into account national context differences. Findings – While CDCs have a relatively successful record in affordable housing production in distressed areas, CDCs are fundamentally limited in terms of reversing processes of community decline. CEs in the UK have focused on non-housing issues. Research limitations/implications – This paper asks the question what CEs can learn from CDCs in terms of scope, aims, strategies, accountability, assets and partnerships with public and private actors. However, a systematic literature review has not been conducted. Originality/value – This comparison reveals not only similarities but also differences with regard to aims, organisational characteristics, cooperation on multiple scales and community participation. Apart from lessons that can be learned, this paper provides recommendations for further research that should cover the lack of empirical evidence in this field.

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Djukanovic, Dragan. « The Western Balkans : The fate of an European periphery ». Medjunarodni problemi 67, n^o 4 (2015) : 349–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1504349d.

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The paper analyzes what is the current position of the Western Balkans in the context of contemporary European trends and events. The author considers the European and Euro-Atlantic integration a certain attempt to ?relocate? the whole region of the Western Balkans from an obvious periphery to a semi-periphery position. The focus of analysis is on numerous problems such as continued revitalization of the local ethno-nationalisms, structural economic crisis, the presence of high levels of organized crime and corruption. The author points out that, so far, numerous attempts of the most influential members of the international community primarily the United States and the European Union have failed to promote the improvement of the relations between new-formed countries and to establish a sort of regional identity. The author argues that the creation of the antagonistic identities of the states and nations of the Western Balkans during the breakup of the former Yugoslav federation was the main obstacle to the creation of the common identity. The author concludes that, in view of the new growing trends of ethnic nationalisms and certain forms of extremism and radicalism, the ?relocation? of the Western Balkans from European periphery to the semi-periphery will not be short-term or easy, as evidenced by numerous internal problems and problems in bilateral relations.

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Cooke, Martin. « Policy Changes and the Labour Force Participation of Older Workers : Evidence from Six Countries ». Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 25, n^o 4 (2006) : 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cja.2007.0015.

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ABSTRACTIn response to the anticipated pressures of population aging, national governments and supranational bodies such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the European Union (EU) have promoted policies to encourage the labour force participation of older workers. The recent elimination of mandatory retirement in Ontario is an example of such a policy, and others include changes to national pension systems and changes to disability and employment insurance programs, active labour-market policies, and the promotion of phased or gradual retirement. This paper reviews the different policy approaches taken in the six countries included in the Workforce Aging in the New Economy (WANE) project, placing Canadian policy approaches in relation to those taken in Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States. From the life course perspective, the policy approaches discussed here do not consider the heterogeneity of older workers' life courses or the related domains of health and family. As well, the changes made thus far do not appear likely to lead to increased labour force participation by older workers, and some may leave older workers at greater risk of low income and low-wage work.

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Savchuk, Sergiy. « Special aspects of legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts of some European countries ». Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, n^o 2 (10 août 2020) : 286–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.54.

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The article is devoted to the study of foreign experience in legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. Fixed-termemployment contracts should be considered as one of the earliest and, accordingly, the oldest forms of non-standard employment. Tur -ning to the concept of the application of fixed-term employment contracts in Ukraine in the near future, it seems appropriate to consider the possibility of their further development through the prism of studying European experience. Indeed, in many European countriesthe fixed-term contracts are quite common and therefore analysis of both positive and negative examples of their legal regulation willbe useful for the future development of labour legislation in Ukraine.The article features an analysis of the relevant legislation of the United Kingdom, Estonia, Italy, Poland and France. It is concludedthat the membership of these states in the European Union has had a significant impact on the evolution of national labour le -gislation. This also applies to the United Kingdom, which had been part of this economic and political union for a long time.The transposition of EU legislation into national law by these countries predetermines the existence of common features betweenthem in the legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. This common features include: clear time limits of the employmentcontract, maximum allowable number of renewals enshrined in law, compliance with the principle of non-discrimination, etc.In turn, the implementation of fixed-term employment relationships in each country differs in its uniqueness, which is due to thedomestic tradition of their implementation. For example, in the United Kingdom, the dismissal of an employee due to the expiration ofthe employment contract is considered through the lens of fairness of the employer’s actions, while in Italy the number of fixed-termemployment contracts with a particular employer cannot exceed 30 %.The above circumstances should be taken into account by Ukraine when reforming labour legislation. Indeed, the need to implementCouncil Directive 1999/70/EC is clearly provided for in clauses 1139 and 1140 of the Action Plan for the implementation of theAssociation Agreement between Ukraine, on the one hand, and the European Union, the European Atomic Energy Community and theirmember states, on the other hand, approved by Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1106, of 25.10.2017.

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Hasanaj, Shkelzen. « Europeanization through Migration Policies : Legislative Comparison between Civil Law Systems and Common Law Systems ». Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 7, n^o 2 (1 juillet 2018) : 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0049.

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Abstract Within the European Union there are several states that have implemented laws, often following different paradigms, to cope not only with the increase in migratory flows, but also to foster the integration and participation of the migrants themselves in socio-political and economic life. In recent decades, immigration into Europe has become a matter of primary and strategic importance for the definition of both internal policies and the external relations of the Union. The progressive settlement of substantial national and ethnic groups poses important economic, social and cultural challenges, to which the policies implemented have so far only partially responded. Guiding concepts like integration, assimilation and respect for diversity still struggle to find an adequate realization in the reception policies of the European states. In this regard, a real revolution in this area was the realization of the “common basic principles” of 2004, which made member states become aware of the respect for fundamental rights, non-discrimination and equal opportunities for all (Niessen,. Schibel, 2007), and it later became a mere “Common agenda for Integration”. In this context, we can recall the decision of the Council and of the European Parliament n.1983 / 2006 which proclaimed 2008 as the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. With this research, we intend to analyze the regulations concerning the migration of European governments and how they have changed over time, paying particular attention to the activation of inclusion strategies in some European Union countries; at the same time, we intend to find a strategy for a possible cooperation in the management of migratory processes. The integration regulations launched in Italy, Germany, France and the United Kingdom will be examined from the 1940s to 2015 and a comparative study will be conducted between the Community policies and the policies of four countries chosen to highlight common features and divergences.

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Khitov, Мitko. « Some aspects of economic interaction between developing and developed countries within the framework of the EU on the example of Bulgaria ». University Economic Bulletin, n^o 45 (27 mai 2020) : 158–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2020-45-158-162.

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This article discusses the issues of economic interaction between countries with different levels of division of labor, for example Bulgaria, and objective opportunities for each of them to find their place in the economic systems of such supranational entities as the European Union. Historical parallels are drawn in the development of theories at different stages of the movement of economic thought in relation to systems of division of labor, starting from the physiocrats of the Middle Ages, through Adam Smith to the modern vision of the situation. The experience of Bulgaria in building its own national economy in the period after the Liberation from Ottoman rule to the present day is analyzed. A comparative analysis of the achievements of our state, as a member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, against the development of neighboring countries, which, however, fell into an alternative system of division of labor. The processes that took place as part of the confrontation of two antagonistic technological zones during the Cold War are described, including some aspects of the dynamics of relations within the world socialist community, which at different periods had a different structure, own achievements and failures, missed opportunities and, ultimately - a capitulation from an order of magnitude larger economic system under the auspices of the United States of America. The author seeks Bulgaria’s place in the current EU integration processes, from the point of view of the objective regional differentiation of this peripheral Balkan state. Conclusions are drawn on the results of the interaction of countries with different levels of division of labor - developing states from Eastern Europe, and developed ones - the founding states of the Union, which form the core of this supranational association. The relevant recommendations are made on the implementation of strategic policies in the economy, education and social sphere for countries that aspire to enter the European Union or are already members as developing economies.

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Castles, Stephen. « Migration and Community Formation under Conditions of Globalization ». International Migration Review 36, n^o 4 (décembre 2002) : 1143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00121.x.

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This article sets out to rethink the dynamics of the migratory process under conditions of globalization. Two main models of migration and incorporation dominated academic and policy approaches in the late twentieth century: first, the settler model, according to which immigrants gradually integrated into economic and social relations, re-united or formed families and eventually became assimilated into the host society (sometimes over two or three generations); second, the temporary migration model, according to which migrant workers stayed in the host country for a limited period, and maintained their affiliation with their country of origin. Globalization, defined as a proliferation of cross-border flows and transnational networks, has changed the context for migration. New technologies of communication and transport allow frequent and multi-directional flows of people, ideas and cultural symbols. The erosion of nation-state sovereignty and autonomy weakens systems of border-control and migrant assimilation. The result is the transformation of the material and cultural practices associated with migration and community formation, and the blurring of boundaries between different categories of migrants. These trends will be illustrated through case-studies of a number of Asian and European immigration countries. It is important to re-think our understanding of the migratory process, to understand new forms of mobility and incorporation, particularly the emergence of transnational communities, multiple identities and multi-layered citizenship.

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Lazanyuk, Inna V., et David Mambu Diu. « Angola’s economy under sanctions : problems and solutions ». R-Economy 8, n^o 3 (2022) : 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/recon.2022.8.3.017.

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Relevance. Africa is the continent most targeted by sanctions. African states were made subject to sanctions by the United Nations and various regional organizations such as the African Union, Economic Community of West African States, and the European Union. There is, however, still a lack of understanding of these sanctions’ intended and unintended effects in the African context, which is the research gap this study seeks to address. Research objective. This paper analyzes the role and mechanisms of the sanctions imposed by Western countries (especially the USA) against Angola and other African states to achieve certain geopolitical goals. Data and methods. This study relies on the comprehensive and recently updated dataset of the Global Sanctions Data Base (GSDB). The GSDB lists over 1,101 sanction cases by country and international organization. Sanctions are classified according to the three parameters: their type, objective and degree of success. The methodological framework of this study comprises the historical-logical, statistical, comparative, and analytical methods. Results. We analyzed the dynamic of the macro-economic indicators targeted by the sanctions against Angola and its political elite in 1995-2021 and found that the effects of these sanctions were not very profound. The UN sanctions, however, had a statistically and economically significant effect on the country's economic growth as they led to a considerable exports shrinkage and decline in GDP. The latter effect was possible because Angola's economy is heavily reliant on oil exports. As the imports curbed, since 1995 Angola’s trade structure has undergone some significant changes: the share of the imports from China grew by 12% between 1995 and 2019 while the share of France decreased by 8.2%, Portugal, by 9.6%, and the USA, by 10.8% Conclusions. Analysis of the GSDB data has led us to the following conclusions: first, sanctions are becoming an increasingly popular tool of international relations; second, European countries are the most frequent users of sanctions and African countries are their most frequent targets; third, sanctions are becoming increasingly diverse; and, finally, the share of trade sanctions is decreasing while the share of financial and travel sanctions is growing. At the current stage, the effect of the sanctions is weak in comparison with the declared goals although they have a negative impact on the living standards in the target countries.

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Gurtner-Zimmermann, A. « Abnehmende Kooperation in der Umweltpolitik trotz zunehmender wirtschaftlicher Integration : das kanadisch-amerikanische Verhältnis im Umweltbereich ». Geographica Helvetica 47, n^o 3 (30 septembre 1992) : 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-47-112-1992.

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Abstract. Over the last decades, Canada and Switzerland, countries with "small" economies, when compared with their neighbours, have experienced increasing economic Integration with their main trading partners, the United States and the European Community (EC) respectively. Using a political-economic approach, this article analyzes the effects of growmg Integration for management of transboundary, environmental problems in North America. As well, in view of the Canadian experience, possible implications for Switzerland in its future relationship to the EC are addressed. In the past the Canadian-American debate over transboundary environmental problems has centered around questions of territory. Despite increasing economic Integration, the dominant reaction to ecological interdependence has been reliance on national policies. In accordance with the American, economic leadership in the continental System, the kind of political response to transboundary, environmental Problems is mainly dictated by the importance of the problem in the United States. The Great Lakes are an area of mutual concern and, therefore, an example for limited, environmental Cooperation and the adoption of an environmental advanced Position. In the U. S., the political response to acid rain was reactive and delayed, since only certain regions were concerned. Despite Canadian domestic and international efforts during the 1980s, until recently no significant progress has been made in developing effective measures to abate air emissions. The conclusion of the Canada-U. S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1988 did not change the very nature of the mutual environmental relationship. However, in the corollary to the FTA serious threats to the environment can be identified. Liberalized trade and restrained State Intervention foster the accelerated exploitation of Canada's natural resources and further the harmonization of environmental Standards between the two countries. In view ofthe Canadian experience, the article concludes that for Switzerland an economic agreement with the EC without parallel environmental commitments could have significant, negative consequences.

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Malle, Silvana. « Russia and China in the 21st century. Moving towards cooperative behaviour ». Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, n^o 2 (juillet 2017) : 136–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2017.02.003.

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Political and economic rapprochement is taking place between Russia and China in a number of fields: energy, arms production, trade in national currencies and strategic projects in transport and supporting infrastructure. This development, fostered by Western policies and actions, including sanctions related to Ukraine, appears to be strengthening despite reservations related to uneasy precedents, contrasting visions and uncertain economic projections. Chinese policies aiming at European markets via the revival of the Silk Road assist this development. The One Belt-One Road is projected as an alternative, or supplement, to the maritime routes made unsafe by contiguous countries’ unrest, criminality and the assertive control of the seas by the United States. While Russia, promoting friendly investment structures, moves eastwards to develop the Russian Far East bordering China, the latter expands westwards engaging in laborious negotiations with Central Asian countries and costly investments in infrastructure and logistics. In each area, the article maintains that both countries, despite economic and political competition and fear of losing control, have interest in cooperation and discusses the areas where this is taking place, albeit slowly and with difficulty. Whether economic cooperation can develop into a strategic alliance including defence is discussed in the light of joint military exercises, arms trade and plans to broaden the scope of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (of which India and Pakistan have recently become members), and the Common ASEAN Community. This path is difficult and marred by members’ conflicting interests. But some positive outcomes should not be ruled out.

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Siryk, Zenoviy. « Reforming of administrative and territorial structure of Ukraine in the context of European experience ». Regional Economy, n^o 4(94) (2019) : 152–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36818/1562-0905-2019-4-15.

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Ukraine has been facing the problem of reforming of administrative and territorial structure (ATS) since it became independent, yet it has gained a special relevance after two consequent economic crises and in the period of after-crisis restoration of national economy accompanied by the search for efficient ways to accelerate reviving processes in the country’s economic system. The following reasons have also impacted the acceleration of ATS reforming in the country lately: boosted integration into single European economic space; fierce political-economic discussion about the impossibility of the country’s federalization; search for the ways to reduce the gap in socio-economic development of Ukrainian regions and their components. European experience of regional development is gaining increasing importance in this context, as it should become the leading driver of current restoration and further growth of Ukrainian economy. The paper aims to develop the ways to improve the efficiency of administrative and territorial structure reform in Ukraine based on assessment of the reform results in the country, identification of problems and implementation of foreign experience in their solution. The paper shows the processes of administrative and territorial structure reform in Ukraine and reveals its achievements and problems. Conducting of administrative and territorial structure reform is assessed. Main achievements of administrative and territorial structure reform in the country are characterized. The dynamics of average number of territorial communities that have united into one consolidated territorial community in 2015-2018 is shown. The importance of conducting the reform in the context of the country’s integration with the European Union is emphasized and experience of EU Member States in terms of administrative and territorial structure reforming is examined with the focus on the post-socialistic type of countries. The ways to improve administrative and territorial structure reform in Ukraine and to solve its problems based on implementation of foreign experience are suggested.

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Zhang, X. « The Coronavirus Will Not Change the long-Term Upward Trend of China’s Economic Development ». Finance : Theory and Practice 24, n^o 5 (24 octobre 2020) : 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2020-24-5-15-23.

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The author investigates the impact of COVID‑19 and macro-policy adjustment on China’s economic development. The aim is to describe the situation and trend of China’s economic development before and after COVID‑19. The research method is the comparative data analysis. The study shows that in response to COVID‑19, the Chinese government, on the one hand, has accelerated its opening-up, taken the opportunity of fighting against the pandemic to provide medical assistance to and cooperate with other countries, and actively promoted the building of a community with a shared future for mankind and the process of globalization. On the basis of the Belt and Road Initiative and multilateral, regional, and subregional cooperation mechanisms such as the United Nations, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), G20 (Group of 20), and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), China and the Eurasian Economic Union began to cooperate more frequently and the trade relations between Japan, South Korea, and European developed countries became closer. Meanwhile, committed to building a global interconnection partnership, China actively participates in global economic governance and provides various public products. The Chinese government has proposed “Six Guarantees” on the basis of “Six Stability”. In order to achieve the purpose of stabilizing foreign trade and expanding imports, China has imposed various measures to accelerate the liberalization and facilitation of international trade and investment, such as implementing the new version of the “Foreign Investment Law”, establishing free trade zones, and promoting its experience and organizing international import expositions. Additionally, the Chinese government also implemented targeted fiscal and monetary policies, increased support for enterprises, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, and promoted the construction of “new infrastructure” and innovation of business model, which have formed the driving forces for the transformation of the economic development model in China from traditional business to cloud business, from traditional marketing to live streaming marketing, from traditional sales to online sales. The author concluded thatChina’s adjustment of macro policies in response to COVID‑19 was effective and played an important role in the resumption of production and life, stabilizing foreign trade activities, releasing domestic demand and promoting stable and sustained growth of the economy

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Kovtun, О. V. « DEVELOPMENT OF FAMILY FARMING PRODUCTION AS THE GUARANTY OF STABLE FOOD SECURITY : REVIEW OF THE SITUATION IN UKRAINE AND SOME COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD ». Animal Breeding and Genetics 56 (4 décembre 2018) : 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31073/abg.56.19.

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In this study we introduce a comparative analysis of the current situation in the sector of small yield agriculture in Ukraine and some countries belonging to the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, such as Portugal, Brazil, and Cape Verde, in the context of the international policies for the Strategy of Nutritional and Food Security (Estratégia de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional). We used materials from the United Nations on Food Security, secondary sources from Ukrainian, Portuguese, Brazilian, and Cape Verdean researchers on the characteristics of the sector, as well as, the results from personal experience and research during the stay in those countries. Portugal and Ukraine are both European countries, Portugal is a member European Union and Ukraine is on its way to joining. Portugal, Brazil and Cape Verde are characterized by their common history, dating back to the days of colonialism, and belong to The Community of Countries of Portuguese Language. All these countries are located in different economic-geographical zones and because of their levels of development they belong to different worlds in economy. It is noticeable, in any of them, that small rural agricultural businesses have an important role in ensuring sustainable food security. Also shared by all three is the fact that small agricultural producers suffer from being invisible to public policy, in comparison with larger industrial agriculture, taking into account the different factors from each country in particular. As such, one of the main goals of the present study is to reflect on the importance of small agriculture, or family agriculture, on providing for society and ensuring nutritional and food security in those countries. According to Ukrainian researchers, the per capita consumption of food products has significantly decreased over the past two decades, which is reflected in a steady decrease in the amount of milk and meat in the daily consumption of dietary products. This is a very important factor for the food safety of the entire population and, above all, the preservation of the health of the most vulnerable groups, including children. The Community of Countries of Portuguese Language (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, CPLP), to which Brazil, Cape Verde and Portugal belong to, has approximately 250 million of inhabitants. It is predicted that that number will increase up to 323 million in 2050. Today, in absolute terms, and considering the CPLP as a whole, around 28 million people are malnourished. In general, from all the countries in the CPLP, Portugal is the only country free from problems having to do with food security, but the level of dependence from imports has risen in the last decade, especially of cereals (from 55.6% to 82.8%). Brazil reduced the prevalence of malnutrition to less than half, in comparison with the levels from 1990 and the dependence on imports of cereals in this country remains the lowest compared to other countries and stands at 14.2%. Cape Verde maintains a high level of dependence on imports of food products, including cereals (94.3%). It turns out that in all the countries studied it is common ground that, despite their importance for sustainable food security, small family farms do not receive the necessary support from the state authorities for their technical and technological progress, in order to produce and sell on equal conditions with large enterprises its products in competitive markets. The lack of competitiveness from national food products, which is also seen in all countries, is one of the first factors that cause the objective necessity of an innovative transformation of the field of small agricultural production.

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Білявець, Сергій. « PECULIARITIES OF POLICE PROFESSIONAL TRAINING IN THE EUROPEAN UNION (END OF THE XX - BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY ». Збірник наукових праць Національної академії Державної прикордонної служби України. Серія : педагогічні науки 24, n^o 1 (26 avril 2021) : 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32453/pedzbirnyk.v24i1.627.

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The article presents the results of the analysis of regulatory and scientific sources, which reveal the features of police training for EU countries at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries. It was found that the integration of European states in the second half of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century contributed to the fact that the system of police training was changing in accordance with the changes in the political and socio-economic situation in individual EU countries and in the Community as a whole. The police training system itself is part of the integration processes within the framework of the integration of the EU law enforcement and police systems. Features such as the practical orientation of training, its continuous nature, and its close relationship to practice are characteristic of all police training institutions in EU countries. At the same time, EU countries are ambivalent about the innovations proposed by the 1999 Bologna Convention. States with established educational systems (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) are more conservative and less inclined to abandon their own educational standards, unlike Eastern European states that pursue radical reform policies, including reforms in police training. In police education programs, a significant number of hours are devoted to the development of skills and abilities to work with scientific and technological means, which are extremely widely used in police work in foreign countries. It was also found that police officers are thoroughly and comprehensively prepared for close interaction of national services, both through Interpol and directly with each other. At conferences, symposiums, seminars, exchanges of experience and delegations, increased attention is certainly given to police training.

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Deaton, Angus, et Bettina Aten. « Trying to Understand the PPPs in ICP 2011 : Why Are the Results So Different ? » American Economic Journal : Macroeconomics 9, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2017) : 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.20150153.

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Purchasing power parity exchange rates, or PPPs, are price indexes that summarize prices in each country relative to a numeraire country, typically the United States. These numbers are used to compare living standards across countries, by academics in studies of economic growth, particularly through the Penn World Table, by the World Bank to construct measures of global poverty, by the European Union to redistribute resources, and by the international development community to draw attention to discrepancies between rich and poor countries. The International Comparison Program (ICP) collects the detailed prices on which these indexes are based on an irregular basis. In 2014, the ICP published PPPs from the 2011 round that are sharply different from those that were expected from extrapolation of the previous round, ICP 2005. These discrepancies will eventually have important implications for the Penn World Table, and for international comparisons of living standards given that the PPPs are used to convert countries’ national accounts—GDP and consumption, for example—from local currency to common currency units (international dollars.) The world according to ICP 2011 looks markedly more equal than the world according to ICP 2005. This paper investigates why this happened. We identify a likely source of the problem in the way that the regions of the ICP were linked in 2005. We use two different methods for measuring the size of the effect. Both suggest that the 2005 PPPs for consumption for countries in Asia (excluding Japan), Western Asia, and Africa were overstated relative to the United States by between 18 to 26 percent. Per capita consumption in international dollars of these countries was therefore too low in 2005 and more likely to be accurately estimated in 2011. (JEL E31, F31, I31, I32, O11, O19)

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Han, Feng, Zhangcong Feng, Chao Wang, Nujie Yang, Dong Yang et Feng Shi. « Interweaving Industrial Ecology and Ecological Modernization : A Comparative Bibliometric Analysis ». Sustainability 13, n^o 17 (27 août 2021) : 9673. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13179673.

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Although industrial activity has brought about rapid economic growth, it also faces the dual challenges of resource constraints and environmental pressure. Industrial ecology (IE) and ecological modernization (EM) are two theories regarding the conceptualization and implementation of sustainable development that emerged from the natural and social sciences, respectively. Over the past three decades, scholars have conducted copious amounts of theoretical and applied research on IE and EM, but comparative studies from an interdisciplinary perspective on the relationship between the two remain relatively rare. On the basis of a bibliometric analysis, this study offers a comprehensive examination of the background, theoretical connotations, and main content of IE and EM, also exploring the role of both theoretical perspectives in the promotion of sustainable industrial development. The findings are fourfold: (1) the research on IE and EM has been increasing year by year, particularly in the past decade; (2) the research is mostly concentrated in developed countries such as the United States and European Union member nations, and contributions from China have increased significantly in recent years; (3) IE has a broader research community than EM and has evolved clearer and more specific research contents and methods; and (4) IE, which analyzes the problems of specific industrial systems, and EM, which constitutes a higher-level institutional policy design, exhibit a trend of cross-fertilization. This study provides a reference for building a more systematic and comprehensive theoretical system of ecological transformation and discusses the future research directions in this field.

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Vlasova, Inna. « UNIVERSITY AUTONOMY : ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS ». Pedagogical Process : Theory and Practice, n^o 1-2 (2019) : 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2078-1687.2019.1-2.100105.

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The article is devoted to the identification of the higher education development trends on the basis of the key analytical documents analysis of the following international organizations in higher education: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (ОЕCD), World Bank, European University Association. UNESCO documents are focused on the autonomy of higher education institutions and academic freedom. Autonomy means that degree of self-governance necessary for effective decision making by institutions of higher education regarding their academic work, standards, management and related activities consistent with systems of public accountability, especially in respect of funding provided by the state, and respect for academic freedom and human rights. However, the nature of institutional autonomy may differ according to the type of establishment involved. Autonomy is the institutional form of academic freedom and a necessary precondition to guarantee the proper fulfilment of the functions entrusted to higher-education teaching personnel and institutions. The World Bank Analytical reports are emphasized on the financial autonomy as an integral part of the higher education financing system. The OECD reports are devoted to the university autonomy in the context of financing, quality assessment and management of higher education institutions. The tendencies of the development of higher education systems in Europe are defined. They are increasing of the role of higher education in ensuring the competitiveness of countries in the world economic community; increasing of the universities competition in market economy and controlling over the public financial resources effective using; increasing demands for higher education quality; decentralization of higher education institutions management; development of the institutional autonomy and academic freedom; the interconnection of institutional autonomy, accountability and responsibility for the quality of higher education; the educational paradigm changing in terms of learning and teaching recognition as key institutional priorities.

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BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV et Igor KHANIN. « The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development ? » Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, n^o 8 (23 octobre 2020) : 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.08.007.

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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession, the collapse of national economies and international trade, lack of financial resources for active government support of the health care systems, social protection, small and medium-sized businesses. Political, economic, managerial and academic circles are actively discussing the problems of the “end” of globalization, de-globalization, “new” globalization, the need for a “new world order”, which will actually embody the fundamental values of democracy, economic freedom, free trade and, at the same time, will strengthen social responsibility of the world community and its international institutions, the main geopolitical, geo-economic and military centers of power (primarily the United States, China, the European Union, Russia, etc.) for the preservation of peace on the basis of consensus, recognition of global priorities in countering climatic and epidemic threats to human life on Earth , consistent implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals to eradicate poverty in all its forms and manifestations, combat inequality within and between countries, ensure continuous, inclusive and sustainable economic growth and promote social inclusion. The article drew attention to the strengthening of the trends of protectionism and economic nationalism, in particular, the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement and attempts to revise the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The article shows the loss of the US leadership in world trade due to the accelerated economic development of other countries, primarily the Asian region. The discussion of these problems at the Davos Economic Forum led to the conclusion about the likely end of Atlanticism and globalization. At the same time, the UN report (2018) highlighted a special section on trade hyperglobalization. The article hypothesizes that the Bali Round (2013) of negotiations on trade began the fourth wave of its globalization, and proposes a new theory of international trade – the theory of globalization impact.

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BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV et Igor KHANIN. « The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development ? (part 2) ». Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, n^o 10 (24 décembre 2020) : 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.10.007.

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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession, the collapse of national economies and international trade, lack of financial resources for active government support of the health care systems, social protection, small and medium-sized businesses. Political, economic, managerial and academic circles are actively discussing the problems of the “end” of globalization, de-globalization, “new” globalization, the need for a “new world order”, which will actually embody the fundamental values ??of democracy, economic freedom, free trade and, at the same time, will strengthen social responsibility of the world community and its international institutions, the main geopolitical, geo-economic and military centers of power (primarily the United States, China, the European Union, Russia, etc.) for the preservation of peace on the basis of consensus, recognition of global priorities in countering climatic and epidemic threats to human life on Earth , consistent implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals to eradicate poverty in all its forms and manifestations, combat inequality within and between countries, ensure continuous, inclusive and sustainable economic growth and promote social inclusion. The article drew attention to the strengthening of the trends of protectionism and economic nationalism, in particular, the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement and attempts to revise the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The article shows the loss of the US leadership in world trade due to the accelerated economic development of other countries, primarily the Asian region. The discussion of these problems at the Davos Economic Forum led to the conclusion about the likely end of Atlanticism and globalization. At the same time, the UN report (2018) highlighted a special section on trade hyperglobalization. The article hypothesizes that the Bali Round (2013) of negotiations on trade began the fourth wave of its globalization, and proposes a new theory of international trade – the theory of globalization impact.

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BROZIC, LILIANA. « INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMUNITY AT THE CROSSROADS ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/2 (30 juin 2016) : 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.2.00.

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For some time already, the international security community has been at a crossroads and looking for new right directions. The established operational guidelines have changed, and in some areas, it seems that they simply no longer exist. There are many factors which have had an effect on the relatively high level of security we have witnessed in the last few years. The financial crisis, which started to show its teeth in 2008 and 2009, has seriously changed the European armed forces, their structure, organization and development. Many comforted themselves that this does not constitute a significant problem, since we are relatively safe. Public opinion surveys in Slovenia revealed that most of all, people feel threatened by natural disasters and socio-economic situation. However, gradually but relatively quickly, everything has changed. In the spring of 2014, Crimea held a referendum on its annexation to the Russian Federation. The rattling of weapons began, provoking different reactions in the international community and resulting in altered relations between NATO and Russia. These changes were also discussed at the July NATO Summit in Warsaw. Two years earlier, in 2012, the media increasingly reported on the soaring migration problems in the Mediterranean Sea and difficulties suffered by Italy due to those phenomena. By the end of last year, migrations from the Southeast reached unimaginable proportions and gave a profound shock to the foundations of the European Union. Some terrorist attacks in European cities, which were said to be organized and carried out by migrants, had a significant impact on the altered understanding of the new (in)security. Some experts adopted a scientific approach to the new understanding of safety. The Defence Research Centre of the Faculty of Social Sciences, for example, published the results of a survey on the opinions of the Slovenian public regarding safety, which was carried out in 2015/2016. Among other things, the findings show that the recent migrant crisis has affected the Slovenian public, which perceives mass migrations as well as illegal and economic migrants as an important reason of concern. The authors of the survey observed a marked increase in the acceptance of the idea that in the protection of borders from illegal crossings, the Police are assisted by the Slovenian Armed Forces. A significantly high number of people also agreed with the idea that the armed forces should help in the fight against terrorism which, before the occurrence of mass migrations, was unthinkable. According to the authors of the survey, in the last three years, the support of the Slovenian public to the participation of Slovenia in international operations and missions has also grown by more than 20 percent. In addition, the proportion of the public which supports proposals to increase the defence budget has gone up. But will it actually increase, and how soon? We are still waiting for the new European defence strategy. We are anticipating new solutions, agreements between the decision-makers, etc. In the meantime, different authors went through various experiences. Some of them have decided to share them with our readers. In his article Fourth Generation Warfare: Geopolitical Framework to Slovenian Security (Part 1),Viktor Potočnik explores the issue of how geopolitics impacts the global security situation, what are the contemporary security risks and how they can affect Slovenia. In ensuring national security, the Slovenian Armed Forces play an important role. Consequently, Potočnik raises the question of whether they have a sufficient level of readiness to withstand potential risks, and presents the facts which he believes can have a key influence on the Slovenian national security. Cyber threats represent one of the most modern forms of security threats. In the previous issue of the Contemporary Military Challenges, Vinko Vegič provided the definition of cyber threats. This issue continues this theme with the article NATO and Cyber Deterrence, written by Staša Novak. According to her, NATO is de facto already pursuing certain elements of cyber deterrence based on strong defence, declaratory policy and responsive measures. However, responsive measures are not NATO offensive cyber capabilities, but the possibility of a collective defence response to a cyber attack, which implies a response with all available means. The increased number of migrants on their way to a better future has surprised many people in the Balkans, although numerous institutions and individuals had warned of this possibility before. Some experiences and responses of Slovenia’s neighbour, Hungary, are presented in an article by József Padányi and László Földi, titled Lessons Learned for the Hungarian Defence Forces from the Deployment of Engineer Obstacles during the 2015 Europe-Wide Mass-Migration Emergency. The article focuses mainly on the activities of the Hungarian armed forces. Metodi Hadji-Janev and Marija Jankuloska point out that the region of South- Eastern Europe has witnessed some examples of terrorist attacks and observe that the use of drones for countering global terrorism proved to be effective. Their article The Challenges of Drone Usage by Southeast European Countries examines the possibilities of their use in the home region. In his article titled Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the International Fight against It, József Kis-Benedek discusses the origins of this phenomenon and its manifestations in various Middle East countries, as well as the response of those countries and other international actors who share an interest in this part of the world. He also calls attention to the question of the Kurds and the emergence of volunteer fighters who are coming to Syria and Iraq to fight. The Battalion Battle Group and the evaluation of its training is the subject of the article titled Battle Group Training Cycle, in which Aleš Avsec compares the methods of training of these units in the Slovenian Armed Forces with the training of similar units in the United States of America. Is it even possible to compare two countries which are that different?

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Tymoshyk, D. D., L. L. Hrytsenko et Ya S. Kovalev. « Small and Medium Entrepreneurship : Ukrainian and World Experience ». Mechanism of an Economic Regulation, n^o 2 (2020) : 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mer.2020.88.07.

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The article considers the concept of small and medium enterprises in the process of economic thought formation. The task of the work is to determine and analyze the state of small and medium business in Ukraine and abroad. For this, the definitions of foreign and national scholars are outlined and their own understanding of the term is formulated. A comparative and quantitative analysis of enterprises was conducted on the basis of data collected by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, and a positive increase in enterprises for the period 2014-2018 was revealed. In addition, the main approaches to the division of enterprises into types according to different classification criteria due to the Ukrainian economic system and the standards of the European Union, which fundamentally differ from the division system in the United States, are studied. At the same time, the indicators of small and medium-sized enterprises of the USA and European countries are considered, that allows us to say that the largest percentage of the contribution to GDP belongs to the small and medium-sized enterprise sector. The described features of SMEs in comparison with other types of enterprises determine the importance of SMEs as a stable and self-sufficient sector of the economy which requires support from government regulation. The urgency of research on the topic of SMEs is primarily dictated by the need to summarize the previously studied layers of this topic, the emergence of new reforms and Ukraine’s desire to improve the economic system and bring it to the world level. Economic development depends not only on internal policy principles, but also on external factors influencing the state of the world economy. The beginning of 2020 made the leaders of the world community think about the principles of maintaining economic indicators during the trigger caused by the coronavirus pandemic and the collapse of oil prices, and therefore it is natural to implement programs to support small and medium enterprises during the global recession.

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Sokolska, T. V., et S. P. Polishchuk. « Role of public government in cross-border cooperation ». Public administration aspects 6, n^o 5 (18 juin 2018) : 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151828.

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The article considers the role and place of public authorities in shaping the policy of effective cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU taking into account the national interests.Particular attention is paid to the principles and features of territorial cooperation, taking into account the specifics of the EU’s external cooperation as well as the interests of the participating countries.The basic principles of the cooperation are determined on the basis of connections as well as contractual interregional and interstate relations, in compliance with the national legislation and respect for the international obligations of the states that are subjects of contractual relations; the thematic objectives are defined.The current state of Ukraine and the EU countries cross-border cooperation development is characterized and the main factors limiting this process are outlined. The most significant ones are the insufficient level of the national economic development and inconformity of the national legislation with European standards; lack of well-balanced management at the local level; the impossibility of implementing international projects of economic and social development due to ineffective management; lack of proper infrastructure; lack of marketing which aims to facilitate the existing resource potential of the border regions; sparking interethnic conflicts; the lack of skilled personnel in different spheres of establishing effective cooperation between the authorities, business and the public, etc. are also among them.Lack of sufficient financial resources and managerial powers in local administrations, in particular, for establishing the information infrastructure necessary for the cooperation with the authorities of the foreign countries regions and the development of financial projects is a specific problem of cross-border cooperation.The role of international projects and regional programs such as EU4Business, cross-border cooperation (Black Sea, Romania, Moldova, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland), EU programs, such as ERASMUS, HORIZON (61 projects amounting to 11.95 million euros were announced in 2016), COSME (May 2016) and their role in improving the socio-economic development of the border regions as well as solving common problems in ecology, health, safety and security, promoting the living conditions of citizens are grounded in the paper.The role of the united territorial communities (UTC) in cross-border cooperation activating, in particular their participation in international projects is grounded and the results of this activity in the Transcarpathia are presented. Insufficient level of professional training of public authorities representatives is pointed out. It is proved that cross-border cooperation is one of the main economic mechanisms of attracting foreign investments and grant funds for the economy modernization, for new jobs creation through the small business development, attraction of innovative technologies, access to the European market and the entry of Ukraine into the European community in the current economic situation.The expediency of working out the coherent effective state policy of cross-border cooperation with the EU, in which the legal, institutional and financial instruments should be clearly defined, along with the determined means of its implementation and mandatory public monitoring of the results is emphasized. The development of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and the EU countries, ensuring a competitive economy running, the effective development of international trade, improvement of conditions and support of entrepreneurship, can be realized under the condition of implementation of the policy of public administration at the regional level.

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Shevchenko, O. « Formation of strategic bases of separate elements of hybrid war of the Russian Federation : legislative aspect ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, n^o 69 (15 avril 2022) : 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.69.77.

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The article reveals the evolution of the national security strategies of the Russian Federation during the years of independence through the prism of defining in them the legislator of certain elements of hybrid warfare. It is determined that at the highest state level of Russia a number of issues related to the creation of the most effective system of state security within the existing at various stages of state formation National Security Strategies of Russia remain unresolved. hybrid war they waged against Ukraine, the EU and NATO. The content of concepts and strategies for ensuring the national security of the Russian Federation over the past decades is revealed. It is determined that there is a need to rethink the issue of ensuring all components of Ukraine's national security as an integral part of international security, as the signal for this is a radical change in geopolitical, military, political and economic situation in the world. Of the European Union and NATO from the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation. The fact that the reorientation of the economic policy of both the Russian Federation and some countries of the European Union and the United States towards ensuring only their vital problems is a certain negative factor in counteracting Russian hybrid aggression. The internal and external threats to national security have been studied, as well as the national interests of the Russian Federation have been formulated in order to covertly enshrine certain elements of hybrid confrontation (war). It was stressed that Ukraine is a European state that currently faces a wide range of hybrid threats and challenges both in the internal format of the state mechanism and in the external format of relations with the international community, especially with Russia, which necessitates effective implementation. National Security Strategies of Ukraine "Human Security - Country Security". It is stated that the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine 2020 significantly eliminates the existing conceptual uncertainty and inconsistencies in the assessment of real and perceived threats and challenges facing our state, as well as ways and means of effective counteraction, including some elements of hybrid warfare. . It is emphasized that in recent decades the Russian legislator in its strategic documents on national security (Concepts and Strategies) has systematically enshrined at the legislative level, and in fact legalized, the full range of elements of the hybrid war waged and waged by Russia against Ukraine , EU and NATO countries. The main elements of the hybrid confrontation (war) of the Russian Federation have been formulated, which the top leadership of Russia has veiledly enshrined in its strategic documents during the years of independence.

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Litvinova, A. V., N. S. Talalaeva et M. V. Parfenova. « Comparative analysis of the prerequisites and priorities of import substitution at various stages of development of the Russian economy ». Proceedings of the Voronezh State University of Engineering Technologies 81, n^o 1 (18 juillet 2019) : 366–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20914/2310-1202-2019-1-366-372.

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Import substitution is an integral part of the strategy to improve the competitiveness of the national agri-food complex. It should be a stimulus that will accelerate the economy and will contribute to the formation of a self-replicating mechanism of economic growth. The study analyzed the development of import substitution during the introduction of economic sanctions by Western countries and the United States. The study showed that the need for import substitution was brewing for a long time, however, the sanctions served as the impetus for its acceleration. The introduction by the President of the Russian Federation of special economic measures did not contradict the existing legislation and was aimed at restricting the importation of many types of products from abroad for the development of domestic production. The commodity structure of domestic exports and imports was also analyzed: the export of hydrocarbons has been prevailing for many years, but over the past two years their share in the total export structure has decreased. Most of the country imports machinery, equipment, vehicles, food and agricultural products, chemical products. For most indicators, there is a negative trend, due to which domestic imports decreased over the period of the sanctions by more than 100 billion US dollars. Despite economic sanctions, the European Union remains the main trading partner of Russia. Over the past 25 years, Russia has been a passive participant in international trade and, despite its high potential in the development of agriculture, was perceived by the world community as a country focused on the export of raw materials and hydrocarbons to a foreign market, rather than on the development of its own production, including agricultural production.

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Tundo, Pietro, Paul Anastas, David StC Black, Joseph Breen, Terrence J. Collins, Sofia Memoli, Junshi Miyamoto, Martyn Polyakoff et William Tumas. « Synthetic pathways and processes in green chemistry. Introductory overview ». Pure and Applied Chemistry 72, n^o 7 (1 janvier 2000) : 1207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1351/pac200072071207.

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ContentsGreen Chemistry in the International ContextThe Concept of green ChemistryDefinition of green chemistry | Green chemistry: Why now? | The historical context of green chemistry | The emergence of green chemistryThe Content of Green ChemistryAreas of green chemistry | Preliminary remarks | Alternative feedstocks | Benign reagents/synthetic pathways | Synthetic transformations | Solvents/reaction conditionsGreen Chemistry in the International ContextIt has come to be recognized in recent years, that the science of chemistry is central to addressing the problems facing the environment. Through the utilization of the various subdisciplines of chemistry and the molecular sciences, there is an increasing appreciation that the emerging area of green chemistry1is needed in the design and attainment of sustainable development. A central driving force in this increasing awareness is that green chemistry accomplishes both economic and environmental goals simultaneously through the use of sound, fundamental scientific principles. Recently, a basic strategy has been proposed for implementing the relationships between industry and academia, and hence, funding of the research that constitutes the engine of economic advancement; it is what many schools of economics call the "triple bottom line" philosophy, meaning that an enterprise will be economically sustainable if the objectives of environmental protection, societal benefit, and market advantage are all satisfied2. Triple bottom line is a strong idea for evaluating the success of environmental technologies. It is clear that the best environmentally friendly technology or discovery will not impact on the market if it is not economically advantageous; in the same way, the market that ignores environmental needs and human involvement will not prosper. This is the challenge for the future of the chemical industry, its development being strongly linked to the extent to which environmental and human needs can be reconciled with new ideas in fundamental research. On the other hand, it should be easy to foresee that the success of environmentally friendly reactions, products, and processes will improve competitiveness within the chemical industry. If companies are able to meet the needs of society, people will influence their own governments to foster those industries attempting such environmental initiatives. Of course, fundamental research will play a central role in achieving these worthy objectives. What we call green chemistry may in fact embody some of the most advanced perspectives and opportunities in chemical sciences.It is for these reasons that the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry (IUPAC) has a central role to play in advancing and promoting the continuing emergence and impact of green chemistry. When we think about how IUPAC furthers chemistry throughout the world, it is useful to refer to IUPAC's Strategic Plan. This plan demonstrates the direct relevance of the mission of IUPAC to green chemistry, and explains why there is growing enthusiasm for the pursuit of this new area as an appropriate activity of a scientific Union. The IUPAC Strategic Plan outlines among other goals:IUPAC will serve as a scientific, international, nongovernmental body in objectively addressing global issues involving the chemical sciences. Where appropriate, IUPAC will represent the interests of chemistry in governmental and nongovernmental forums.IUPAC will provide tools (e.g., standardized nomenclature and methods) and forums to help advance international research in the chemical sciences.IUPAC will assist chemistry-related industry in its contributions to sustainable development, wealth creation, and improvement in the quality of life.IUPAC will facilitate the development of effective channels of communication in the international chemistry community.IUPAC will promote the service of chemistry to society in both developed and developing countries.IUPAC will utilize its global perspective to contribute toward the enhancement of education in chemistry and to advance the public understanding of chemistry and the scientific method.IUPAC will make special efforts to encourage the career development of young chemists.IUPAC will broaden the geographical base of the Union and ensure that its human capital is drawn from all segments of the world chemistry community.IUPAC will encourage worldwide dissemination of information about the activities of the Union.IUPAC will assure sound management of its resources to provide maximum value for the funds invested in the Union.Through the vehicle of green chemistry, IUPAC can engage and is engaging the international community in issues of global importance to the environment and to industry, through education of young and established scientists, the provision of technical tools, governmental engagement, communication to the public and scientific communities, and the pursuit of sustainable development. By virtue of its status as a leading and internationally representative scientific body, IUPAC is able to collaborate closely in furthering individual national efforts as well as those of multinational entities.An important example of such collaboration in the area of green chemistry is that of IUPAC with the Organization for the Economical Cooperation and Development (OECD) in the project on "Sustainable Chemistry", aimed at promoting increased awareness of the subject in the member countries. During a meeting of the Environment Directorate (Paris, 6 June 1999), it was proposed that United States and Italy co-lead the activity, and that implementation of five recommendations to the member countries be accorded the highest priority, namely:research and developmentawards and recognition for work on sustainable chemistryexchange of technical information related to sustainable chemistryguidance on activities and tools to support sustainable chemistry programssustainable chemistry educationThese recommendations were perceived to have socio-economic implications for worldwide implementation of sustainable chemistry. How IUPAC and, in particular, its Divisions can contribute to this effort is under discussion. IUPAC is recognized for its ability to act as the scientific counterpart to OECD for all recommendations and activities. Although the initiatives being developed by the OECD are aimed primarily at determining the role that national institutions can play in facilitating the implementation and impact of green chemistry, it is recognized that each of these initiatives also has an important scientific component. Whether it is developing criteria or providing technical assessment for awards and recognition, identifying appropriate scientific areas for educational incorporation, or providing scientific insight into the areas of need for fundamental research and development, IUPAC can play and is beginning to play an important role as an international scientific authority on green chemistry.Other multinational organizations including, among others, the United Nations, the European Union, and the Asian Pacific Economic Community, are now beginning to assess the role that they can play in promoting the implementation of green chemistry to meet environmental and economic goals simultaneously. As an alternative to the traditional regulatory framework often implemented as a unilateral strategy, multinational governmental organizations are discovering that green chemistry as a nonregulatory, science-based approach, provides opportunities for innovation and economic development that are compatible with sustainable development. In addition, individual nations have been extremely active in green chemistry and provide plentiful examples of the successful utilization of green chemistry technologies. There are rapidly growing activities in government, industry, and academia in the United States, Italy, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Spain, Germany, Japan, China, and many other countries in Europe and Asia, that testify to the importance of green chemistry to the future of the central science of chemistry around the world.Organizations and Commissions currently involved in programs in green chemistry at the national or international level include, for example:U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), with the "Green Chemistry Program" which involves, among others, the National Science Foundation, the American Chemical Society, and the Green Chemistry Institute;European Directorate for R&D (DG Research), which included the goals of sustainable chemistry in the actions and research of the European Fifth Framework Programme;Interuniversity Consortium "Chemistry for the Environment", which groups about 30 Italian universities interested in environmentally benign chemistry and funds their research groups;UK Royal Society of Chemistry, which promotes the concept of green chemistry through a "UK Green Chemistry Network" and the scientific journal Green Chemistry;UNIDO-ICS (International Centre for Science and High Technology of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization) which is developing a global program on sustainable chemistry focusing on catalysis and cleaner technologies with particular attention to developing and emerging countries (the program is also connected with UNIDO network of centers for cleaner production); andMonash University, which is the first organization in Australia to undertake a green chemistry program.Footnotes:1. The terminology "green chemistry" or "sustainable chemistry" is the subject of debate. The expressions are intended to convey the same or very similar meanings, but each has its supporters and detractors, since "green" is vividly evocative but may assume an unintended political connotation, whereas "sustainable" can be paraphrased as "chemistry for a sustainable environment", and may be perceived as a less focused and less incisive description of the discipline. Other terms have been proposed, such as "chemistry for the environment" but this juxtaposition of keywords already embraces many diversified fields involving the environment, and does not capture the economic and social implications of sustainability. The Working Party decided to adopt the term green chemistry for the purpose of this overview. This decision does not imply official IUPAC endorsement for the choice. In fact, the IUPAC Committee on Chemistry and Industry (COCI) favors, and will continue to use sustainable chemistry to describe the discipline.2. J. Elkington, < http://www.sustainability.co.uk/sustainability.htm

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Mosakova, E. A., et K. Kizilova. « Labor market in the UK in digital era : The gender dimension ». RUDN Journal of Sociology 21, n^o 3 (17 septembre 2021) : 512–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2021-21-3-512-519.

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The article considers gender discrimination in the field of labor relations in the United Kingdom (UK) in the pre-covid period. In the past decades, the Western European countries have made the most significant progress in achieving gender equality in various fields, including labor relations, and became the world leader in this area. However, despite all the efforts of the international community, no country has achieved a full gender equality, and Great Britain is no exception. The authors argue that the British anti-discrimination legislation (before leaving the European Union) was based on international acts and conventions. For a long time, there were acts and laws prohibiting discrimination in the labor market, which seriously hindered the implementation of an effective anti-discrimination policy in the sphere of labor relations. It was not until 2010 that the law on equality was passed to replace all previous laws and regulations and to provide an exhaustive list of criteria for prohibiting discrimination. As a result, Great Britain began to develop a rather strict national anti-discrimination legislation in the field of labor relations. Thus, in the past decades, the UK has been achieving gender equality in the economic sphere at a faster pace than the average European Union country. The study shows a steady decline in the gender wage gap in the UK over the past two decades, which may be considered one of the countrys most significant achievements in fighting gender discrimination in the labor market. However, there is still a number of serious challenges: a relatively low female labor force participation and employment rate, a gender wage gap and income gap, horizontal and vertical segregation, a gender gap in postgraduate education, and a significant gender gap in time spent on family responsibilities. Age discrimination presents a special problem in the sphere of labor relations in Great Britain. In the European Union, the first laws prohibiting age discrimination were adopted only in the 2000s, and in the UK - in 2006. This problem still remains extremely acute for the labor market, since age discrimination in the UK ranks third among the most common grounds for discrimination - after gender and disability.

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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. « DARFUR PEACEKEEPERS, REVIEW ». POSAMEZNIK, DRŽAVA, VARNOST/ INDIVIDUAL, STATE, SECURITY, VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/4 (30 novembre 2021) : 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.4.rew2.

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In 2021, the French publishing house L'Harmattan published a monograph entitled Darfur peacekeepers the African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur (AMIS) from the perspective of a Hungarian military advisor. The author of the 234-page monograph is Janos Besenyo. In addition to the author's preface and the conclusion, the monograph includes six substantive chapters. In the first chapter entitled Geography and history of Darfur, the author presents the geography, climate, flora and fauna, major cities, economy, infrastructure, different nationalities, ethnic groups and religions, and the history of Darfur. In the second chapter, entitled AMIS, he focuses on the African Union's mission in Sudan I (AMIS I), in which he presents the causes of the Darfur conflict, its outbreak and the African Union’s engagement in the conflict with the African Union's mission in Sudan. This is followed by a chapter entitled AMIS II, which presents the history, structure and operation following the decision to engage additional civilian and military observers, soldiers, police officers and additional financial and other resources. The fourth chapter presents a new mission called AMIS II E or AMIS III, which is also the title of the chapter. The letter E in the acronym stands for the word “enhanced,” which implicated the enhanced character of military presence in this mission. This chapter is composed of a subchapter entitled The Foreshadow of the Fall and the additional engagement of the United Nations, followed by the UN and African Union mission in Darfur, known as UNAMID. In the fifth chapter, entitled The Support Mission of the European Union, and its four substantive subchapters, the author presents several phases of the European Union's participation in the mission led by the African Union. Chapter six, entitled Hungarian Experience, describes Hungarian experiences from the missions in Darfur. Hungary first deployed its military observer to Darfur in 2004. Hungary's involvement in the mission in Africa seems unusual, as it was the only one of all the participating countries that had no colonial history, economic or any other interests in this part of the world, and at the same time had no previous experiences. The monograph has only one drawback, and that is the fact that it is not scientific. However, this is at the same time its advantage. Besenyo was an officer in the Hungarian Armed Forces for 31 years and was deployed in Darfur in the second half of 2005. He was strongly marked by his personal experience as a peacekeeper. Ever since, he has been devoting much attention to Africa-related security topics. His return from the mission of the African Union, the European Union, NATO, the United Nations and other organisations in Darfur coincided with his doctoral studies. Both of these activities have achieved the same effect as two rivers, which merge at the confluence and gain a lot of power and speed as their flow continues. After completing his military career, the author of the monograph being a prolific writer and restless researcher became actively involved in the academic environment as a university professor at the Obuda University in Budapest. In 2019, the Africa Research Institute was established within Doctoral School of Safety and Security Sciences, University of Óbuda, headed by Assistant Professor Besenyo, PhD. Considering the amount and quality of publications on the African continent, the institute is clearly very successful. From a European point of view, Africa is a very distant continent; however, the developments in that region and their results are increasingly affecting all of us in the European Union and beyond. The migration flow, which brought many African migrants to the shores of the Mediterranean over the last decade and peaked in 2015, has significantly changed and affected all the countries along their way, especially those that migrants had chosen as their target countries. Since everyone should have the right to live at home in peace, in their own way, with their family, it would be right that they are enabled to do so. Unfortunately, climate change, water scarcity, disease, poverty, differences in culture, religion, political order and natural resources, but sometimes only individuals or smaller associations, lead to various frictions, conflicts or even genocide, as was the case in Darfur. In such cases, the international humanitarian community and various security and other organizations are usually involved to assist the helpless population. In his monograph, Besenyo presented the full breadth and magnitude of international humanitarian efforts, but also the harsh reality where all those who want to help are exactly where they need to be, but despite all their efforts, they are completely powerless. I recommend Darfur Peacekeepers to be read by all those who care about the future of all of us and our descendants, but especially by those who have the opportunity and ability to influence the security of the country, the society and the individual. The content of the book provides an invaluable insight into the experience of a military officer. It is a valuable learning resource for all of us, but especially for members of the armed forces, police and civilian institutions that lead or support the activities within international missions.

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Velasco Tirado, Ana, Antonio F. Rodríguez, Celia Sevilla Sánchez et Juan Manuel Rodríguez. « A Spanish Standard for defining Open Geographic Data ». Abstracts of the ICA 1 (15 juillet 2019) : 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-380-2019.

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Abstract. There are a wide variety of initiatives and guidelines recommending publishing government data, especially geospatial data as open data, for instance:G8 launched in June 2013 in a meeting in Lough Erne (Ireland) the G8 Open Data Charter recognizing that Open Data improves Governance and it is an innovation engine. Geographic data where included as one of the areas of great value. The eight countries were committed to approve an action plan before 2013 October and yearly publish a report.G20 and United Nations supports the International Open Data Charter since 2015 extending the former proposal to all the countries. Six basic principles are defined: data should be open by default, timely and comprehensive, accessible and usable, comparable and interoperable, for improved Governance and Citizen Engagement, and for inclusive development and innovation. Until now 19 national and 43 local governments has adopted the chart and 46 organisations has endorsed it.The European Interoperability Framework v2, approved by the European Commission on March 2017 to improve the quality of European public services devotes a full section to explain what exactly Open Data is and to support it.The United Nations Global Geographic Information Management (UN GGIM) recognizes in its Integrated Geospatial Information Framework – Part 1 Overarching Strategic Framework (July 2018) that geospatial information is a key component of the government’s open data agendas which stimulates opportunities and include government delivery systems focused on the citizen in an efficient and effective way.But, although it seems there is a wide consensus on the positive effect of having governamental Open Data, and there is a common understanding of the theoretical meaning of Open Data (data with no barriers for use and reuse by everybody under any circumstances) there is not a common practical understanding about what Open Data is. In our opinion, the more detailed and precise technical definition of Open Data is due to the Open Knowledge International (opendefinition.org), but the problem is that there is not an Abstract Test Suite to check and verify if a dataset is published fulfilling the requirements defined in it.By the other hand, Open Data are not yet widely implemented. The Global Open Data Index 2018 states that the National Map 1: 250,000 data are published as Open Data only in the 10 % of the countries studied. We think one of the reasons of the lack of implementation Open Geographic Data (OGD) is that there is no a standard easily verifiable technical definition of OGD.Because of that, the Spanish Standardization Technical Committee 148 “Digital Geographic Information” decided in 2016 to define a Spanish standard on Open Geographic Data to have an objective procedure to verify and certify if a geospatial dataset is published or not as Open Data, as a tool to promote and support Open Data.UNE 148004:2018 “Datos geográficos abiertos” (Open Geographic Data) was approved in 2018 after following the standard UNE processes, including two rounds of comments and one public information period. More than the eighty five per cent of the comments received were totally or partially accepted and we think the result reflects the consensus reached in the Spanish geographic data community around this topic.This Spanish standard stablish a technical full and detailed definition of what exactly is Open Geographic Data (OGD) and defines a set of objective requirements to be fulfilled in order to publish a geographic dataset as Open Data. It is based in three main principles:<ul><li>Principle of minimizing barriers, following the idea that Open Data are data published without economic, technical and legal barriers for their use and reuse.</li><li>Principle of no-discrimination of any kind of users, field of application, social group and future use of data.</li><li>Principle of technological neutrality, which is in fact a particularization of the former one, stating that any user shall be discriminated on the basis of the technological solutions (browser, operating system, software…) he has chosen.</li></ul>Applying those general principles, UNE 148004:2018 defines four conceptual levels for geographic data in the way of progress towards having OGD: available, well described, under an open license and in an open format geographic data. It provides also an Abstract Test Suit for verifying and certifying, if required, Open Geographic Data.In this communication a general approach to open geographic data, a justification for developing this standard and a brief and complete summary of its contents and prescription are given. We think this new Spanish standard will promote and support Open Data in the field of Geographic Information and we hope it will promote the progress and grow of the Spanish geospatial sector.

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Kelly, John J. « Improving the Comparability of International Migration Statistics : Contributions by the Conference of European Statisticians from 1971 to Date ». International Migration Review 21, n^o 4 (décembre 1987) : 1017–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838702100406.

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During the past fifteen years the Conference of European Statisticians, a Principal Subsidiary Body of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and the United Nations Statistical Commission, has actively worked on improving the quality and international comparability of international migration statistics. This article summarizes the principal activities the Conference has pursued and the progress it has achieved in this field during this period through its contributions to the preparation and implementation of the United Nations recommendations on international migration statistics, its regular exchange of statistics on international migration flows among member countries and the bilateral studies on international migration member countries are conducting at its request.

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Topchiy, Vasyl, Maksym Zabarniy et Nataliya Lugina. « APPLICATION OF THE METHOD OF SWOT-ANALYSIS AS A MEANS OF STRATEGIC PLANNING DURING THE INVESTIGATION OF CRIMINAL CASES IN THE FIELD OF ECONOMICS IN BORDERS ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 6, n^o 3 (5 août 2020) : 166–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2020-6-3-166-170.

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A cooperation between states in criminal cases is carried out in order to achieve the goals of justice and may exist at the stage of pre-trial investigation, trial, as well as after the entry into force of a court decision (sentence, ruling). Forms of international cooperation in the investigation of criminal cases are quite diverse. The main ones are: providing legal assistance, which consists in carrying out procedural actions, because during the investigation and trial of criminal cases there is often a need to gather evidence abroad by questioning defendants, victims, witnesses, experts, conducting searches, examinations, court inspections, seizure and transfer of items, delivery, and forwarding of documents, etc.; extradition of persons for criminal prosecution or for the execution of a court sentence; arrest, search and confiscation of proceeds of crime (states undertake to cooperate in the investigation of money laundering; assist in the investigation and take appropriate measures: to freeze bank accounts, seize property to prevent its concealment; confiscate proceeds of crime or property, value of which corresponds to the value of income, etc.). The normative basis for the international cooperation in the investigation of criminal cases is the European Convention on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters dated April 20, 1959; the Criminal procedural code of Ukraine; Methodical recommendations of the General Prosecutor’s Office of Ukraine; Order No. 223 “On the organization of the work of the Prosecutor’s Office of Ukraine in the field of international legal cooperation” dated September 18, 2015. The legal basis for international cooperation in criminal matters is the current bilateral and multilateral international treaties of Ukraine, the binding nature of which has been approved by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Among the multilateral international agreements, there should be noted the European conventions on criminal justice: the European Convention on the Extradition with two additional protocols to it, the European Convention on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters with an additional protocol to it, the European Convention on the Transfer of Proceedings in Criminal Matters, The Convention on the Transfer of Sentenced Persons with an additional protocol, The European Convention on the Supervision of Conditionally Sentenced or Conditionally Released Offenders, the Convention on Laundering, Search, Seizure, and Confiscation of the Proceeds from Crime and the European Convention on the International Validity of Criminal Judgements. In addition, the Commonwealth of Independent States has the 1993 Convention on Legal Assistance and Legal Relations in Civil, Family and Criminal Matters and its 1997 Protocol; within the framework of the United Nations, there is the Convention on Transnational Crime of 2000, together with two Protocols thereto. These multilateral international agreements establish a uniform sphere of cooperation between law enforcement and judicial authorities in relation to all European countries. Today, the most effective is the method of “SWOT-analysis”, which is currently recognized in the scientific community as one of the most popular tools in strategic planning of social processes, including in the investigation of criminal cases. Although the type of analysis is still considered by most scientists as Bohomolova Ye., (2004) a method of marketing research of enterprises in the market in the context of business practice, the object of “SWOT-analysis” can be as legislation, the practice of its application and prospects of their improvement, and materials of criminal cases. Methodology. Achieving the purpose of this publication is ensured by the use of cognitive philosophical, general scientific and special methods, among which the main are analysis and synthesis, comparative law method, which allow to identify prospects for the use in criminal cases of the method of “SWOT-analysis”, which is currently recognized in the scientific community as one of the most popular tools in strategic planning of social processes. Methods of grammatical review and interpretation of legal norms have helped to identify gaps in the legislation governing the investigation of criminal cases, in particular in the field of economics, and to develop proposals for its improvement. Practical importance. International cooperation in criminal proceedings is an organizationally complex process, which requires the use of effective and efficient methods to perform the tasks of criminal proceedings, respect for the rights and freedoms of all participants in the process, including not violating a reasonable time in the investigation. To date, science has developed many methods of analyzing the law, the practice of their application, and identifying ways to improve legislation, taking into account the results of forecasting the prospects for society and the state. To ensure a high level of quality of criminal investigations in the framework of international cooperation, it is necessary to choose the one that will give the most effective results and allow to formulate the most optimal proposals in a particular criminal case and the practice of their application. An attempt to solve this problem is presented in this study.

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Frid, Rachel. « The European Economic Community A Member of a Specialized Agency of the United Nations ». European Journal of International Law 4, n^o 2 (1993) : 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.ejil.a035828.

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Schelhaas, Mart-Jan. « European Forest Sector Outlook Study II : Switzerland in the European context ». Schweizerische Zeitschrift fur Forstwesen 164, n^o 9 (1 septembre 2013) : 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3188/szf.2013.0271.

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European Forest Sector Outlook Study II: Switzerland in the European context The European Forest Sector Outlook Study II (EFSOS II) is the latest in a series of outlook studies by United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) and Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), providing an outlook for the European forest sector for the period 2010–2030. The study is structured around a reference scenario and four policy scenarios, implemented in a set of mathematical models. The paper summarises the methodology and main outcomes for Central Europe, discusses specific Swiss aspects, the usefulness of such outlook results at the national level and possible future improvements. The picture for Switzerland is one broadly characterised by opportunities, facilitated by a favourable starting point with regard to the forest resources and increasing demand in the surrounding countries. However, a preliminary comparison with national supply scenarios reveals some important differences with regard to increment and mortality and thus possibilities for increased supply. The time between successive new studies should therefore be used to update the underlying data sources, make comparisons to national studies and improve understanding of the models, all in close cooperation with the countries.

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Derzhaliuk, M. « Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1) ». Problems of World History, n^o 18 (8 novembre 2022) : 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.

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Derzhaliuk, M. « Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2) ». Problems of World History, n^o 19 (27 octobre 2022) : 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.

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Legrand, Pierre. « European Legal Systems are not Converging ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, n^o 1 (janvier 1996) : 52–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300058656.

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Since the late 1940s, economic considerations relating to the globalisation of world markets have led an ever larger group of Western European countries to unite in the quest for a supra-national legal order which, in time, generated the European Community. Most of these countries' legal orders claim allegiance to what anglophones are fond of labelling the “civli law” tradition,1although two common law jurisdictions joined the Community in the early 1970s. The European Community's early decision to promote economic integration (and, later, other types of integration) through harmonisation or unification has involved, at both Community and national levels (for the implementation of Community rules in the member States carries the adoption ofnationalrules in all member States), a process of relentless “juridification”; law, in the guise of legislatively or judicially enacted rules, has assumed the role of a “steering medium”.2This development was foreseeable: once the interaction among European legal systems had acted as a catalyst for the creation of a supra-system,3the need to achieve reciprocal compatibility between the infra-systems and the supra-system naturally fostered the development of an extended network of interconnections (such as regulations and directives) which eventually raised the question of further legal integration in the form of a common law of Europe.4

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