Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « United Nations – European Economic Community countries »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "United Nations – European Economic Community countries"
1
IGNATOV, AUGUSTIN. « GOVERNANCE EFFICIENCY, ECONOMIC SECURITY AND FEDERALISATION. THE EUROPEAN UNION AT CROSSROADS — IS IT TIME FOR CONSOLIDATION ? » Global Economy Journal 19, no 01 (mars 2019) : 1950003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2194565919500039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union (EU) has certainly reduced its influence in the global economic affairs. Despite the fact that it unites 28 nations, including the former great powers such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, the political and economic power of the community has considerably decreased starting with the second half of 2000s. The present research is undertaken with the aim of increasing the readers’ awareness regarding the necessity of enforcing the EU economic security through consolidating the authority of the supranational bodies in relation with national representatives. The objectives to be reached in this regard include assessing how much the governance efficiency alternations among the EU member countries influence the efficiency of the single market in a globalised society. It was found that several processes determined the decline of Europe’s strength including raising globalisation and increasing competition, economic weaknesses of the EU which worsened during the crisis, stagnation of the integration process, feeble leadership and lack of resoluteness, especially in the most developed EU nations, declining adherence to “core” values, migration crisis, little political commitment to protecting EU’s citizens’ interests, and countries’ individualism in promoting key initiatives.
2
Noiriel, Gérard. « “Civil Rights” Policy in the United States and the Policy of “Integration” in Europe : Divergent Approaches to a Similar Issue ». Journal of Policy History 6, no 1 (janvier 1994) : 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003651.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Comparing European and North American policies with respect to “civil rights” is a difficult exercise for two reasons. First, it is important to emphasize that Europe and the United States are not political entities of a same nature. Granted, the fact that the nations that today comprise Europe are heirs of common history explains in part the similarities in their political behavior and distinguishes them as a group from the “New World.” Yet in the American case, despite the country's federalist structure and the existence of fifty states within the Union, we are dealing with a single nation, endowed with a central government capable of generating policies that are valid throughout the territory. Such is not the case with Europe. As is well known, the European continent is divided into two sharply contrasted spheres. On the one hand, there is the East, thrown into confusion by the devastation of communism and mired in a profound economic crisis. On the other hand, there is the West, comprised of nations that share a level of economic prosperity comparable to that of the United States but which do not form a single political entity. At present, the European Economic Community includes only twelve European states; the remaining countries, such as Switzerland, Sweden, and Austria, have yet to become members. In this essay, the question of “civil rights” will be examined specifically in light of those countries that already belong to the EEC.
3
Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
4
Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
5
Prokhorenko, I. L. « The strategy of Spain in the United Nations ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
6
Linsenmeyer, William S. « Foreign Nations, International Organizations, and Their Impact on Health Conditions in Nicaragua since 1979 ». International Journal of Health Services 19, no 3 (juillet 1989) : 509–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/5fv4-w26a-adgt-kepb.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In July 1979, a coalition of social forces in Nicaragua, under the leadership of the Sandinistas, toppled the discredited 43-year Somoza dictatorship. In addition to revolutionary Nicaragua's own substantial efforts, since 1979 international forces and developments have had profound impacts on the nation's ambitious social programs. This article investigates the impact of foreign nations and international organizations on Nicaragua's health conditions since 1979. Given or pledged assistance, for health and other social needs, has been forthcoming, for example, from Latin America, Western Europe, socialist countries, the United Nations, the Organization of American States, and the European Economic Community. International forces, however, have also had a negative impact on Nicaragua's health conditions. Since 1981, counter-revolutionary guerilla forces, known as contras, have fought the Nicaraguan government troops in a disastrous conflict, involving substantial international assistance for each side. The United States and several other nations have provided some form of aid to the contras. The war in Nicaragua has resulted in enormous human and material losses, and, of course, has adversely affected health conditions.
7
Yengibaryan, R. V. « Mass and uncontrolled immigration as a threat to the civil, legal and civilizational stability in Western European countries and Russia ». Journal of Law and Administration 15, no 3 (2 décembre 2019) : 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-3-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. Following the collapse, or rather self-liquidation, of the Soviet Union-USSR world events began to develop at a kaleidoscopic speed. Europe, Russia and the United States ceased to be central actors in global politics. Huge civilization countries such as China, India and the African continent broke into global politics with ever-increasing power. The united bloc of Islamic countries began to make aggressive claims to the entire world community, and especially to the countries of Christian civilization. And the most important and unexpected thing is that the peoples, nations, communities everywhere began to return to their civilizational, religious and spiritual roots.Materials and methods. Various methods such as comparative law, systemic, logical analysis and other methods were used in writing this article.The results of the study. The attempt to globalize the world by the socio-political criterion “capitalism socialism” failed. The world community, or rather its political, economic and intellectual elite, was given a clear message: ideologies of all kinds communism, fascism, nationalism, socialism eventually undergo transformation, split into sub streams and practically disappear, but the world religions and civilizations remain.Discussion and conclusion. The world globalized spontaneously and naturally, with financial, economic, political and technological dimensions playing the major role. At the same time globalization laid the foundation of new contradictions among countries that enjoy different social, economic levels of development and belong to various civilizations. Moreover, the interests of civilizations living in different time dimensions began to clash, like Islam that lives in 1441 and other countries that have been living in the 21st century for the second decade. The ideology of multiculturalism both in Western Europe and in the USA turned out to be unrealizable in practice, just like the communist ideology that has sunk into oblivion.
8
Sultan, Arif. « WTO SUCCESSOR TO GATT ». American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no 2 (1 juillet 1997) : 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i2.2248.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Within a short span of time a number of economic blocs have emergedon the world horizon. In this race, all countriedeveloped, developingand underdeveloped-are included. Members of the North America FreeTrade Agreement (NAITA) and the European Economic Community(EEC) are primarily of the developed countries, while the EconomicCooperation Organization (ECO) and the Association of South EastAsian Nations (ASEAN) are of the developing and underdevelopedAsian countries.The developed countries are scrambling to create hegemonies throughthe General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT). In these circumstances,economic cooperation among Muslim countries should be onthe top of their agenda.Muslim countries today constitute about one-third of the membershipof the United Nations. There are around 56 independentMuslim states with a population of around 800 million coveringabout 20 percent of the land area of the world. Stretchingbetween Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, the Muslim Worldstraddles from North Africa to Indonesia, in two major Islamicblocs, they are concentrated in the heart of Africa to Indonesia,in two major blocs, they are concentrated in the heart of Africaand Asia and a smaller group in South and Southeast Asia.'GATT is a multilateral agreement on tariffs and trade establishing thecode of rules, regulations, and modalities regulating and operating internationaltrade. It also serves as a forum for discussions and negotiations ...
9
Morin, Jacques-Yvan. « Droit et souveraineté à l'aube du XXIe siècle ». Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 25 (1988) : 47–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800003143.
Texte intégralRésumé :
SummaryThe author explores the relationship between the concept of sovereignty and international law. First, he examines this theme in its changing historical context, particularly the subordination of law to sovereignty by Hegel and the nineteenth-century positivists, and the various attempts by Kelsen and others in the twentieth century to assert the primacy of international law. He then examines the stress laid upon sovereignty as a means of obtaining a more just international economic order by states of the Third World. The implications of bilateral and multilateral agreements that grant broad powers to financial and economic international institutions are also examined to determine their impact upon the sovereignty of less developed countries. The author also examines the implications of the extensive practice of treaty-making and the adoption of rules and standards within a range of Specialized Agencies of the United Nations. He also traces the gradual development of the European Economic Community from free trade area to European union as envisaged by the Single European Act, under which the sovereignty of member states is steadily giving way. In the final analysis, the author concludes that sovereignty is a relative concept. It is not sovereignty itself which is impeding the development of a true community of states but rather the many economic, social, political, and psychological conflicts which impede the development of common values uniting the whole international community.
10
Klovach, E. V., G. M. Seleznev et A. Yu Sulimov. « Relationship between the Classification of Chemical Products and Criteria for Qualifying Objects as Hazardous Production Facilities ». Occupational Safety in Industry, no 10 (octobre 2022) : 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24000/0409-2961-2022-10-27-32.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2002 the international community adopted a new system of hazard classification and labeling of chemical products, which is recommended to be implemented by all the Member- countries of the United Nations through national legislation and international acts. Within the frame of the implementation of this decision, in 2015 the amendments were made to the Directive of the European Community of June 24, 1982, № 82/501/EEC on the prevention of major industrial accidents, and to the United Nations Convention onthe prevention of major industrial accidents, and a little later to the national legislation of the European countries establishing measures on preventing major accidents. In 2017, the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union adopted the technical regulation on the safety of chemical products, which establishes classification criteria that are completely identical to the criteria for the system of hazard classification and labeling of chemical products. Entry into force of the technical regulation of the Eurasian Economic Union will lead to the need for amending all theregulatory legal acts and regulations that contain regulations based on the classification of chemical products, including in the Federal Law № 116-FZ of July 21, 1997, On industrial safety of hazardous production facilities. The task of harmonizing the legislation on industrial safety with the international documents in terms of the classification of chemicals was planned to be solved when developing a new law on industrial safety. During the discussion, the developers encountered different approaches to the definition of classes of hazardous substances, the analysis of which became the subject of this article. The authors formulated proposals that can be used at the next round of harmonization of the Russian legislation on industrial safety with the international documents. When preparing proposals with classes and lists of hazardous chemicals for use in the industrial safety legislation, a comparison was made not only of the definitions of classes of chemicals in different documents, but also of their quantities, which are the criteria for qualifying objects as hazardous production facilities. It is noted that the term «flammable liquids», used in 116-FZ, practically does not occur in the international classifications, therefore, when developing new documents, it was proposed not to use it.
Thèses sur le sujet "United Nations – European Economic Community countries"
1
Perone, Francesco. « Settlement of anti-dumping cases by price undertaking : the European Community and United States practice ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23963.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The GATT Anti-Dumping Code provides that anti-dumping proceedings may be concluded without the imposition of duties if the exporters of the dumped product offer undertakings which the authorities of the importing country consider acceptable. Undertakings are, in essence, formal commitments by exporters under anti-dumping investigation to abstain from dumping or to ensure that their exports will not injure the domestic producers of the product concerned. In accordance with the GATT rules, he anti-dumping laws of the European Community and the United States contain provisions allowing the anti-dumping authorities to accept price undertakings. In practice, however, the use of undertakings in the two jurisdictions has been considerably different. This thesis analyzes and compares the law and practice of the European Community and the United States with regard to price undertakings.
2
O'Malley, Terence T. « The impact of participation in the European monetary union of the abnormal returns to U.S. target companies acquaired by European firms ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2002. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/291.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Business Administration
Finance
3
Spelman, Greg Thomas. « Reconciling a policy of neutrality with the prospect of integration : Ireland, the European economic community, and Ireland's United Nations policy, 1965-1972 ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2003. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/1/Greg_Spelman_Thesis.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
4
Spelman, Greg Thomas. « Reconciling a Policy of Neutrality with the Prospect of Integration : Ireland, the European Economic Community, and Ireland's United Nations Policy, 1965-1972 ». Queensland University of Technology, 2003. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
5
Shen, Chyi. « Great power trade competition in East Asian markets / ». free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988699.
Texte intégral
6
Sievers, Monika. « Liberalization of foreign direct investment : Europe 1992 and the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42049.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recent developments in the European Community evoked by
the Single European Act and commonly referred to as the creation
of "Fortress Europe" by the end of 1992 have been attracted
considerable attention with respect to economic and political
integration in the international arena. Similarly, the
conclusion of the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement aiming at a
loose form of economic integration received significant
recognition.
These two agreements cover not only liberalization of trade
in goods and services but moreover, include foreign direct
investment. This is of particular significance since little
progress has been made in its regulation on an international
level in comparison to the regulation of trade in goods. Due to
the fact that direct investment is primarily exercised by large
multinational enterprises it has a larger political impact on the
host countries than trade in goods and services. Foreign
ownership of local industry creates the concern of economic
dependence and of a loss of sovereign powers among host
governments. Consequently, governments introduce laws and
regulations aiming at the restriction of direct investment of
foreign investors.
However, as foreign investment augments economic growth, it
is of common benefit to both investors and host countries to
provide an investment climate which balances the conflict of
interest between the need of legal certainty and flexibility for
foreign investors arid the safeguard of economic independence and
political freedom of host country governments to introduce and
maintain measures deemed necessary for the benefit of their
national economies.
This thesis will demonstrate the most effective regime to
solve this conflict through comparison of the Free Trade
Agreement with the Treaty of Rome as amended by the Single
European Act. These agreements have been chosen since they
involve two of the triad world economic powers and thus,
represent industrialized nations with the highest degree of
foreign direct investment aiming at the liberalization of direct
investment in their "enlarged" markets.
The thesis is divided into three parts. The first and
second parts will discuss the degree of liberalization of foreign
investment within the Common Market including the progress made
under the Single European Act of 1986 and within the free trade
area established by the U.S.-Canada Free Trade Agreement in 1989.
The analysis will centre around the issues of free establishment
of companies, the National Treatment Principle, capital movement,
and mergers and acquisitions. The third part consists of the
comparative analysis and will provide the final conclusions.
The conclusions will show that the two agreements share few
similarities but they are characterized by their divergent
approach to direct investment liberalization. It is submitted
that the more comprehensive form of liberalization is reached in the Common Market due to its broad restraint on sovereign powers
of its Member States and coherently implemented elimination of
restrictions on foreign investment. In contrast, the Free Trade
Agreement only imposes selected obligations on the parties to
liberalize direct investment. It will become clear that the Free
Trade Agreement stands for a settlement of the most vexing
investment issues between the parties rather than a commitment to
virtually liberalize investment between the U.S. and Canada.
In view of this result, recommendations are made to further
liberalize investment under the Free Trade Agreement. These have
to be seen, however, in the light of numerous economic and
political divergencies between the Common Market and the U.S.-
Canadian free trade area.Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate
7
Gordon, H. William (Harold William). « Trade Negotiations in Agriculture : A Comparative Study of the U.S. and the EC ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935682/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study applies Destler's institutional counterweights to Putnam's two-level analysis, substituting Liberal Institutionalism and Realism for internationalism and isolationism, in a comparative case study of the roles played by the U.S. and the EC in multilateral trade negotiations in agriculture under the aegis of the General Agreement for Tariffs and Trade during the first half of the Uruguay Round. Using game theory as an analytical tool in the process, this present study demonstrates that a clear pattern emerges in which stages of cooperation and deadlock can be easily anticipated in games of Chicken and Prisoners' Dilemma in accordance with various but predictable levels of institutional influence.
8
Vida, Irena. « Impacts of the EC 1992 single market on international marketing activities of American interior furnishing textile manufacturers ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42226.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The US textile industry has traditionally been import-impacted rather than export-oriented. Recent data reveal a significant growth in US textile and apparel exports, indicating that US manufacturers are aware of the importance of expanding internationally. Europe represents the second most important export destination for American textiles.
The purpose of this research was to examine the export involvement and marketing characteristics of eight US interior furnishing textile (IFT) manufacturers who market to the EC, and to determine their perceptions of how the creation of the EC 1992 Single Market would affect their future marketing strategies and market potential. The case study method, i.e., personal interviews, was used to investigate the expectations of IFT exporters regarding the EC 1992 market potential, and investigated whether they plan to adapt their export marketing strategies to the changing regulatory and business environment in the EC 1992 Single Market.
The informants were drawn from the US IFT companies participating at the Heimtextil 1993 trade show in Frankfurt, Germany. Multiple sources of evidence were used for compilation of final case study reports.
Cross-case comparisons revealed that IFT manufacturers exported up to 20 percent of their total sales in 1992, and half of the respondents considered the EC as their primary export market. The firms were direct exporters, catered to wholesalers and distributors, and utilized a focus market niche strategy. Styling and price competitiveness were most commonly mentioned as firms’ competitive advantages. The EC market was viewed merely as an extension of the domestic market. An EC-wide pricing strategy was utilized, and the profit structure in the EC tended to be higher than in the US. Marketing functions in the EC were performed by agents/distributors. Trade shows and product samples were commonly utilized as promotional tools. The executives of the companies under investigation were sensitive to the changing EC external environment and optimistic about the future market potential in the EC 1992 Single market. Major adjustments of their marketing strategies in the new Europe were related to entry modes, distribution and products.Master of Science
9
STADLER, Klaus-Dieter. « Die Europäische Gemeinschaft in den Vereinten Nationen : die Rolle der EG und ihrer Mitgliedsstaaten im politischen und wirtschaftlichen Entscheidungsprozess der UN-Hauptorgane am Beispiel der Generalversammlung ». Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5390.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 2 October 1991Examining Board: Prof. Gerard Braunthal, University of Massachussetts at Amherst ; Prof. Roger Morgan, European University Institute, supervisor ; Simon Nuttall, Director, Commission of the European Communities ; Rüdiger Freiherr von Wechmar, Ambassador a.D., MEP ; Prof. Dr. Werner Weidenfeld, University of Mainz, co-supervisor
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
10
SHULMAN, Ann R. « Environmental citizen suits in the United States and the European Community ». Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5621.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "United Nations – European Economic Community countries"
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Federalism and European union : Political ideas, influences, and strategies in the European community, 1972-1987. London : Routledge, 1989.
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Federalism and European union : The building of Europe, 1950-2000. New York : Routledge, 2000.
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Wistrich, Ernest. The United States of Europe. London : Routledge, 1994.
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America, the EU and strategic culture : Renegotiating the transatlantic bargain. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2008.
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Toje, Asle. America, the EU and strategic culture : Renegotiating the transatlantic bargain. London : Routledge, 2008.
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A guide to United Kingdom and European Community competition policy. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1990.
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A guide to United Kingdom and European Community competition policy. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan, 1990.
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1950-, Harper Timothy, dir. United States-European Community trade resources. New York : J. Wiley, 1993.
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Gianaris, Nicholas V. The European Community and the United States : Economic relations. New York : Praeger, 1991.
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H, Ginsberg Roy, dir. The United States and the European Community in the 1990s. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan Press, 1993.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "United Nations – European Economic Community countries"
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Scaffardi, Lucia, et Giulia Formici. « Introduction : Feeding the Future Sustainably—What Role for Novel Foods and Edible Insects ? » Dans Novel Foods and Edible Insects in the European Union, 1–11. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13494-4_1.
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AbstractFood systems all over the world are increasingly under pressure: according to the United Nations, in 2020, 2.37 billion people suffered hunger or were unable to eat a healthy balanced diet on a regular basis. This worrying scenario, mainly affecting developing countries in the Global South, has been exacerbated by different phenomena such as climate change, the global spread of Covid-19, and recent geopolitical tensions. In this context, innovation and technological progress have been considered important allies to promote environmental, social and economic sustainability in the food sector and provide solid answers to the urgent demand of accessible and safe food for present and future generations. So-called Novel Foods represent an interesting and relevant example of the potential role of innovation for the guaranteeing of food security. This introductive chapter aims to present the main issues affecting the food sector globally and offer some first insights on this Volume’s main topics: Novel Foods in the European Union and a particular category of ‘new’ foods, namely insects for human consumption. The structure of the book and the reasons behind the content selection are explored, highlighting the importance of an interdisciplinary approach to such a complex topic.
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Lourenço, Paulo B., Jorge M. Branco et Ana Coelho. « Sustainability and Cultural Heritage Buildings ». Dans Sustainable Structural Engineering, 53–68. Zurich, Switzerland : International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/sed014.053.
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<p>Conservation of cultural heritage buildings is a demand from society, which recognizes this heritage as a part of their identity, but it is also an economic issue. In Europe, tourism accounts for 10% of the gross domestic product (GDP) and 12% of the employment, if linked sectors are considered. The European Union (EU) is the world’s number one tourist destination, with 40% of arrivals in the world and with seven European countries among the top ten. According to the World Trade Organization (WTO) estimates, international tourist arrivals in Europe will increase signifi cantly. The built European heritage, namely monuments or historical centres, is a main attractor for tourism, with 45% of the United Nations Educational, Scientifi c and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage sites situated within the EU. Therefore, the need for their conservation is unquestionable.</p>
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Szeląg, Paulina. « Social Security of States with Limited Recognition : A Case Study of the Republic of Kosovo ». Dans Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 137–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_9.
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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) comprises 57 participating states, including almost all the countries of the Western Balkans. The only country which is not a participating state of the OSCE in this region is the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo announced its independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008, and a number of OSCE participating states soon after recognized its statehood. However, some participating states, including Serbia, Russia, Spain, Slovakia, Romania, Cyprus, and Greece, did not. International organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the OSCE, have been engaged in post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo since 1999. The aim of this article is to show the role of international community engagement in rebuilding the social security system in Kosovo since the end of the war of 1999. This analysis will enable the reader to understand not only the evolution of the social security system in Kosovo, but also the direct and indirect impact of international community on the social security of the states with limited recognition.
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Crawley, Heaven, et Veronica Fynn Bruey. « ‘Hanging in the Air’ : The Experiences of Liberian Refugees in Ghana ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 107–27. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97322-3_6.
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AbstractThe civil wars that devastated Liberia between 1989 and 2003 displaced an estimated 800,000 people internally, with more than a million people travelling to neighbouring countries in West Africa in search of protection and the opportunity to rebuild their lives. More than 15 years after the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed, tens of thousands of Liberians continue to be displaced in Liberia, Ghana, and Côte d’Ivoire. Whilst some have been resettled – primarily to Canada, the US, Australia, and European countries – most have been left ‘hanging in the air’, living in extreme poverty, marginalised from mainstream development policies and planning, and unable to either contribute to, or benefit from, efforts to rebuild peace and security in their home country. Their needs, interests and aspirations have been largely ignored by academics and policymakers in the Global North whose focus, particularly over recent years, has been primarily on the drivers of migration from West Africa across the Mediterranean to Europe. At a regional level, there have been efforts by the Economic Committee of West African States (ECOWAS) to provide alternative models of integration, particularly since the United Nations High Commissioner Refugees (UNHCR) announced the cessation of refugee status for Liberian refugees in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire in June 2012. However, significant barriers to both local integration and safe-third country resettlement remain. This chapter examines the experiences of Liberian refugees living in Ghana and their struggles to secure national and international protection in a context where returning to Liberia remains impossible for many.
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Caro-González, A., A. Serra, X. Albala, C. E. Borges, D. Casado-Mansilla, J. Colobrans, E. Iñigo, J. Millard, A. Mugarra-Elorriaga et Renata Petrevska Nechkoska. « The Three MuskEUteers ». Dans Contributions to Management Science, 3–28. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11065-8_1.
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AbstractUnder the inspiring and aspiring title: Paving the way for pushing and pursuing a “one for all, all for one” triple transition: social, green, and digital: The Three MuskEUteers, a group of remarkable co-authors and contributors have developed radically new forward-looking visions, principles, approaches, and action recommendations for an attuned indivisible social, green, and digital transition.The triple transition is aimed at helping humanity gather around a life-sustaining purpose, as opposed to life-destroying one in terms of wars of all kinds (military, economic, political, etc.); nature decay and wreckage (carbon footprint, plastic pollution, soil poisoning, etc.); human alienation (favelas, homeless persons, refugee camps, child malnutrition, poverty, exclusion of any kind); and geographic imbalances with empty rural spaces and overcrowded megacities (creating difficult access of rural and/or remote population to care, health, and other essential services; difficulty of urban population to contact with natural environments).The work highlights the urgent need to speed up a third social transition (Within this social transition dimension we understand the socio-cultural scope as any social shift implies a cultural transition and vice versa, with its very deep implications.), in addition to the green and digital transitions more widely recognised by the international community. Innovation, or a European industry-led twin transition aiming for climate neutrality and digital leadership, cannot be supported without a firm, responsive, responsible social and environmental engagement. Neither is it possible to tackle a JUST triple transition which is not firmly rooted in worthwhile human development, underpinned by the Sustainable Development Goals. And none of these transitions can go separately and/or isolated; they all need to intertwine around the notion of (more, firmer, and determined) just transition.European society is presented as a huge “co-laboratory” for this “all for one, one for all” boundaryless triple transition to respond to the urgent radical changes demanded by humanity and by the planet. The chapter proposes a radically new vision to pursue a non-explored transformative way to ideate, design, develop, and deliver science, innovation, and collaboration through experimentation and learning, and throughout multi-stakeholder engagement from the n-helix spectrum. It proposes systemic innovation tactics for the “how” (green, techno-digital), for the strategic “what” (green, social), for the purposeful “why” (green, social), and for the operational “how best” (green, social, techno-digital) within the governing principles of eco-centric society. This encompasses: Courageous goal-aligned alternatives, as a shift to new (yet ancient) principles of eco-centric rather than ego-centric behaviour. The adoption of a “complex system mind-set” to build up dynamic, context-sensitive, and holistic approaches to co-design mission and purpose-driven actions, outcomes, outputs, and no-harm impacts. The ignition of the transformative capacity of all forms of collaboration (international, interdisciplinary, intersectoral, intergenerational, inter-institutional, inter-genders) vs hierarchy as alternative governance and distribution models to overcome the unjust and unsustainable biased status quo within evolving, adaptable, flexible, and transformational n-helix ecosystems. The Three MuskEUteers, deeply anchored in European values (human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law, and human rights), will pave the way and drive humanity towards the achievement of the ambitious, but achievable, targets of the United Nations 2030 Global Agenda, the Sustainable Development Goals.Europe can be the initiator of co-laboratory experiments where social change drives the “all for one, one for all” dream into transforming this three-prong transition into possible real good ecosystems working.
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Franczak, Michael. « North-North Dialogues ». Dans Global Inequality and American Foreign Policy in the 1970s, 36–62. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501763915.003.0003.
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This chapter emphasizes how the New International Economic Order (NIEO) both exposed deep divisions in the transatlantic alliance. It argues that the NIEO prompted its renewal in the semi-institutional Group of 7. While the United States remained divided over its policy response to the NIEO, the chapter highlights that its closest allies in Europe were converging. The chapter then outlines how Henry Kissinger, the architect of the new partnership, promoted economic managerialism among the North and economic concessions to the South as a way to break the “unholy alliance” between oil-importing developing nations and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and to prevent both from striking separate deals with the European Community. The chapter follows how this move toward transatlantic unity in the emerging North–South dialogue stalled divergence in the North's economic policies, after more than a decade of troubling drift, while also weakening the resolve of the OPEC–No-PEC alliance and thus the South's negotiating power.
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« No. 33410. Lithuania, European Economic Community and European Atomic Energy Community ». Dans United Nations Treaty Series, 71–233. UN, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/286c413b-en-fr.
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« No. 33523. European Economic Community and European Atomic Energy Community and Romania ». Dans United Nations Treaty Series, 3–352. UN, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/0517288b-en-fr.
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« No. 50699. Norway and european economic community ». Dans United Nations Treaty Series, 175–217. UN, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/37e6695c-en-fr.
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« No. 29115. Mexico and European Economic Community ». Dans United Nations Treaty Series, 21–316. UN, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/3821241e-en-fr.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "United Nations – European Economic Community countries"
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Di Nicolantonio, Massimo, Emilio Rossi, Alessio D'Onofrio et Raffaella Massacesi. « DESK M.A.T.E. : Rapid Prototyped Desk for Teaching in Developing Countries and Emergency Situations ». Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001585.
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Issue of schooling in developing countries and in areas experiencing emergency conditions represents an important opportunity for the design research community. Contributing to the pupil’s growth, education and development, and increasing their potential, is part of the objectives of the human rights treaties, the United Nations Charter, and the values of the UN Convention about children’s rights. Disadvantaged communities require smart design interventions, sustainable and inclusive strategies, aimed at defining original and functional solutions, with account of the context, how these artefacts can be manage with respect to social, cultural and environmental backgrounds. Communities must look to the improvement of knowledge that goes from the aid of available or new technologies, the possibility of supplying and processing raw materials, know-how related to self-production, management, waste disposal; bad waste management in developing countries and in countries that are in emergency conditions represents one of the main problems that require clear lines of action to reduce the environmental impacts. Among the possible interventions, this research explored the concept of 3D rapid prototyping of sustainable furniture for teaching in developing countries and emergency situations – DESK M.A.T.E., which considers diversified insights from the student community ranging from 6 to 18 years, as well as elements from ergonomics, safety, and hygiene domains. It also brings attention on the purchasing factors affecting the school furnishing in these areas, which are almost exclusively guaranteed by humanitarian associations. Specifically, this paper focused on using natural fibres and vegetable resins, CNC (Computer Numerical Control) production processes, to adhere with the circular economic models.The result presented in the paper provides evidence and validity on the use of rapid prototyping technologies for sustainable design and production, as well as evidence on the development of intelligent solutions adaptable to those situational conditions affected by negative circumstances, with the aim of opening up to new research avenues for the design community.
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Reichard, Georg, et Suchismita Bhattacharjee. « A Comparison of Focus and Effectiveness of European Versus U.S. Energy Efficiency Programs for Buildings ». Dans ASME 2009 3rd International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the Heat Transfer and InterPACK09 Conferences. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2009-90403.
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The authors present a comparative study on effectiveness of energy policies for the building sector that are presently implemented in selected countries in Europe versus selected states in the U.S. Socio-economic factors affecting energy consumption on both sides of the Atlantic are identified from a human behavior perspective. Various identified factors known to affect energy efficiency and consumption have been positioned in diagrams based on four primary directions: lifestyle, economy, environment, and technology. In a second step various programs and incentives are positioned in the same diagram to demonstrate how well these strategies address the factors identified before. This is done for selected countries and continents in sub-diagrams to allow a comparison of effectiveness and provide a tool for predicting the effectiveness of a possible policy or program transfer to other nations. The research conducted so far suggests that energy efficiency policies and measures implemented in the United States do not always target the factors that have been identified to most significantly influence energy consumption. The results indicate that there might be a significant gap between parameters that are guiding factors affecting energy consumption, and parameters targeting a proper implementation of energy efficient policies. The authors strive to provide a tool that will help policy makers and other decision makers to evaluate and compare their incentives and programs against those from other countries and benefit from lessons learned by mapping various policies towards specific efficiency parameters.
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Pope, Ronald B., Deborah Kopsick, Shih-Yew Chen, Ray Turner et Martin Magold. « Addressing the Monitoring and Transport of Radioactively Contaminated Scrap Metal : An International Approach ». Dans ASME 2006 Pressure Vessels and Piping/ICPVT-11 Conference. ASMEDC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2006-icpvt-11-93668.
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The international metal processing industries are very concerned about the importation of scrap metal contaminated by radioactivity. Many of the problems are being identified while these materials, either unprocessed scrap, or processed materials, are being transported in the public domain. Because of this concern, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE), with the support of the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) circulated a survey to various countries and interested groups. Following assessment of the survey, a meeting was convened in April 2004 to discuss and evaluate the issues. Three major issues were identified at the initial meeting. • First, an internationally acceptable scrap metal radiation monitoring and response protocol is needed. • Second, international training programs are needed to address multiple areas, almost all having emphasis on the transport mode; these include addressing such topics as protocol implementation, optimum location of monitors, acceptable detector sensitivities, calibration and maintenance needs, incident reporting, handling radioactive materials after detection. • Third, international information exchange within the scrap metal industry is needed to share data and experiences on contaminated scrap incidents, especially those occurring at international borders during the transport of these materials. The “open border” policy of the European Union makes the collection and dissemination of this information sharing particularly time critical. The paper reviews the results of the initial meeting, and elaborates on the efforts undertaken since that meeting.
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João Delgado, Maria, Isabel Duarte De Almeida et Gianni Montagna. « Sustainable Design Approaches Towards Green Higher Education Campus ». Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001387.
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The primary goal of our work is to address the issues concerning the application of sustainability concepts in the Higher Education Campus of the Faculty of Architecture at Universidade de Lisboa. Sustainable actions and attitudes are part of the sustainable principles of the Sustainable Development Goals adopted in the 2030 Agenda by all member states of the United Nations. This exploratory research is based on a review of the international literature specialized in sustainability assessment in Higher Education Institutions. A qualitative research approach was applied, using a questionnaire adapted from the European University Association in 2021, as a research instrument, with the objective of knowing the perception and opinion of the Faculty of Architecture (FA) academic community on some of the collective actions of greening. Based on a survey carried out on a non-probabilistic sample selected from Campus users, a qualitative interpretation and discussion of the data obtained were performed. With this investigation, we intend to know the challenges and initiatives practiced in this Campus in defense of sustainability and contribute towards a changeover the environmental, social, and economic awareness of the campus community.
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Mazur-Kumrić, Nives, et Ivan Zeko-Pivač. « TRIGGERING EMERGENCY PROCEDURES : A CRITICAL OVERVIEW OF THE EU’S AND UN'S RESPONSE TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND BEYOND ». Dans EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18300.
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The large-scale COVID-19 pandemic is a severe public health emergency which poses distressing social and economic challenges to the international community as a whole. In order to provide immediate and effective support to affected welfare and healthcare systems as well as to build their lasting, inclusive and sustainable recovery, both the European Union and the United Nations have introduced a number of urgent measures aiming to help and protect citizens and economies. This paper looks into the specificities of urgent procedures launched and carried out by the two most influential international organisations with a view to rapidly respond to the unprecedented COVID-19 crisis. More specifically, it focuses on the involved institutions and steps of urgent procedures as well as on their most remarkable outcomes. In the case of the European Union, the emphasis is put primarily on two Coronavirus Response Investment Initiatives (CRIIs), adopted during the Croatian Presidency of the Council in one of the fastest legal procedures in the history of the European Union, and the Recovery Assistance for Cohesion and the Territories of Europe (REACT-EU) as an extension of the CRIIs’ crisis repair measures. The overarching United Nations’ response is assessed through an analysis of its urgent policy agenda developed on the premise that the COVID-19 pandemic is not only a health and socio-economic emergency but also a global humanitarian, security and human rights crisis. This particularly includes procedures foreseen by the Global Humanitarian Response Plan (GHRP) and the Strategic Preparedness and Response Plan (SPRP). In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting three pivotal elements. First, the paper sheds light on the financial aspects of the urgent fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, necessary for turning words into action. Notably, this refers to funds secured by the Multiannual Financial Frameworks 2014-2020 and 2021-2027, and the Next Generation EU recovery instrument, on the one hand, and the UN COVID-19 Response and Recovery Fund, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund and the Solidarity Response Fund, on the other hand. Second, it offers a comparative evaluation of the end results of the European and global emergency procedures in mitigating the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, it summarises the underlying elements of measures governing the aftermath of the ongoing crisis, i.e. those promoting a human-centred, green, sustainable, inclusive and digital approach to future life.
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Velzing, Evert-Jan, Annemiek Van der Meijden, Kitty Vreeswijk et Ruben Vrijhoef. « Circularity in value chains for building materials ». Dans CARPE Conference 2019 : Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia : Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10196.
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AbstractThe urgency for developing a circular economy is growing, and more and more companies and organisations are concerned with the importance of adapting their business to fit a changing economy. However, many analyses on the circular economy are still rather abstract and there is a lack of understanding about what circularity would mean for specific industries. This insufficient insight especially seems to be apparent in the building and construction sector. Besides, the building and construction sector is responsible for a major part of energy use and emissions. To tackle the issue of insufficient insight into the business consequences of circular devlopments, further research is necessary. Therefore, we propose to collaborate on a research project that aims to provide a more detailed level of analysis. The goal is to identify drivers and barriers to make better use of materials in the building and construction sector. This further research would benefit from an international collaboration between universities of applied sciences and industry from different European countries. An additional benefit of the applied orientation would be the relevance for professional education programmes. References CBS, PBL & Wageningen UR. (2017). Vrijkomen en verwerking van afval per doelgroep, 1990-2014 (indicator 0206, versie 13, 26 janauri2017). Retrieved from: https://www.clo.nl/indicatoren/nl0206-vrijkomen-en-verwerking-van-afval-per-doelgroep Cuchí, A.; Arcas, J.; Casals, M. & Fobella, G. (2014). Building a common home Building sector – A global vision report. Produced by the Global Vision Area within the World SB14 Barcelona Conference. De Jesus, A. & Mendonça, S. (2018). Lost in Transition? Drivers and Barriers in the Eco-innovation Road to the Circular Economy. Ecological Economics, 145, 75-89. doi: 10.1016/j.ecolecon.2017.08.001. EC. (2015). Closing the Loop – An EU action plan for the Circular Economy. Brussels: European Commission. EC. (2019). Report from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions on the implementation of the Circualr Economy Action Plan. Brussels: European Commission. Ghisellini, P; Cialini, C. & Ulgiati, S. (2016). A review on circular economy: the expected transition to a balanced interplay of environmental and economic systems. Journal of Cleaner Production, 114, 11-32. doi: 10.1016/j.jclepro.2015.09.007. Kirchherr, J., Pisciceli, L., Bour, R., Kostense-Smit, E., Muller, J., Huibrechtse-Truijens, A. & Hekkert, M. (2018). Barriers to the Circular Economy: Evidence From the European Union (EU). Ecological Economics, 150, 264-272. Mazzucato, M. (2018). Mission-Oriented Research & Innovation in the European Union – A problem-solving approach to fuel innovation-led growth. Retrieved from: European Commission; https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/info/files/mazzucato_report_2018.pdf Nederland circulair in 2050. Rijksbreed programma Circulaire Economie (2016). Den Haag: Ministerie van Infrastructuur en Milieu & Ministerie van Economische Zaken. Stahel, W.R. (2016) The Circular Economy. Nature, 531(7595), 435-438. UN. (2018). 2018 Global Status Report – Towards a zero-emission, efficient and resilient buildings and construction sector. United Nations Environment Programme. UNCTAD. (2018). Circular Economy: The New Normal (Policy Brief No. 61). Retrieved from United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD): https://unctad.org/en/PublicationsLibrary/presspb2017d10_en.pdf
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Solt, J. C. « Coping With Gas Turbine Emissions Regulations ». Dans ASME 1987 International Gas Turbine Conference and Exhibition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/87-gt-239.
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The subject of emissions regulations is complex. Worldwide there are over 20 countries that regulate permissible emissions, each with its own regulations. Certain groups, such as the European Economic Community (EEC) have regulations for all of their members. In the United States, federal regulations (Fig. 1) fall under the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), while there are separate regulations for each of the 50 states. Fortunately, most of the state regulations are simply adapted from and are quite similar to federal regulations. However, several states have significantly more stringent standards than the federal regulations. The State of California, for example, not only has separate regulations, but each of the 45 pollution control districts within the state has its own regulations, most of which differ substantially from each other. The following is a discussion of the U.S. federal regulations as they apply to areas that presently meet the ambient air quality standards. These are called attainment areas. Areas that do not meet the ambient air quality standards are called nonattainment areas. For a gas turbine application in a nonattainment area, such as Denver, or in the State of California, it is imperative to check local regulations, which result from the federal regulations for nonattainment areas.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "United Nations – European Economic Community countries"
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.