Articles de revues sur le sujet « Unemployment – Spain – Statistics »

The current economical recovery is driven by expansions in many countries, with a global economic growth of 3.6% in 2017. However, some countries are still struggling with vulnerable forms of employment and high unemployment rates. Official statistics in Spain reveal that women and older people constitutes the core of structural unemployment, and are persistently being excluded from employment recovery. This paper contributes with a database that includes jobseekers’ characteristics, enrollment on training initiatives for unemployed and employment contracts for the Valencian region in Spain. Analysing the relation between the involved variables can help researchers to shed light on which characteristics are positively related to employment and then encourage political decision makers to promote initiatives to support vulnerable groups.

Abstract Official statistics and usual metrics place Romania at a relatively low level of unemployment. This paper shows why this can be misleading, considering various specificities of the Romanian economy. Looking at such factors as structural features, a high number of people employed in agriculture, involuntary part-time workers, etc. we show that there are alternative metrics for unemployment that can constitute better diagnostic tools for public policies and labor market reform. The alternative unemployment metrics presented here, show that the real unemployment figures in Romania are much closer to those in Mediterranean economies like Greece, Italy, and Spain that have been struggling with high unemployment. Furthermore, we emphasize possible directions and measures to be implemented in Romania to reduce unemployment (especially structural) and to support inter-regional social cohesion and sustainable economic growth. Given the current context of the economic downturn in the post-COVID-19 and the projected impact on vulnerable groups and the risk of poverty, it is more important than ever to develop sound evidence for the policy-making process.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to shed light on transitions from the state of unemployment to that of employment and of inactivity in Italy and Spain. Design/methodology/approach – First, the paper investigates the determinants of unemployment outflows in these two Mediterranean labour markets. Then, the paper examines discrepancies and similarities between specific outflow determinants, especially the interactions between gender and marital status, by comparing results obtained across countries. Findings – The findings of the paper suggest that gender and marital status influence the probability of unemployment outflows in both countries, although not in the same way, especially with reference to marital status. Discrepancies also emerge in relation to the role of geographical area of residence. Originality/value – International comparisons of unemployment outflows are rather new in the literature, and as far as we know none have been performed using European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions data. Further, although studies quite often examine the issue of gender-related labour mobility using the European Community Household Panel survey that took place in the 1990s (Arulampalam et al., 2007; Garcia Pérez and Rebollo Sanz, 2005; Theodossiou and Zangelidis, 2009), one of the main contributions of this paper is that it provides a systematic examination of the issue, considering the influence of gender and marital status differences on patterns of unemployment outflows to employment and inactivity.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate alternative measures to better understand and measure success for self-employed mothers in addition to the usual financial indicators. Design/methodology/approach – The present study is a comparative analysis of time spent at work and undertaking childcare by female workers with children in Spain between 2009 and 2010, using a combination of descriptive statistics and linear regression analysis based on the Time-Use Survey 2009-2010. Findings – The results of the paper indicate that self-employed working mothers tend to spend more time with their children when these are under the age of ten, and that they work longer hours than salaried mothers. Research limitations/implications – This paper has some limitations due to the quantitative approach to secondary data. Further qualitative research could clarify some of the findings; moreover the study is based on Spain, so extending to other countries would help validate the results. Social implications – Policy makers, in general – but more specifically in high unemployment scenarios – can facilitate self-employment for both men and women to reduce unemployment and to offer workers the prospect of a more balanced life. Originality/value – This research contributes to the existing literature, which fosters a more holistic approach to the analysis of female-run ventures by measuring performance using not only economic indicators, but also personal achievements.

This article addresses the problem of the main factors driving sectoral unemployment in the Mediterranean countries most affected by this phenomenon. The choice of the four countries (Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal) relies on the fact that they are dealing with the highest unemployment rates in the European Union and a certain typology of the economic structure. The originality of our research is offered by its direction, less tackled until now, namely the focus on the particularities of the economic sectors, trying to capture differences between them. The importance and the impact of the results are supported by the methods used to produce them, indicators and econometric models that are on trend and bring extra information to available studies. Descriptive statistics and mismatch indexes are used to outline the economic and labour market structure, while the econometric models built on panel data capture the impact of factors such as GVA growth, specialization and labour market mismatches on the unemployment rate at six economic sectors level. Our paper makes three contributions to the literature. First, we have demonstrated that agriculture is the sector of activity less sensitive to output fluctuations in terms of unemployment and can become a buffer for the jobless in times of recessions. Second, we have proved that industry, as a whole, is highly responsive to economic developments and bad specialization could worsen unemployment situation in this sector. Third, we showed that educational mismatches have a significant impact on unemployment in those sectors of activity that employ low educated workforce.

Previous studies have examined the impact of COVID-19 on mortality and fertility. However, little is known about the effect of the pandemic on constraining international migration. We use Eurostat and national statistics data on immigration and ARIMA time-series models to quantify the impact of COVID-19 on immigration flows in 15 high-income countries by forecasting their counterfactual levels in 2020, assuming no pandemic, and comparing these estimates with observed immigration counts. We then explore potential driving forces, such as stringency measures and increases in unemployment moderating the extent of immigration change. Our results show that immigration declined in all countries, except in Finland. Yet, significant cross-national variations exist. Australia (60%), Spain (45%) and Sweden (36%) display the largest declines, while immigration decreased by between 15% and 30% in seven countries, and by less than 15% in four nations where results were not statistically significant. International travel restrictions, mobility restrictions and stay-at-home requirements exhibit a relatively strong relationship with declines in immigration, although countries with similar levels of stringency witnessed varying levels of immigration decline. Work and school closings and unemployment show no relationship with changes in immigration.

AbstractNot in Education, Employment, or Training (NEET) and its Spanish equivalent ‘nini’ (Ni estudia, Ni trabaja) have dominated youth policy discourses in recent years. Within the European Union, Spain is one of the countries with the highest proportion of young people in NEET situations. In this article, it is argued that the idea of NEET has been weaponised to stigmatise youth, by evoking the phantom of a demotivated young person with scarce training. This stigmatisation has little to do with the reality of many young Spaniards who can find themselves in different situations, such as unemployment, precarious employment, training and education in a matter of days. Thus, there is a need to consider the different experiences and structural circumstances of so-called NEETs rather than viewing them as a homogenous and static group. Using documentary analysis and secondary data, this article examines the diversity of NEET situations for the youth in Spain, which is generally not captured in large national statistics data-sets and policies. Furthermore, it analyses the EU Youth Guarantee and its application in Spain, highlighting where official objectives have not been met, and includes an overview of the current effects of the coronavirus crisis. Ultimately, the paper shows that public discourses centred on an artificially created social group (NEET) legitimise and produce policies that do not respond to young people’s actual needs and problems, especially for the most vulnerable among them.

The research question in this article is threefold: To which degree is the financial crisis of 2008 and the subsequent recession associated with reduced well-being among people in the four hardest affected EURO countries? Are individual factors associated with reduced well-being the same in these countries? and Are lower socioeconomic groups more severely hit than the better off?. Data before the crisis are compared with data in 2013/2014 (EU-SILC [European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions] survey 2013) for Greece, Portugal, Ireland, and Spain. Finland is used as a reference category. Before control of individual characteristics, regressions demonstrate a small and mostly significant fall in average satisfaction with life in these countries, Portugal being an exception. According to the theory of capability and actual economic and political development, it was hypothesized that Greece—being the worst case in terms of economic development—may experience the greatest fall in life satisfaction. This hypothesis is not supported by the data. In fact, the strongest decline was found in Ireland. In particular, lack of political trust stands in Greece out as having an impact, while poor health is related to Ireland and unemployment to Portugal and Spain. Greatest socioeconomic inequality in life satisfaction was found in Portugal.

This article related crime rates to social risk factors and to the feeling of insecurity in Spain. The first finding of this study, financed by National I + D Plan CSO2016-77549-P, AEI-FEDER, was the direct relation between crime rates and some sociodemographic factors such as population, unemployment, urban land area, and hotel occupancy, based on the question of which social risk factors correlate to crime rates. The second finding was that social factors drive citizens’ feelings of insecurity, according to whether feelings of insecurity are linked to crime rates or perceived risk factors. The research was based on a quantitative methodology, using two data sources: reworked official statistics treated by HJ-Biplot analysis; a 2019 CATI survey with N = 3904, sample error between 5.2% and 3.7% according to territory, 95% confidence level. The main conceptual conclusion of the study was the link between well-being and security. The main methodological contribution was the application of HJ-Biplot analysis to the social sciences.

The main purpose of the paper is to consider the impact of Covid-19 pandemic on the situation of youth in chosen countries of the European Union in the years 2009–2021. The study area includes four countries: Poland, Germany, Spain and France. The structure of the paper is following. At first, the concepts of precarity and labour market theories are presented. Then the statistical analysis of the situation of young people in Polish, German, Spanish and French labour markets is conducted to assess the economic position of youth in the labour market in the aspect of unemployment and to scrutinise temporary and precarious employment among youth. The principal research interest includes the impact of the pandemic on the situation of youth in the labour market. The conclusion is presented at the end of the paper. The article uses the methods of descriptive statistics and simple statistical measures describing the dynamics of studied phenomena. Main conclusion of the paper is that the labour market in the pandemic era has become hugely challenging for youth. They often work in crisis-sensitive sectors and workplaces. As a result, young people experience increased job insecurity, relatively higher unemployment rate and worse economic conditions compared to total population in the labour market. Due to the results of our analysis implementing the dual education system at the macro level is the strongly recommended solution for improving the situation of youth in the labour market.

Young European graduates are crossing borders to work abroad more often than in the past. This trend is particularly evident in Southern Europe, where recent economic downturn has significantly diminished professional opportunities and career prospects. This study will investigate Spain, a country where unemployment has increased dramatically since 2008, as a case study to examine recent graduate’s experiences to develop a professional career in Germany. In particular, this study will draw upon various sources: official statistics; review literature; and education and training policies throughout the European Union. The investigation features an interview with Spanish graduates working in Germany to offer insight into the experiences of perhaps the best-prepared generation of the Spanish workforce. Our results indicate that young Spaniards, leaving the country to work out of necessity rather than choice, learn through the benefits and challenges of a career abroad. We finish our article by discussing the notions of education, competencies and adaptation, and how citizen and professional identities are redefined after the experience of working abroad.

IntroductionThe geographical distribution of hypoglycemic events requiring emergency assistance was explored in Andalusia (Spain), and potentially associated societal factors were determined.Research design and methodsThis was a database analysis of hypoglycemia requiring prehospital emergency assistance from the Public Company for Health Emergencies (Empresa Pública de Emergencias Sanitarias (EPES)) in Andalusia during 2012, which served 8 393 159 people. Databases of the National Statistics Institute, Basic Spatial Data of Andalusia and System of Multiterritorial Information of Andalusia were used to retrieve spatial data and population characteristics. Geographic Information System software (QGIS and GeoDA) was used for analysis and linkage across databases. Spatial analyses of geographical location influence in hypoglycemic events were assessed using Moran’s I statistics, and linear regressions were used to determine their association with population characteristics.ResultsThe EPES attended 1 137 738 calls requesting medical assistance, with a mean hypoglycemia incidence of 95.0±61.6 cases per 100 000 inhabitants. There were significant differences in hypoglycemia incidence between basic healthcare zones attributable to their geographical location in the overall population (Moran’s I index 0.122, z-score 7.870, p=0.001), women (Moran’s I index 0.088, z-score 6.285, p=0.001), men (Moran’s I index 0.076, z-score 4.914, p=0.001) and aged >64 years (Moran’s I index 0.147, z-score 9.753, p=0.001). Hypoglycemia incidence was higher within unemployed individuals (β=0.003, p=0.001) and unemployed women (β=0.005, p=0.001), while lower within individuals aged <16 years (β=−0.004, p=0.040), higher academic level (secondary studies) (β=−0.003, p=0.004) and women with secondary studies (β=−0.005, p<0.001). In subjects aged >64 years, lower rate of hypoglycemia was associated with more single-person homes (β=−0.008, p=0.022) and sports facilities (β=−0.342, p=0.012).ConclusionsThis analysis supports the geographical distribution of hypoglycemia in the overall population, both genders and subjects aged >64 years, which was affected by societal factors such as unemployment, literacy/education, housing and sports facilities. These data can be useful to design specific prevention programs.

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has hit both the Spanish economy and the population’s health hard. The result is an unprecedented economic and social crisis due to uncertainty about the remedy and the socioeconomic effects on people’s lives. Methods: We performed a retrospective analysis of the macroeconomic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 using key indicators of the Spanish economy for the 17 Autonomous Communities (ACs) of the country. National statistics were examined in the search for impacts or anomalies occurring since the beginning of the pandemic. To estimate the strength of the impact on each of the indicators analyzed, we used Bayesian structural time series. We also calculated the correlation between the rate of GDP decline during 2020 and the cumulative incidence of COVID-19 cases per 100,000 inhabitants in the ACs. Results: In 2020, the cumulative impact on the gross domestic product was of −11.41% (95% credible interval: −13.46; −9.29). The indicator for business turnover changed by −9.37% (−12.71; −6.07). The Spanish employment market was strongly affected; our estimates showed a cumulative increase of 11.9% (4.27; 19.45) in the rate of unemployment during 2020. The worst indicators were recorded in the ACs most economically dependent on the services sector. There was no statistical association between the incidence of COVID-19 in 2020 and the fall in GDP in the ACs. Conclusions: Our estimates portray a dramatic situation in Spain, where the COVID-19 crisis has had more serious economic and health consequences than in other European countries. The productive system in Spain is too dependent on sectors vulnerable to the pandemic, and it is necessary to design and implement profound changes through the European Next Generation program.

An issue of the population poverty is one of the most urgent to- day, both in Russia and around the world. The article considers the statistics of poverty in foreign countries as well as in Russia. In that rating, Russia ranks the 64th. The number of citizens falling under the category of poor in 2020 in- creased to 19.9 million people, which in relative terms is 13.5% of the country’s population. The causes of poverty are revealed, the sequence, forms and methods of overcoming poverty in Russia are formulated on the basis of foreign experi- ence in combating poverty. The decline in the income of the Russian popula- tion according to Rosstat in the 2nd quarter of 2020 in annual terms was 8%. GDP declined by 8%, while Canada’s GDP – 13.5%, Germany – 11.7%, and the United States – 9.5%. It is because since the beginning of the pandemic, many developed countries have implemented large-scale material support for the population. The article analyzes a variety of specific ways and methods of combating poverty in the United States, Great Britain, Spain, India, Finland and other countries. Also it presents results of the experiment with application of the method of using unconditional income, support of the population of the Neth- erlands, Canada, Mongolia, Iran, Kenya, and Germany. The article presents the experience of supporting the population in Russia, where that activity was focused on supporting the families with children. The results prove that such a support option cannot be called large-scale and effec- tive, since, as summing, the real incomes of citizens, unlike in other countries, oddly enough, decreased. Poverty and unemployment continue to grow in the context of the current pandemic. Therefore the conclusion contains proposals on how to overcome the poverty and unemployment in our country.

ObjectivesTo evaluate the impact of the economic crisis on the oral health of individuals in Spain based on variables including sex, unemployment, social class and educational level.DesignThis was an analysis of serial cross-sectional, population-based health surveys conducted before the crisis (2003 and 2006) and during the crisis (2011, 2014 and 2017).SettingNational Health Surveys of Spain and the European Health Survey in Spain.ParticipantsA total of 189 543 participants were recruited.Outcome measuresThe independent variables were sex, employment, social class and educational level. The dependent variables were related to oral health. Descriptive statistics, χ2tests and the Cochran-Mantel-Haenszel test were performed.ResultsThe results showed that there were differences (p<0.001) in all oral health indicators before and after the crisis. Compared with the precrisis period, men had a higher probability of tooth extractions (OR 1.41, 95% CI 1.37 to 1.45), dental fillings (OR 1.30, 95% CI 1.27 to 1.34), prostheses (OR 1.04, 95% CI 1.01 to 1.07) and missing teeth (OR 1.35, 95% CI 1.31 to 1.39). Unemployed individuals were more likely to have dental caries (OR 1.08, 95% CI 1.00 to 1.16) and missing teeth (OR 1.36, 95% CI 1.27 to 1.46). Working class individuals had a higher probability of tooth extractions (OR 1.63, 95% CI 1.59 to 1.67), bleeding gums (OR 1.04, 95% CI 1.01 to 1.07), prostheses (OR 1.05, 95% CI 1.02 to 1.07) and missing teeth (OR 1.36, 95% CI 1.33 to 1.39). Participants with a basic or intermediate level of education had a higher probability of dental mobility (OR 1.13, 95% CI 1.07 to 1.19), prostheses (OR 1.11, 95% CI 1.08 to 1.14) and missing teeth (OR 1.42, 95% CI 1.38 to 1.46).ConclusionsThe economic crisis affected the oral health of the Spanish population, with a more significant deterioration among men, working class individuals and unemployed individuals.

The impact of the Great Recession on health stands out due to its implications for the wellbeing of the population. The available empirical evidence suggests that macrosocial inequalities can be a central element in explaining differences in the impact of the crisis on the health of the population during its early years (2008–2011). Specifically, it is necessary to analyze the role played by the processes constituting a model of inequalities based on social exclusion. This study addresses the topic by using longitudinal data taken from the European Union statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC) survey ( n = 5.924), with a hierarchical structure of four measurement moments nested in 5,924 individuals nested in 17 regions. Variables from two levels of analysis are considered: individual and ecological (regional) variables. The findings show that personal socioeconomic status (income and education) are significantly associated with changes in self-rated health during the onset of the crisis. The findings for ecological variables show that the variables measuring exclusion (material deprivation and low work intensity) play a significant role in the explanation of inequalities in health and how they changed during the crisis. Both indicators are negatively associated with self-rated health, while the Gini index and the proportion of the population in long-term unemployment do not have a consistent significant effect. These findings support the hypothesis that there are higher risks to wellbeing in more unequal societies compared with more equal societies.

Pandemics have historically had a significant impact on economic inequality. However, official inequality statistics are only available at low frequency and with considerable delay, which challenges policymakers in their objective to mitigate inequality and fine-tune public policies. We show that using data from bank records it is possible to measure economic inequality at high frequency. The approach proposed in this paper allows measuring, timely and accurately, the impact on inequality of fast-unfolding crises, like the COVID-19 pandemic. Applying this approach to data from a representative sample of over three million residents of Spain we find that, absent government intervention, inequality would have increased by almost 30% in just one month. The granularity of the data allows analyzing with great detail the sources of the increases in inequality. In the Spanish case we find that it is primarily driven by job losses and wage cuts experienced by low-wage earners. Government support, in particular extended unemployment insurance and benefits for furloughed workers, were generally effective at mitigating the increase in inequality, though less so among young people and foreign-born workers. Therefore, our approach provides knowledge on the evolution of inequality at high frequency, the effectiveness of public policies in mitigating the increase of inequality and the subgroups of the population most affected by the changes in inequality. This information is fundamental to fine-tune public policies on the wake of a fast-moving pandemic like the COVID-19.

Introduction Suicide is a complex public health problem in contemporary societies. Macroeconomic downturns derived from the economic crisis have been found to be associated with growing suicide mortality in the United States and in Europe. The present work is aimed to assess the association between the recent economic downturns and suicide patterns using interrupted time series analysis and, particularly, adjusting this relationship by indicators of social cohesion and community values that might provide additional insights on the complex explanation of suicidal trends. Methods We combined suicide, social and economic data extracted from the National Statistics Institute (INE), the Eurostat database, and the World Values Survey to assess the association between the socio-economic factors and trends in suicide rates. To study the association between the financial crisis and changes in suicide rates in Spain, we used interrupted time series analysis (ITSA). Results Our findings confirm that suicides increased after the 2011 recession, but remained moderately constant after the 2008 economic downturn. Suicides particularly increased after the 2011 recession in the 10–14, and 45–64 years old intervals between males and females, and apparently in older groups. However, during the 2008–2011 time period suicide rates decreased during working years (specifically among 40–44, 45–49, and 55–59 years old groups). Our results highlight the importance of social protection against unemployment and, to a lesser extent, social protection in disability and family, in reducing suicides, as well as the economic prosperity of the country. Conclusion This result corroborates that the economic crisis has possibly impacted the growing suicide rates of the most vulnerable groups, but exclusively during the period characterised by economic cuts after the 2011 recession. This study highlights the need to implement tailored policies that protect these collectives against suicide.

ObjectivesTo examine the lifetime, 5-year and past-year prevalence of homelessness among European citizens in eight European nations.DesignA nationally representative telephone survey using trained bilingual interviewers and computer-assisted telephone interview software.SettingThe study was conducted in France, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain and Sweden.ParticipantsEuropean adult citizens, selected from opt-in panels from March to December 2017. Total desired sample size was 5600, with 700 per country. Expected response rates of approximately 30% led to initial sample sizes of 2500 per country.Main outcome measuresHistory of homelessness was assessed for lifetime, past 5 years and past year. Sociodemographic data were collected to assess correlates of homelessness prevalence using generalised linear models for clustered and weighted samples.ResultsResponse rates ranged from 30.4% to 33.5% (n=5631). Homelessness prevalence was 4.96% for lifetime (95% CI 4.39% to 5.59%), 1.92% in the past 5 years (95% CI 1.57% to 2.33%) and 0.71% for the past year (95% CI 0.51% to 0.98%) and varied significantly between countries (pairwise comparison difference test, p<0.0001). Time spent homeless ranged between less than a week (21%) and more than a year (18%), with high contrasts between countries (p<0.0001). Male gender, age 45–54, lower secondary education, single status, unemployment and an urban environment were all independently strongly associated with lifetime homelessness (all OR >1.5).ConclusionsThe prevalence of homelessness among the surveyed nations is significantly higher than might be expected from point-in-time and homeless service use statistics. There was substantial variation in estimated prevalence across the eight nations. Coupled with the well-established health impacts of homelessness, medical professionals need to be aware of the increased health risks of those with experience of homelessness. These findings support policies aiming to improve health services for people exposed to homelessness.

Nowadays the migration of the population plays an important role in the development of a country, a region, a town and it is the result of socio-economic changes. The population of Ukraine and its regions is decreasing in recent years due to three main reasons: 1) the demographic crisis; 2) the activation of migration processes; 3) the military conflict in the east of the country. If the demographic component is a natural process that is covering European countries more than one year, then the others point out a lot of unfavorable factors that has been formed inside Ukraine and «push» the population into the international migration processes. The problem of labour migration is complex, systematic and its solution must be based on the improvement of socioeconomic policies of the country or region. Migration processes at the world-wide European and Ukrainian levels are investigated by such domestic scientists as O.A. Malynovska, Y.M. Pakhomov, A.O. Nadtochiy, D.V. Chekushyna, S.O. Zapadnyuk, V.P. Miklovoda, M.I. Pityulych, N.A. Syrochuk, V.S. Morokhovych and others. In the structure of migration flows of Ukraine foreign labour migration takes the first place, which has acquired a large-scale nature and has absorbed a significant number of economically active population of the country at the age of 20-34 years over the past 10 years. In particular, in 2016 the number of men who left Ukraine at the age of 20-24 was 3897 people; at the age of 25-29 years – 2360 people, at the age of 30-34 – 1086 people. As forwomen, their number varies in two age categories: 20-24 years old – 1487 people and 25-29 years old – 1226 people. The dynamics of the migration movement of the population in the regions of Ukraine is divided into four regions of Ukraine, which are «the leaders» according to the number of those who went abroad, namely: Dnipro region (2300 people), Transcarpathian region (1519 people), Odesa region (2126 people) and Kharkiv region (3291 people). According to the State Statistics Committee in Ukraine there are 16 million economically active citizens, 12.8 million of them officially work. Taking these numbers into consideration, the problems with the pension system will arise first and foremost. Nowadays 10 working Ukrainians account for 15 pensioners. If the pace of migration remains, then the ratio will change to 8 for 15. Analysts warn that according to the outflow of labour resources, Ukraine is losing about 40 billion UAH annually. Moreover, the shortage of workforce is putting back the development of some sectors of industry, agriculture, hospitality industry and leads to the decline of regions. It should be noted that unemployment is a major factor in the activation of labour migration in researches. The decline of the Ukrainian economy increased the unemployment level of the population. Although the pace of recovery of economic activity shows a positive dynamics, we have not succeeded yet in reaching the employment level of at least the pre-crisis period. The main reason for the unemployment increase was the fall of the economy and the corresponding decline in finances of enterprises. An analysis of the unemployment rate shows a significant disproportion in employment in the regions of Ukraine in January 2017. We distinguish such reasons: 1) different socio-economic level of development of regions; 2) lack of jobs; 3) political instability; 4) military actions in the east of the country. The best employment situation is observed in Kharkiv, Kyiv, Odesa, Lviv, Dnipro regions and the worst – in Luhansk, Donetsk, Volyn, Ternopil and Kirovograd regions. These important arguments prove the inevitability of the intensification of labour migration flowsinto the countries of the European Union and the European vector of labour migration for Ukrainians remains crucial not only today but also in the long run. The dynamics of labour migration from Ukraine is as follows: in 2008 the number of labour migrants from our country reached 1.2 million people and according to the ranking Russia, Italy, Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were chosen; in 2012 the number of migrant workers has not changed (1.2 million), but the vectors of the countries, that migrants chose, have changed – Russia, Poland, Italy, the Czech Republic, Spain; in comparison with previous years in 2017 the number of migrant workers increased to 1.3 million people who settled in Poland, Russia, Italy, the Czech Republic and the USA. There is a slightlydifferent spatial picture of the migrants’ movement of Ukraine directly with the countries that it borders. We witness an abrupt increase in the numbers from 2012 till 2017 in Poland (up to 10 million people), in Hungary (up to 3 million people), Romania and Slovakia (1.5 million people). The departure of Ukrainian citizens to Russia has decreased, in particular, in 2013 the number was the largest and reached more than 6 million people. In the next period of 2014-2016, due to military actions in eastern Ukraine, the number decreased to 4 million people and only in 2017 began to increase to 5 million people again. It should be noted that 60% of them are labour migrants. The situation that has appeared in the field of labour migration requires the government of the country totake steps in regulating labour migration at the legislative level and to implement a number of measures, as follows:- the protection of the rights of labour migrants, the legalization of their employment;- the development of special regional programs for stimulating self-employment of those migrants who have returned from abroad after labour migration;- the assistance from public authorities in launching businesses, small businesses, farming by the labourers who returned;- to give them the opportunity to take refresher courses and retraining in different fields, etc.Thus, the analysis of new trends in labour migration both in Ukraine and in Transcarpathian region requires the intensification of the international cooperation with the member countries of the European Union in creating favorable conditions for the legalization of Ukrainian labour migrants, cooperation in the field of border control, the promotion of reverse migration, the raising the socio-economic standard of living in Ukraine, because the risks of labour migration are assessed as alarming.

Abstract The crisis of COVID-19 in long-term care services and supports (LTSS) has brought attention to challenges in staffing long-term care organizations, as shortages of direct care workers led to a dramatic inability to provide needed care for many residents in nursing homes and other residential care settings. In this study, we examine unemployment among LTSS direct care workers during the crisis and recovery. This study uses monthly data from January 2019 to December 2020 from the Current Population Survey, a monthly household survey collected by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and we compare an individual’s 2019 monthly employment patterns to their 2020 monthly employment. Long-term care workers had an unemployment rate of 2.8% in April 2020, when unemployment rates in the US reached a peak; however, new unemployment among long-term care workers has not declined as consistently as in other settings. Female health care workers were significantly more likely to be unemployed compared to their male counterparts, a trend that is consistent with the overall economy, and workers who earned the lowest wages were more likely to have transitioned to unemployment. COVID-19 has added significant complexity to the provision of direct care services, making LTSS a hazardous place to work. Concerns remain about unemployment in long-term care where demand for workers remains high; additional measures need to be taken to ensure that direct care workers have the resources they need to remain employed.

This paper aims to portray the overall picture of poverty in the world and mentions the key solution to overcome poverty from a critical perspective. The data and figures were quoted from a number of researchers and organizations in the field of poverty around the world. Simultaneously, the information strengthens the correlations among poverty and lack of education. Only appropriate philosophies of education can improve the country’s socio-economic conditions and contribute to effective solutions to worldwide poverty. In the 21st century, despite the rapid development of science and technology with a series of inventions brought into the world to make life more comfortable, human poverty remains a global problem, especially in developing countries. Poverty, according to Lister (2004), is reflected by the state of “low living standards and/or inability to participate fully in society because of lack of material resources” (p.7). The impact and serious consequences of poverty on multiple aspects of human life have been realized by different organizations and researchers from different contexts (Fraser, 2000; Lister, 2004; Lipman, 2004; Lister, 2008). This paper will indicate some of the concepts and research results on poverty. Figures and causes of poverty, and some solutions from education as a key breaker to poverty will also be discussed. Creating a universal definition of poverty is not simple (Nyasulu, 2010). There are conflicts among different groups of people defining poverty, based on different views and fields. Some writers, according to Nyasulu, tend to connect poverty with social problems, while others focus on political or other causes. However, the reality of poverty needs to be considered from different sides and ways; for that reason, the diversity of definitions assigned to poverty can help form the basis on which interventions are drawn (Ife and Tesoriero, 2006). For instance, in dealing with poverty issues, it is essential to intervene politically; economic intervention is very necessary to any definition of this matter. A political definition necessitates political interventions in dealing with poverty, and economic definitions inevitably lead to economic interventions. Similarly, Księżopolski (1999) uses several models to show the perspectives on poverty as marginal, motivation and socialist. These models look at poverty and solutions from different angles. Socialists, for example, emphasize the responsibilities of social organization. The state manages the micro levels and distributes the shares of national gross resources, at the same time fighting to maintain the narrow gap among classes. In his book, Księżopolski (1999) also emphasizes the changes and new values of charity funds or financial aid from churches or organizations recognized by the Poor Law. Speaking specifically, in the new stages poverty has been recognized differently, and support is also delivered in limited categories related to more specific and visible objectives, with the aim of helping the poor change their own status for sustainable improvement. Three ways of categorizing the poor and locating them in the appropriate places are (1) the powerless, (2) who is willing to work and (3) who is dodging work. Basically, poverty is determined not to belong to any specific cultures or politics; otherwise, it refers to the situation in which people’s earnings cannot support their minimum living standard (Rowntree, 1910). Human living standard is defined in Alfredsson & Eide’s work (1999) as follows: “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.” (p. 524). In addition, poverty is measured by Global Hunger Index (GHI), which is calculated by the International Food Policy Institute (IFPRI) every year. The GHI measures hunger not only globally, but also by country and region. To have the figures multi-dimensionally, the GHI is based on three indicators: 1. Undernourishment: the proportion of the undernourished as a percentage of the population (reflecting the share of the population with insufficient calorie intake). 2. Child underweight: the proportion of children under age 5 who are underweight (low weight for their age, reflecting wasting, stunted growth or both), which is one indicator of child under-nutrition. 3. Child mortality: the mortality rate of children under 5 (partially reflecting the fatal synergy of inadequate dietary intake and unhealthy environments). Apart from the individual aspects and the above measurement based on nutrition, which help partly imagine poverty, poverty is more complicated, not just being closely related to human physical life but badly affecting spiritual life. According to Jones and Novak (1999 cited in Lister, 2008), poverty not only characterizes the precarious financial situation but also makes people self-deprecating. Poverty turns itself into the roots of shame, guilt, humiliation and resistance. It leads the poor to the end of the road, and they will never call for help except in the worst situations. Education can help people escape poverty or make it worse. In fact, inequality in education has stolen opportunity for fighting poverty from people in many places around the world, in both developed and developing countries (Lipman, 2004). Lipman confirms: “Students need an education that instills a sense of hope and possibility that they can make a difference in their own family, school, and community and in the broader national and global community while it prepare them for multiple life choices.” (p.181) Bradshaw (2005) synthesizes five main causes of poverty: (1) individual deficiencies, (2) cultural belief systems that support subcultures of poverty, (3) economic, political and social distortions or discrimination, (4) geographical disparities and (5) cumulative and cyclical interdependencies. The researcher suggests the most appropriate solution corresponding with each cause. This reflects the diverse causes of poverty; otherwise, poverty easily happens because of social and political issues. From the literature review, it can be said that poverty comes from complex causes and reasons, and is not a problem of any single individual or country. Poverty has brought about serious consequences and needs to be dealt with by many methods and collective effort of many countries and organizations. This paper will focus on representing some alarming figures on poverty, problems of poverty and then the education as a key breaker to poverty. According to a statistics in 2012 on poverty from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), nearly half the world's population lives below the poverty line, of which is less than $1.25 a day . In a statistics in 2015, of every 1,000 children, 93 do not live to age 5 , and about 448 million babies are stillborn each year . Poverty in the world is happening alarmingly. According to a World Bank study, the risk of poverty continues to increase on a global scale and, of the 2009 slowdown in economic growth, which led to higher prices for fuel and food, further pushed 53 million people into poverty in addition to almost 155 million in 2008. From 1990 to 2009, the average GHI in the world decreased by nearly one-fifth. Many countries had success in solving the problem of child nutrition; however, the mortality rate of children under 5 and the proportion of undernourished people are still high. From 2011 to 2013, the number of hungry people in the world was estimated at 842 million, down 17 percent compared with the period 1990 to 1992, according to a report released by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) titled “The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2013” . Although poverty in some African countries had been improved in this stage, sub-Saharan Africa still maintained an area with high the highest percentage of hungry people in the world. The consequences and big problems resulting from poverty are terrible in the extreme. The following will illustrate the overall picture under the issues of health, unemployment, education and society and politics ➢ Health issues: According a report by Manos Unidas, a non- government organization (NGO) in Spain , poverty kills more than 30,000 children under age 5 worldwide every day, and 11 million children die each year because of poverty. Currently, 42 million people are living with HIV, 39 million of them in developing countries. The Manos Unidas report also shows that 15 million children globally have been orphaned because of AIDS. Scientists predict that by 2020 a number of African countries will have lost a quarter of their population to this disease. Simultaneously, chronic drought and lack of clean water have not only hindered economic development but also caused disastrous consequences of serious diseases across Africa. In fact, only 58 percent of Africans have access to clean water; as a result, the average life expectancy in Africa is the lowest in the world, just 45 years old (Bui, 2010). ➢ Unemployment issues: According to the United Nations, the youth unemployment rate in Africa is the highest in the world: 25.6 percent in the Middle East and North Africa. Unemployment with growth rates of 10 percent a year is one of the key issues causing poverty in African and negatively affecting programs and development plans. Total African debt amounts to $425 billion (Bui, 2010). In addition, joblessness caused by the global economic downturn pushed more than 140 million people in Asia into extreme poverty in 2009, the International Labor Organization (ILO) warned in a report titled The Fallout in Asia, prepared for the High-Level Regional Forum on Responding to the Economic Crisis in Asia and the Pacific, in Manila from Feb. 18 to 20, 2009 . Surprisingly, this situation also happens in developed countries. About 12.5 million people in the United Kingdom (accounting for 20 percent of the population) are living below the poverty line, and in 2005, 35 million people in the United States could not live without charity. At present, 620 million people in Asia are living on less than $1 per day; half of them are in India and China, two countries whose economies are considered to be growing. ➢ Education issues: Going to school is one of the basic needs of human beings, but poor people cannot achieve it. Globally, 130 million children do not attend school, 55 percent of them girls, and 82 million children have lost their childhoods by marrying too soon (Bui, 2010). Similarly, two-thirds of the 759 million illiterate people in total are women. Specifically, the illiteracy rate in Africa keeps increasing, accounting for about 40 percent of the African population at age 15 and over 50 percent of women at age 25. The number of illiterate people in the six countries with the highest number of illiterate people in the world - China, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Bangladesh and Egypt - reached 510 million, accounting for 70 percent of total global illiteracy. ➢ Social and political issues: Poverty leads to a number of social problems and instability in political systems of countries around the world. Actually, 246 million children are underage labors, including 72 million under age 10. Simultaneously, according to an estimate by the United Nations (UN), about 100 million children worldwide are living on the streets. For years, Africa has suffered a chronic refugee problem, with more than 7 million refugees currently and over 200 million people without homes because of a series of internal conflicts and civil wars. Poverty threatens stability and development; it also directly influences human development. Solving the problems caused by poverty takes a lot of time and resources, but afterward they can focus on developing their societies. Poverty has become a global issue with political significance of particular importance. It is a potential cause of political and social instability, even leading to violence and war not only within a country, but also in the whole world. Poverty and injustice together have raised fierce conflicts in international relations; if these conflicts are not satisfactorily resolved by peaceful means, war will inevitably break out. Obviously, poverty plus lack of understanding lead to disastrous consequences such as population growth, depletion of water resources, energy scarcity, pollution, food shortages and serious diseases (especially HIV/AIDS), which are not easy to control; simultaneously, poverty plus injustice will cause international crimes such as terrorism, drug and human trafficking, and money laundering. Among recognizable four issues above which reflected the serious consequences of poverty, the third ones, education, if being prioritized in intervention over other issues in the fighting against poverty is believed to bring more effectiveness in resolving the problems from the roots. In fact, human being with the possibility of being educated resulted from their distinctive linguistic ability makes them differential from other beings species on the earth (Barrow and Woods 2006, p.22). With education, human can be aware and more critical with their situations, they are aimed with abilities to deal with social problems as well as adversity for a better life; however, inequality in education has stolen opportunity for fighting poverty from unprivileged people (Lipman, 2004). An appropriate education can help increase chances for human to deal with all of the issues related to poverty; simultaneously it can narrow the unexpected side-effect of making poverty worse. A number of philosophies from ancient Greek to contemporary era focus on the aspect of education with their own epistemology, for example, idealism of Plato encouraged students to be truth seekers and pragmatism of Dewey enhanced the individual needs of students (Gutex, 1997). Education, more later on, especially critical pedagogy focuses on developing people independently and critically which is essential for poor people to have ability of being aware of what they are facing and then to have equivalent solutions for their problems. In other words, critical pedagogy helps people emancipate themselves and from that they can contribute to transform the situations or society they live in. In this sense, in his most influential work titled “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” (1972), Paulo Freire carried out his critical pedagogy by building up a community network of peasants- the marginalized and unprivileged party in his context, aiming at awakening their awareness about who they are and their roles in society at that time. To do so, he involved the peasants into a problem-posing education which was different from the traditional model of banking education with the technique of dialogue. Dialogue wasn’t just simply for people to learn about each other; but it was for figuring out the same voice; more importantly, for cooperation to build a social network for changing society. The peasants in such an educational community would be relieved from stressfulness and the feeling of being outsiders when all of them could discuss and exchange ideas with each other about the issues from their “praxis”. Praxis which was derived from what people act and linked to some values in their social lives, was defined by Freire as “reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it” (p.50). Critical pedagogy dialogical approach in Pedagogy of the Oppressed of Freire seems to be one of the helpful ways for solving poverty for its close connection to the nature of equality. It doesn’t require any highly intellectual teachers who lead the process; instead, everything happens naturally and the answers are identified by the emancipation of the learners themselves. It can be said that the effectiveness of this pedagogy for people to escape poverty comes from its direct impact on human critical consciousness; from that, learners would be fully aware of their current situations and self- figure out the appropriate solutions for their own. In addition, equality which was one of the essences making learners in critical pedagogy intellectually emancipate was reflected via the work titled “The Ignorant Schoolmaster” by Jacques Rancière (1991). In this work, the teacher and students seemed to be equal in terms of the knowledge. The explicator- teacher Joseph Jacotot employed the interrogative approach which was discovered to be universal because “he taught what he didn’t know”. Obviously, this teacher taught French to Flemish students while he couldn’t speak his students’ language. The ignorance which was not used in the literal sense but a metaphor showed that learners can absolutely realize their capacity for self-emancipation without the traditional teaching of transmission of knowledge from teachers. Regarding this, Rancière (1991, p.17) stated “that every common person might conceive his human dignity, take the measure of his intellectual capacity, and decide how to use it”. This education is so meaningful for poor people by being able to evoking their courageousness to develop themselves when they always try to stay away from the community due the fact that poverty is the roots of shame, guilt, humiliation and resistance (Novak, 1999). The contribution of critical pedagogy to solving poverty by changing the consciousness of people from their immanence is summarized by Freire’s argument in his “Pedagogy of Indignation” as follows: “It is certain that men and women can change the world for the better, can make it less unjust, but they can do so from starting point of concrete reality they “come upon” in their generation. They cannot do it on the basis of reveries, false dreams, or pure illusion”. (p.31) To sum up, education could be an extremely helpful way of solving poverty regarding the possibilities from the applications of studies in critical pedagogy for educational and social issues. Therefore, among the world issues, poverty could be possibly resolved in accordance with the indigenous people’s understanding of their praxis, their actions, cognitive transformation, and the solutions with emancipation in terms of the following keynotes: First, because the poor are powerless, they usually fall into the states of self-deprecation, shame, guilt and humiliation, as previously mentioned. In other words, they usually build a barrier between themselves and society, or they resist changing their status. Therefore, approaching them is not a simple matter; it requires much time and the contributions of psychologists and sociologists in learning about their aspirations, as well as evoking and nurturing the will and capacities of individuals, then providing people with chances to carry out their own potential for overcoming obstacles in life. Second, poverty happens easily in remote areas not endowed with favorable conditions for development. People there haven’t had a lot of access to modern civilization; nor do they earn a lot of money for a better life. Low literacy, together with the lack of healthy forms of entertainment and despair about life without exit, easily lead people into drug addiction, gambling and alcoholism. In other words, the vicious circle of poverty and powerlessness usually leads the poor to a dead end. Above all, they are lonely and need to be listened to, shared with and led to escape from their states. Community meetings for exchanging ideas, communicating and immediate intervening, along with appropriate forms of entertainment, should be held frequently to meet the expectations of the poor, direct them to appropriate jobs and, step by step, change their favorite habits of entertainment. Last but not least, poor people should be encouraged to participate in social forums where they can both raise their voices about their situations and make valuable suggestions for dealing with their poverty. Children from poor families should be completely exempted from school fees to encourage them to go to school, and curriculum should also focus on raising community awareness of poverty issues through extracurricular and volunteer activities, such as meeting and talking with the community, helping poor people with odd jobs, or simply spending time listening to them. Not a matter of any individual country, poverty has become a major problem, a threat to the survival, stability and development of the world and humanity. Globalization has become a bridge linking countries; for that reason, instability in any country can directly and deeply affect the stability of others. The international community has been joining hands to solve poverty; many anti-poverty organizations, including FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization), BecA (the Biosciences eastern and central Africa), UN-REDD (the United Nations Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation), BRAC (Building Resources Across Communities), UNDP (United Nations Development Programme), WHO (World Health Organization) and Manos Unidas, operate both regionally and internationally, making some achievements by reducing the number of hungry people, estimated 842 million in the period 1990 to 1992, by 17 percent in 2011- to 2013 . The diverse methods used to deal with poverty have invested billions of dollars in education, health and healing. The Millennium Development Goals set by UNDP put forward eight solutions for addressing issues related to poverty holistically: 1) Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger. 2) Achieve universal primary education. 3) Promote gender equality and empower women. 4) Reduce child mortality. 5) Improve maternal health. 6) Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases. 7) Ensure environmental sustainability. 8) Develop a global partnership for development. Although all of the mentioned solutions carried out directly by countries and organizations not only focus on the roots of poverty but break its circle, it is recognized that the solutions do not emphasize the role of the poor themselves which a critical pedagogy does. More than anyone, the poor should have a sense of their poverty so that they can become responsible for their own fate and actively fight poverty instead of waiting for help. It is not different from the cores of critical theory in solving educational and political issues that the poor should be aware and conscious about their situation and reflected context. It is required a critical transformation from their own praxis which would allow them to go through a process of learning, sharing, solving problems, and leading to social movements. This is similar to the method of giving poor people fish hooks rather than giving them fish. The government and people of any country understand better than anyone else clearly the strengths and characteristics of their homelands. It follows that they can efficiently contribute to causing poverty, preventing the return of poverty, and solving consequences of the poverty in their countries by many ways, especially a critical pedagogy; and indirectly narrow the scale of poverty in the world. In a word, the wars against poverty take time, money, energy and human resources, and they are absolutely not simple to end. Again, the poor and the challenged should be educated to be fully aware of their situation to that they can overcome poverty themselves. They need to be respected and receive sharing from the community. All forms of discrimination should be condemned and excluded from human society. When whole communities join hands in solving this universal problem, the endless circle of poverty can be addressed definitely someday. More importantly, every country should be responsible for finding appropriate ways to overcome poverty before receiving supports from other countries as well as the poor self-conscious responsibilities about themselves before receiving supports from the others, but the methods leading them to emancipation for their own transformation and later the social change.

Abstract We develop a novel way of identifying the liquidity and moral hazard effects of unemployment insurance exclusively from how job-finding rates respond to unemployment benefits that vary over an unemployment spell. We derive a sufficient statistics formula for the dynamically optimal level of unemployment benefits based on these two effects. Using a Regression Kink Design (RKD) that simultaneously exploits two kinks in the schedule of unemployment benefits, we apply our method to Spain for the years 1992–2012 and find that moral hazard effects dominated liquidity effects, suggesting that Spanish unemployment benefits exceeded the optimal level in that period.

AbstractThis paper uses time series of job search queries from Google Trends to predict the unemployment in Spain. Within this framework, we study the effect of the so-called digital divide, by age and gender, from the predictions obtained with the Google Trends tool. Regarding males, our results evidence a digital divide effect in favor of the youngest unemployed. Conversely, the forecasts obtained for female and total unemployment clearly reject such effect. More interestingly, Google Trends queries turn out to be much better predictors for female than male unemployment, being this result robust to age groups. Additionally, the number of good predictors identified from the job search queries is also higher for women, suggesting that they are more likely to expand their job search through different queries.

AbstractDuring the global economic crisis, unemployment rates increased dramatically across Europe, especially among the least educated population groups. The picture in Spain in 2012, with unemployment rates running at over 20% and youth employment close to 45%, was discouraging. In face of this situation, the Spanish autonomous government of Extremadura launched a programme specifically aimed at motivating unemployed individuals without a school degree to return to education and earn the compulsory secondary education diploma. This paper applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to evaluate the impact of this conditional cash transfer programme using administrative data. The results show that the programme did not increase the likelihood of earning the lower secondary education diploma. This finding is a caveat emptor for governments considering similar policies, and remarks again the importance of testing innovations before generalization.

SUMMARY G. Montalvo and Marta Reynal-Querol?&gt;Official statistics on economic inequality are only available at low frequency and with considerable delay. This makes it challenging to assess the impact on inequality of fast-unfolding crises like the COVID-19 pandemic, and to rapidly evaluate and tailor policy responses. We propose a new methodology to track income inequality at high frequency using anonymized data from bank records for over three million account holders in Spain. Using this approach, we analyse how inequality evolved between February and November 2020 (compared to the same months of 2019). We first show that the wage distribution in our data matches very closely that from official labour surveys. We then document that, in the absence of government intervention, inequality would have increased dramatically, mainly due to job losses and wage cuts experienced by low-wage workers. The increase in pre-transfer inequality was especially pronounced among the young and the foreign-born, and in regions more dependent on services. Public transfers and unemployment insurance schemes were effective at providing a safety net to the most affected segments of the population and at offsetting most of the increase in inequality. Increased inequality is primarily driven by differential changes in employment rate. Indeed, using individual-level regressions, we find that, over the course of the pandemic, the probability of being employed decreased drastically for workers in the lower part of the pre-COVID wage distribution, young cohorts and foreign-born.

PurposeOver the last decades, the development of entrepreneurial activity has allowed greater growth and economic development in Spain. However, within the analysis of Spanish entrepreneurial dynamics, insufficient attention has been paid to a key group: senior entrepreneurs. The fact that the first two decades of the 21st century have been accompanied by the two worst economic crises in remembrance since the Great Depression of the 1930s has had a great impact on the professional careers of the group of senior workers, whose careers have been cut short due to the closure of companies. In this way, the present work delves into the reality of senior entrepreneurs in Spain, analyzing the main characteristics of this group, which is becoming increasingly important in society.Design/methodology/approachUsing microdata from the Spanish National Statistics Institute's Labour Force Survey, the study focuses on reference persons who, being 50 years of age or over and actively working, work as an entrepreneur and have started their activity in the last 12 months. The study covers, in turn, the analysis period of the fourth quarters from 2005 to 2020. In relation to the methodology, the work focuses on the use of binary logistic regression techniques, given that the phenomenon to be studied is binary in nature: entrepreneurship or not.FindingsThe main conclusions drawn are the importance of sociodemographic factors such as educational level, age, the profession of the couple as well as the fact of having or not having children. The sector of activity and region are also significant. It is also concluded that senior entrepreneurship in Spain is of a necessary nature, considering the evolution of unemployment and decisions based on pension reform.Research limitations/implicationsThe main limitations of the study refer to the lack of socioeconomic information. Thus, it would be interesting to know the link among the sociodemographic characteristics and the economic situation of the professionals, as well as the fact of whether they have started from a previous situation of unemployment or employment.Practical implicationsThe obtained conclusions allow progress to be made in the generation of economic policies aimed at the professional reorientation of a group of workers who, due to labor market circumstances, are obliged to end long professional careers and to seek alternatives. In fact, entrepreneurship is a viable professional alternative for these professionals.Originality/valueDespite the importance of senior professionals in the Spanish economy, more research is needed on their characteristics and needs. Despite important studies such as Socci et al. (2020) or Perez-Encinas et al. (2021), there are not many studies for the Spanish reality. This paper seeks to deepen the understanding of the sociodemographic characteristics of Spanish senior entrepreneurs, based on current public information and considering different stages of the economic cycle.

Introduction: The effects of economic crisis, like the current recession affecting Europe since 2008, on health have been widely debated. Our objective was to evaluate the effects of economic changes on mortality trends from ischemic heart disease (IHD) in Europe for the period 1980-2010. Hypothesis: We hypothesize that economic recession is associated with either increases in IHD mortality rates or halting of previous declining trends. Methods: We gathered economic (World Bank) and vital statistics data (WHO Mortality Database) for all Western European countries with more than 5 million inhabitants that had complete mortality data for the period 1980-2010. We defined a period of economic recession as an annual GDP (Gross Domestic Product) growth below 0%. We also computed the cumulative years lived through a given recession period (set to 0 if GDP growth rises above 0% in a given year). We computed age-adjusted (2013 European Standard Population) mortality rates for IHD (ICD9 Codes: 410-414, ICD10 Codes: I20-I25) for the study period and computed yearly changes. We modelled the association between recession and IHD mortality using Generalized Estimating Equations accounting for the correlation among data within country and time using first order autoregressive within-group correlation structures. Changes in ICD coding were introduced as a covariate to account for the shift from ICD-9 to ICD-10. We tested for associations using 0 to 10 year lags. Sensitivity analyses were conducted using unemployment as an alternative indicator of economic recession. Results: Twelve Western European countries were included (Austria, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom). Economic recession was associated with a 2-year lagged 1.49% increase in IHD mortality in men (p=0.016) and 1.74% increase in women (p=0.019). Each additional year of recession was associated with a 2-year lagged 1.21% increase in IHD mortality in men (p=0.003) and 1.17% increase in women (p=0.016). Sensitivity analyses using unemployment as a second measure of economic recession showed analogous results with strongest associations seen in 0-year lags. GDP and Unemployment were highly correlated with two-year lags between GDP and Unemployment changes, confirming the robustness of these associations. Conclusions: This study showed a deleterious effect of economic recession on ischemic heart disease mortality rates in Europe for the period 1980-2010. Further studies should look into the specific mechanisms of this association and into the possible interaction with policy responses to economic crisis. 1

The aim of this paper is to compare the European Union countries on the basis of selected socio-economic and demographic indicators for the year 2016. The following indicators are selected for analysis: gross domestic product per capita, government gross debt as a percentage of gross domestic product, inflation rate, unemployment rate, total fertility rate, infant mortality rate and crude divorce rate. The contributions of the paper are to order the countries on the basis of the above-mentioned indicators, from the best country to the worst country using one of the multidimensional comparison methods – the method of standard variable. The aim of this method is to replace a number of selected indicators with one final characteristic – an integral indicator. Since the used indicators do not have the same weights, calculations are used on data weighted by weights I (calculated using the coefficient of variation) and weights II (calculated on the basis of the correlation matrix). When evaluating the EU countries on the basis of the selected indicators using the method of standard variable; Luxembourg, Ireland, Denmark and France ranked first. Among the worst countries we include Greece, Hungary, Spain and Portugal.