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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Ukraine – Politics and government – 21st century"
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Tsependa, Igor. « Ukraine and Poland : Facing the 21st Century Challenges ». Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 1, no 4 (22 décembre 2014) : 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.1.4.21-26.
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Establishing a common strategic framework is a decisive factor in the Ukrainian-Polishrelations in the current social and political context. The complexity of the partnership between thetwo states arise from their geographical location on the borderline between civilizations, the site ofhistorical cataclysms. At the same time, national sovereignty of was always a high priority for bothpeoples. The recognition of Ukraine’s independence by Poland marked a new stage ofrapprochement between Warsaw and Kyiv, the act being evidence of maturity of the Polishpolitical elite. Poland made its best to promote the interest of Ukraine in the international politicalarena. The article suggests periodization in the history of the Ukrainian-Polish partnership.Ukrainian policy can be modelled on Poland’s experience of the transformation of society.Being a member of the European Union, Poland advocates the idea of European and EuroAtlantic integration of Ukraine. Increased economic cooperation is one of the aspects of theUkrainian-Polish partnership. Cooperation at regional level, between local government bodies isalso important for the relations between the two states. Step by step, visa regulations are beingliberalized, interpersonal contacts broadened. The beginning of the 21st century witnesses a changein political consciousness of Ukrainian and Polish people, who reconsider painful events from theirpast
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla D. « Ukraine in the Integration Security System ». Przegląd Politologiczny, no 3 (27 octobre 2022) : 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.6.
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The process of the security system formation in the integrated European space has been continuing for more than seven decades, but its final objective has not been attained yet. The relevance of this topic is the need to study the process of destruction of the established world, the collapse of the system of international relations, lack of understanding and complete disregard by the aggressor of all humanitarian levers in a situation of war and armed confrontation. Every subsequent turn in development of international relations in 20th and 21st centuries and new emerging threats seem to bring countries closer to unity and addressing the security problem, but…
In 2014 Russia, ignoring the principles of the international law, basic treaties with Ukraine, commitments to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukraine, started a war. On 24 February 2022, a new escalation took place when Russia attacked Ukraine without declaring the state of war. What was the reason? The answer could be found in the Ukrainian history that is not a simple one. Russian rulers want to rebuild the Russian empire returning to the borders of the 19th century. This is a threat to Ukraine that is a sovereign European state founded on the bases of European values, peace and international cooperation.
Russia has been trying to eliminate Ukrainian statehood, language, and culture starting from the Kozak times of the 16th century. Thus, this process is at least 500-year old. In the 21st century, Russia attempted to occupy Ukraine by means of the anti-Ukrainian government, but the attempt failed. As a consequence, the Russian president decided to eliminate Ukraine by military means. When the aggression started in 2014, the EU deeply dependent on Russian energy sources, did not react fully to the Russian intervention. Ukraine could not defend its territorial integrity because of the lack of military capacities in the absence of the international military support. But in 2022, the situation is radically different: at the time of Russian invasion, Ukrainian people raise to the defense of their country, and the Ukrainian army thanks to the strong international military and political support continues to defend the existence of the Ukrainian state despite the dominance of the Russian military machine.
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Faustino, Paulo. « Foreword - The iron curtain, geopolitics and the cultural exception ». Journal of Creative Industries and Cultural Studies 8 (2017) : 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56140/jocis-v8-1.
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As I write this editorial, the war going on the air space and on the field and over communication (invasion or the special military intervention, in the words of the Russian government in Ukraine by Russia continues. A situation that would be unthinkable to happen in the 21st century where humanist values seem to follow a path of increasing strength; at least in most continents, although the democratic political system is largely a minority in the world; dictatorships or autocracies are dominating the political landscape, especially in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. We must not forget this! I believe that even analysts and experts in international relations, including the ones in the countries with sophisticated espionage systems like USA or Great Britain, would be far from predicting a conflict of this intensity and negative impact on humanity: more than three million refugees and thousands of deaths (both amongst military and civilians) in both countries.
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla, et Viacheslav Tsivatyi. « The British and American Systems of Diplomatic Training in the Face of Globalization Shifts ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 570–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-35.
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The article deals with frameworks for studying diplomacy in the leading foreign countries, namely the United States and the United Kingdom. The methods of determining educational disciplines for mastering the principles of diplomatic work are explored. At the same time, as an example, attention is attached to the experience of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in the preparation of diplomatic staff for Ukraine. The article is dedicated to institutional and human resource issues and stages of establishment of the US diplomatic service, including the current rotation model and advanced training system. The need for drastic changes in the system of foreign policy institutions and the advisability of reforming the US diplomatic service came to the forefront of American political and academic discourse in the mid-1990s. The events of September 11, 2001 served as a catalyst for rejuvenating the preparation and advanced training model as well as the personnel management model in the US foreign policy and made the topic discussed increasingly relevant. Historically, the US diplomatic service has been relatively small but the most competent, qualified and efficient part of the US foreign policy mechanism. It is the experience of the United States which is valuable and helpful for post-Soviet countries with respect to the use of the US experience, given its established traditions and prompt response to emerging threats and challenges of the globalized world of the 21st century in the context of the ongoing reform of the diplomatic service in Ukraine. The article covers the urgent issue of renovating the diplomatic training model in Ukraine based on the analysis of experience of its US counterpart. The US experience is important and useful for Ukraine in the context of government service reforms as well as for other post-Soviet countries within the framework of integration processes and globalization. Keywords: diplomatic training system, UK diplomatic service, US diplomatic service, foreign policy, diplomacy, diplomatic institutions, institutionalization, Ukraine.
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Dolianovska, I. М. « COOPERATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINE IN THE FIELD OF PROTECTION OF CHILDREN'S RIGHTS AS A DIRECTION OF SOCIAL CRIME PREVENTION : MODERN ASPECTS ». Legal Bulletin 64, no 3 (12 mai 2022) : 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31732/2708-339x-2022-03-54-60.
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At the beginning of the 21st century, many events of an international legal nature took place in the world, which were of great importance for the recognition of human rights and freedoms, and of children in particular, as the highest social value in society. These events also concern our country, which responds to them in a timely manner with appropriate changes in legislation. However, today the world community is faced with the existence of a number of political, economic and military threats, which pose a danger to an indefinite number of people, their most important personal rights and freedoms. We are talking about such things as hybrid wars, military occupations of some countries by others, armed conflicts, and, as a result, migration phenomena and refugees. The aforementioned threats also affected Ukraine with the beginning of the annexation of Crimea and the armed conflict in the east of the country. However, later the eight-year military conflict turned into a real military confrontation, the seizure of more and more territories of our country, continuous aerial bombardment of cities and infrastructure facilities, the death of the civilian population, finally unheard of compared to 2014, the scale of displaced and evacuated Ukrainians to safe places and abroad citizens. The issue of protecting the rights of people affected by these threats is one of the key tasks facing the Government of Ukraine. A prominent place in this issue is given to the problem of protecting the rights of children, who are the guarantor of the existence of the Ukrainian nation in the future. At the same time, it is noted that being alone with the military aggressor in the face of the Russian Federation, Ukraine felt the real friendly support of the entire international community both in the provision of military aid and in the process of supporting the least protected categories of the civilian population - women and children. In this article, the author characterizes the main directions of combating the criminal violation of children's rights in the conditions of a full-fledged military invasion of the territory of Ukraine and the challenges that the subjects of prevention are called to overcome. The role of the United Nations in cooperation with the Government of our country in the joint implementation of measures to overcome them is revealed separately.
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Lee, Hongsub. « Changes in the International Energy Environment and Russia’s Energy Security ». East European and Balkan Institute 46, no 4 (30 novembre 2022) : 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.117.
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In the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war, the world is suffering from inflation due to a surge in energy prices. The West is accusing Russia of using energy as a means of oppression, as a powerhouse in the world's energy market. Russia, on the other hand, claims that the West has intentionally instigated the war to block its energy markets. Which claim is closer to the truth will be revealed later, but this war once again confirmed just how great the impact of energy on the global political economy. The importance of energy has been highlighted to such an extent that if security in the 20th century depended on military power, the 21st century depended on energy resources such as oil and gas. If the Russian economy is isolated from the world economy through Western economic sanctions, the role of the government in the national economy will expand, which will lead to state capitalism, which has the effect of delaying Russia's reform. In addition, if Europe reduces or stops imports of Russian energy, the US is concerned about the fact that China will take over the lower price of Russian energy. In 2020, Russia adopted a new constitution, making it possible for Putin to remain president until 2036. With Putin in power for a long time, not only can he continue to lead Russia's energy development, but he can also push ahead with the 'New Eastern Policy' more strongly. This means that relations with China will be further strengthened soon. Among them, energy cooperation between the two countries will play a large part. Ultimately, for global energy security, Europe's energy imports from Russia should not be viewed only as a negative aspect of Europe's excessive dependence on Russia for resources. Rather, détente will be realized between Russia and the West through energy cooperation from the point of view of interdependence that Russia also depends on profits through the European market and that Europe needs Russia to secure the stability of supply.
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Nahirny, Mykola. « Political Rusynism in Croatia ». Problems of slavonic studies 69 (2020) : 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/sls.2020.69.3497.
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Background: Historiography has long debated the identity of the terms “Ruthenian” and “Ukrainian”. It is obvious that “the Ruthenian” is the historical name of the modern name “the Ukrainian”. However, there are still theories that try to justify the separation of the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians, to recognize the Ruthenians as a separate nation – that is, they promote the ideas of political Rusynism (Ruthenianism). Ukraine's neighbors use a Ruthenian question for their own purposes, primarily to separate the Ruthenians from the Ukrainians in order to assimilate them more quickly. The Ruthenian-Ukrainian community in Croatia did not escape such a problem. The question of political Rusynism is well covered in historiography. However, there are almost no works about political Rusynism in Croatia. Purpose: Consideration of the origin and development of the ideas of political Ruthenianism among immigrants from Ukrainian lands in Croatia and the impact of these ideas on the prospects for the development and existence of both national groups - both Ruthenians and Ukrainians. Results: An immigrants from Ukrainian lands who came to Croatia in the middle of the 18th century identified themselves as the Ruthenians; those who moved here from the end of the 19th century called themselves as the Ukrainians. On the eve of the First World War, russophile tendencies prevailed among the Ruthenians. During the interwar period, contacts between Ukrainian emigrants of various migration waves strengthened. This fact contributed to the spread of the self-name “the Ukrainians”, which coexisted with the name “the Ruthenians”. Post-war attempts to unite the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians into one nationality were unsuccessful. The Yugoslav authorities deliberately separated the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians, and contributed to the formation of the Ruthenian national consciousness. The situation in Croatia was different. Here, the interests of the two ethnic groups were expressed by the Union of Ruthenians and Ukrainians of Croatia (SRiU). The position of the SRiU was that the Ruthenians were traditional, and the Ukrainians were the actual name of the same nation. But there was resistance to such a policy of the Union among the Ruthenians in Croatia. Conservative Ruthenians sought to maintain a certain distance from the Ukrainians. In particular, they held separate festivals, “summer schools” for young people, and used the wording “the Ruthenians and Ukrainians” instead of “the Ruthenians-Ukrainians”. The reason for the recent rise of Ruthenian separatism was the policy of the Croatian government. At the beginning of the 21st century, Croatia, under pressure from the West, adopted a number of pieces of legislation to strengthen the rights of national minorities. The new legislation gave great rights to national minorities (separately to the Ruthenians and separately to the Ukrainians), which leveled the long-standing common policy of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian community. The disputes within the Union resulted in its split and the formation of several separate Ruthenian and Ukrainian organizations. Ruthenian communities promote the preservation of the national identity of the Ruthenians, believing that Ukraine is not their homeland. Thanks to state support, Croatian Ruthenians publish memoirs about the life of their diaspora without mentioning the Ukrainians. Activists of political Rusynism in Croatia accuse Ukraine of assimilating of the Ruthenians, denying a kinship of the Ruthenians and the Ukrainians. Views on a Ruthenian language were also revised. It is believed that its basis is closer to the East Slovak dialect with Ukrainian features. The demarcation with the Ukrainians did not stop the assimilation of the Ruthenians in Croatia. For half a century there has been a steady decline in their numbers. At the same time, the Ruthenian minority is aging, its average age is 50 years. Therefore, the accelerated processes of assimilation among the Ruthenians and the lack of a “mother” state from which they could expect help threaten not only to the long-term dominance of Ruthenian separatism’s idea among the majority of the Ruthenians, but also their survival as a minority. If the Ruthenians of Croatia, in order to save their community, decide to reunite with the Ukrainians, then even under such conditions, the political Rusynism of Croatia also have no prospects for it’s existence. Key words: Croatia, the Ruthenians, the Ukrainians, political Rusynism, assimilation, Union of the Ruthenians of the Republic of Croatia.
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Mirgorod-Karpova, V. V. « ADMINISTRATIVE AND LEGAL PRINCIPLES OF ACTIVITIES OF THE CONTROLLING BODIES ON THE USE OF INTERNATIONAL TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE FUNDS ». Legal horizons, no 17 (2019) : 124–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i17.p:124.
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Discussions have been ongoing throughout the year in the Ukrainian and European scientific environment regarding the presentation of the economic assistance package of the West for Ukraine, the so-called "Marshall Plan", presented by the Lithuanian Prime Minister Andrius Kubilius in autumn 2017. According to him, Ukraine will receive 5 billion euros in investments into the national economy annually. This amount of assistance, calculated by European experts, will boost the Ukrainian economy by 6-8% each year. [1] But, unfortunately, we, like most Ukrainian citizens, are skeptical about the possibility of such assistance coming to our country, and even more pessimistic are the forecasts about the possible positive effect of its use. There are many reasons for such skepticism. On the one hand, it is the Ukrainian and European bureaucracy, and on the other, there is no effective mechanism for receiving, distributing and controlling the use of international assistance by Ukrainian state bodies. Therefore, according to most domestic experts, until these problems in the use of international assistance in Ukraine are solved, it is unlikely to be able to implement the initiative of former Lithuanian Prime Minister Andris Kubilius. Even Kubilius himself has repeatedly stated that in order for this plan to become a reality, Kyiv must develop a clear list of priority projects prepared at a high technical level, for which financial resourceswould go. [2] The first step, according to European and Ukrainian experts, was to create a special agency in Ukraine, which would be engaged in the preparation of such projects. Considering that almost nothing has been done by the Ukrainian Government in this direction for almost a year, so the time to receive financial assistance under the Marshall Plan is delayed. However, the absence of an agency is only the tip of the iceberg, the biggest problem for Ukraine is the lack of a clear administrative and legal mechanism for attracting, distributing and, most importantly, effective control over the use of international assistance. It is the results of the study of this problem that we devoted our article to. Despite the globalization processes in the world, external financial assistance is gradually gaining in popularity and becoming an effective tool for improving the welfare of the population and the economic development of developing countries or pursuing democratic reforms, Ukraine is falling behind in a number of subjective factors. . Investigating the emergence of the Institute for External Donor Assistance, it can be noted that this process became widespread in the 1960s and at the beginning of the 21st century, after the adoption by 193 member states of the United Nations and at least 23 international organizations of the Declaration. of the UN Millennium, it received a new impetus and began to pass under the auspices of the Millennium Development Goals. They envisaged the cooperation of countries with international financial institutions for the transformation of their economy, the introduction of the latest innovative technologies, changes in economic, political and social nature and as a result of improving the life of the population and overcoming poverty. [3] In this article, we draw attention to the fact that in modern international economic relations, there are two approaches to donor assistance, which were formulated by certain historical processes taking place in the world economy. The first approach is called by scientists as “integrative”. It is based on the implementation of strict standards, which are translated into the language of specific requirements and measures, which in its turn are laid down in the plan calendar of reforms. At the present stage, this approach is applied in the countries which are candidates for EU membership. It is always successful because the assistance implemented in the enlargement countries provides a strategic framework for the transformation processes, while enlargement countries are required to adopt EU institutional standards and develop the necessary infrastructures. The second form of international assistance is more like charity and it does not contribute to the donors’ long-term responsibility for results. Assistance is provided to poor developing and emerging countries, but this assistance is never successful. Keywords: international technical assistance, international financial assistance, state control.
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Peng, Siyuan, Hanyue Wang et Tuoyi Zhou. « Causes of Intense Sino-America Relations in the 21st century : Multi-Perspective Analysis ». Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (7 février 2023) : 499–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4296.
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The Sino-America relations is changing constantly, but not in a specific instant. From 1949 to 1972, The United State of America start to embargo to People’s Republic of China. It is a beginning of the relationship between China and America go to deteriorate slowly. American government also imposed policies to limit visa issue [1] of the most of Chinese officials and some national company and strict control visa for Chinese visitors. This increases the ossification between America and China. In addition, during the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Ukraine shows a pro-American position and Chinese government has relatively peaceful relationship with the Russia in order to against the American hegemony. Thus, this situation aggravated the intense situation between China and America indirectly. Furthermore, people start make the emotion of disgust for opposite country, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs express agree for people. Then, Taiwan issue became a sensitive topic for China. The Chinese government has been making efforts to resolve the Taiwan Strait issue peacefully. However, American officials’ visit to Taiwan which never notify China and provide weapons for China. This action thoroughly infuriated China and Chinese Air Force went to China’s airspace around the Taiwan at the first time and issued a warning. The reason is principle of insist only one China is a precondition for build relationship. American officials’ visit to Taiwan which mean against that in public.
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LIJPHART, AREND. « Democracy in the 21st century : can we be optimistic ? » European Review 9, no 2 (mai 2001) : 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.
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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
Thèses sur le sujet "Ukraine – Politics and government – 21st century"
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Kharroubi, Safwat. « The foiled state : a critical assessment of western donor aid provision and state-building in Palestine in the post-Oslo period ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678553.
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Lacouture, Matthew Thomas. « Liberalization, Contention, and Threat : Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.
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Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben Ali regime. The regime's brutality was publicized via social media activism and satellite television, precipitating mass mobilization across Tunisia and, eventually, throughout the region and beyond. In light of the rapid and unforeseen nature of these events, scholars writing about the causes of the Arab Spring have focused their critiques on scholarship that they felt overemphasized the role of institutions and elite-level actors over 'under the radar' changes within society. This paper essentially agrees with this point of view, but is not content to simply 'throw out' institutionalism. As Timur Kuran (1991) argued in the wake of the unforeseen collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, one cannot understand revolution without understanding the 'true' preferences of social actors. In this way, the inevitability of revolutionary surprises seems a given so long as analysts continue to look from the top-down. Yet, this paper contends that institutions do still matter. They matter because different institutional arrangements incentivize and constrain regime strategies, which, in turn, inform the strategic calculations and preference orderings within society. These two societal variables are determined - in part - by the degree of regime flexibility, and they affect whether, how, and where social actors choose to vent their dissent.
This paper proposes a model for the development of contentious social mobilization under authoritarianism. In order to do so, two models - one game-theoretic, and the other rooted in the contentious politics subfield of political sociology - are synthesized toward elucidating how altered societal preferences affect strategic interactions between the regime and society over time and during acute contentious episodes. The synthesized model is then illustrated through narrative case studies of two North African states that experienced divergent outcomes in the wake of the Arab Spring: Tunisia and Morocco. The limited spaces and institutions for the expression of dissent in Tunisia gradually changed societal preferences over time. In 2010, Tunisians' preferences shifted from various socioeconomic demands and other issue-specific grievances toward a galvanized demand for the fall of the regime. In Morocco, on the other hand, social actors, by and large, continued to prefer limited reforms to a complete upheaval of the political system. This paper contends that this divergence in preferences and therefore outcomes was in part determined by the variation in the two regimes' respective strategic mixes of concessions and/or coercion. To the extent that such strategies and institutions were more flexible - i.e. were more permissive of (limited) political contention and contestation - social movements were less likely to become emboldened against the regime.
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Phaneuf, Caroline. « Why political reform is likely in China : challenges to political stability ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79802.
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This paper suggests that a critical mass of elements is forming in China which, if not better controlled, will lead to some form of political regime change. The paper will (a) elaborate on China's major problems, grouped into "backbone changes" and "catalysts," (b) provide a balance sheet of remedies the government has attempted or proposed to date, and (c) examine the remedies' relative success or failure. Among the "backbone changes": decentralization, corruption, the emergence of interest groups, the government's possible loss of legitimacy, people's increased exposure to procedural democracy, the increase in the number of students receiving a foreign education, the privatization of education and divisions within the Chinese Communist Party. The "catalysts" include: massive urban and rural unemployment, corruption, forced displacement and the gentrification of China's cities.
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Lightowler, Claire. « Policy divergence and devolution : the impact of actors and institutions ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/16785.
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The creation of the National Assembly for Wales and the Scottish Parliament in 1999 was accompanied with an aspiration that these new institutions would allow Scotland and Wales to develop their own policies, better suited to local needs than those designed in Westminster or Whitehall. This thesis explores policy-making in the first terms of the devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales, focusing on where the policies developed by these institutions diverged from those pursued at Westminster. Policy divergence is examined by studying the development of the financing long-term care for the elderly policies. The aim of this thesis is to identify why policy divergence occurred in the long-term care case, considering the impact of actors (or agents) and the institutional setting in which they operate, as suggested by Scharpf's model of actor-centred institutionalism. As actor-centred institutionalism suggested, both actors and institutions played a major role in shaping policy responses. In the Scottish case a range of actors cooperated and lobbied together for the introduction of free personal care, spurred on by the First Minister, who created an opportunity for those in favour of free personal care to pressurise his government to introduce the policy. In contrast, in Wales, actors were divided and never built up the same momentum to ensure the introduction of a more generous long-term care package. The institutional setting in which these actors operated was a major factor in shaping their policy preferences and the strategies they adopted to achieve them. This thesis considers the impact on policy-making of the devolved institution's electoral system, financial and legislative powers, design of the institutions, and the place of these institutions in a UK setting. The different institutional structures in Scotland and Wales provided different incentives and resources for actors, encouraged different styles of policy-making from Westminster and affected the way in which issues were framed. Examining the roles of actors and institutions in the formation of distinctive policies highlighted that in the real world these two elements are mutually dependent and cannot be separated. As a result it is impossible, and pointless, to determine whether actors or institutions were most influential on the development of distinctive policies. Instead this thesis explores how the difference between the configurations of actors and institutions in Scotland and Wales contributed to the creation of policies which were distinctive both from each other and the UK Government.
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Fattah, Khaled. « Contextual determinants of political modernization in tribal Middle Eastern societies : the case of unified Yemen ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1984.
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By all conventional measurements of modernization and development, from communication and education to bureaucracy and urbanization, Arab societies have been undergoing an impressive transformation. There is, however, a wide gap in the Arab Middle East between such a transformation and the political consequences of modernization. In other words, the Arab Middle East exhibits a sharp contrast between its societal and political progress. In the case of Yemen, such a gap looks different from the one that exists in the rest of the region. In addition to being a country with the weakest and most limited bureaucracy in the Arab world, Yemen has, also, the lowest level of urbanization and education in the region. According to United Nations Human Development Report for the year 2004, 73.7 % of Yemen’s population are living in rural areas, and the country has a combined gross enrolment rate for primary, secondary and tertiary schools of 43%. In 2008, Yemen was rated near the bottom of the Human Development Index (HDI) by the UNDP; as number 153rd out of the 177 countries with HDI data, and it ranked as number 82 out of 108 countries in the Human Poverty Index. The United Nations Human Development Report 2006, for instance, indicates that the percentage of Yemeni population who live below National Poverty Line is 41.8%. Yet, Yemen is more democratic than most countries in the Arab Middle East. In light of this paradox, the following central question guides this research: which contextual factors are central in explaining the unique process of political modernization in tribal Yemen?
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Prinsloo, Cyril. « African pirates in the 21st century : a comparative analysis of maritime piracy in Somalia and Nigeria ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20142.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study concerned the piratical attacks occurring along the East and West coasts of Africa. Although maritime piracy along the coasts of Africa is not a new phenomenon, recent upsurges in piratical attacks have attracted a great deal of attention. Despite Nigeria being long considered as the hotspot for piratical activity in Africa, the greatest upsurge of piratical activity has been seen in the areas surrounding Somalia, including the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. The primary objective of this study is to identify the main causes of maritime piracy in Somalia and Nigeria. Also the correlation between state capacity (failed or weak) and the motivations for piracy (greed or grievance) is investigated. The secondary objectives of this study are to investigate the direct manifestations of piracy, as well as the current counter piracy initiatives. This is done in order to evaluate the successes and failures of current counter-piracy approaches in order to create more viable and successful counter measures. It is found that historical factors, as well as political, economic, social and environmental factors contribute greatly to the rise of maritime piracy in both Somalia and Nigeria. Furthermore, it has been found that there are numerous direct causes of piracy in these two countries. These differences and similarities have been investigated using a comparative analysis framework.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het betrekking tot die seerowery wat langs die Oos-en Weskus van Afrika plaasvind. Alhoewel seerowery langs die kus van Afrika nie 'n nuwe verskynsel is nie, het die onlangse oplewing van seerower-aanvalle baie aandag geniet in verskeie oorde. Ten spyte daarvan dat Nigerië lank beskou was as die probleem-area vir seerower aktiwiteit in Afrika, word die grootste toename van seerowery in die gebiede rondom Somalië, insluitend die Golf van Aden en die Indiese Oseaan ervaar. Die primêre doel van hierdie studie is om die oorsake van seerowery in Somalië en Nigerië te identifiseer. Die verband tussen staat-kapasiteit (mislukte of swak) en die motiverings vir seerowery (gierigheid of griewe) word ondersoek. Die sekondêre doelwitte van hierdie studie is om die direkte manifestasies van seerowery te ondersoek, sowel as die huidige teen-seerower inisiatiewe. Dit word gedoen om die suksesse en mislukkings van die huidige teen-seerower benaderings te evalueer ten einde meer lewensvatbare en suksesvolle teenmaatreels te skep. Dit is gevind dat historiese faktore, sowel as die politieke-, ekonomiese-, sosiale- en omgewings- faktore baie bydra tot die ontstaan en opbloei van seerowery in Somalië en Nigerië. Dit is gevind dat daar talle direkte oorsake van seerowery in hierdie twee lande is. Hierdie verskille en ooreenkomste is ondersoek met behulp van vergelykende analises.
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Mason, Anthony, et n/a. « Australian coverage of the Fiji coups of 1987 and 2000 : sources, practice and representation ». University of Canberra. Communication, 2009. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20090826.144012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For many Australians, Fiji is a place of holidays, coups and rugby. The extent to which we
think about this near-neighbour of ours is governed, for most, by what we learn about Fiji
through the media. In normal circumstances, there is not a lot to learn as Fiji rarely appears
in our media. At times of crisis, such as during the 1987 and 2000 coups in Fiji, there is
saturation coverage. At these times, the potential for generating understanding is great. The
reporting of a crisis can encapsulate all the social, political and economic issues which are a
cause or outcome of an event like a coup, elucidating for media consumers the culture, the
history and the social forces involved. In particular, the kinds of sources used and the kinds
of organisations these sources represent, the kinds of themes presented in the reporting, and
the way the journalists go about their work, can have a significant bearing on how an event
like a coup is represented. The reporting of the Fiji coups presented the opportunity to
examine these factors. As such, the aim of this thesis is to understand the role of the media
in building relationships between developed and developing post-colonial nations like
Australia and Fiji.
A content analysis of 419 articles published in three leading broadsheet newspapers, The
Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian and The Canberra Times, examined the basic
characteristics of the articles, with a particular focus on the sources used in these articles.
This analysis revealed that the reports were dominated by elite sources, particularly
representatives of governments, with a high proportion of Australian sources who provided
information from Australia. While alternative sources did appear, they were limited in
number. Women, Indian Fijians and representatives of non-government organisations were
rarely used as sources. There were some variations between the articles from 1987 and those
from 2000, primarily an increase in Indian Fijian sources, but overall the profile of the
sources were similar.
A thematic analysis of the same articles identified and examined the three most prevalent
themes in the coverage. These indicated important aspects of the way the coups were
represented: the way Fiji was represented, the way Australia's responses were represented,
and the way the coup leaders were represented. This analysis found that the way in which
the coups were represented reflected the nature of the relationship between Australia and
Fiji. In 1987, the unexpected nature of the coup meant there was a struggle to re-define how
Fiji should be understood. In 2000, Australia's increased focus on Fiji and the Pacific region
was demonstrated by reports which represented the situation as more complex and uncertain,
demanding more varied responses.
A series of interviews with journalists who travelled to Fiji to cover the coups revealed that
the working conditions for Australian media varied greatly between 1987 and 2000. The
situational factors, particularly those which limited their work, had an impact on the
journalists' ability to access specific kinds of sources and, ultimately, the kinds of themes
which appeared in the stories. The variation between 1987 and 2000 demonstrated that
under different conditions, journalists were able to access a more diverse range of sources
and present more sophisticated perspectives of the coup.
In a cross-cultural situation such as this, the impact of reporting dominated by elite sources
is felt not just in the country being covered, but also in the country where the reporting
appears. It presents a limited representation, which marginalises and downplays the often
complex social, cultural and historical factors which contribute to an event like a coup.
Debate and alternative ways of understanding are limited and the chance to engage more
deeply with a place like Fiji is, by and large, lost.
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BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. « The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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Kapyata, Dennis. « China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
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Willi, Victor Jonathan Amadeus. « The fourth ordeal : a history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt, 1973-2013 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b54c3cfe-14af-4bf7-8e73-fc27e6ab4ce7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an internal organisational history of the Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt between 1973 and 2013. Based on memoires of Brotherhood leaders, as well as oral history interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013 with different rank-and-file members and dissidents, the thesis situates the life trajectories and personal experiences of these individuals within a larger national and international context. The purpose is to provide a historical account that is able to explain the reasons for the Brotherhood's cataclysmic failure of the summer of 2013. In accounting for the fall, my key argument centres on the internal rivalry between two political factions representing different "schools of thought", or visions, about the kind of organisation the Brotherhood was supposed to be. Representatives of the respective coalitions competed against each other over hegemony and organisational resources, basing their claims on contrasting intellectual traditions, political cultures and organisational values that had co-existed, sometimes uncomfortably, within the ranks of the Society since the times of Hasan al-Banna. The adherents of the "Qutbist" school of thought put forward the idea of a closed, pyramid-shaped and exclusive organisation, while those closer to 'Omar al-Tilmisani's model aspired to a reformed Society that was open to outsiders, and where internal progression was based on meritocracy, transparency and some form of democracy. I argue that it is through the holistic analysis of the complex dynamics between internal organisational politics, the use of ideology, and the personal experiences of key organisational members, that we are best able to grasp the Brotherhood's failed experience in governance in 2013.
Livres sur le sujet "Ukraine – Politics and government – 21st century"
1
Åberg, Martin. Social capital and democratisation : Roots of trust in post-Communist Poland and Ukraine. Aldershot : Ashgate, 2003.
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2
Albright, Thomas B. 21st century blueprint. Lafayette, La : Prescott Press, 1994.
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3
Kondlo, Kwandiwe Merriman. Governance in the 21st century. South Africa : HSRC, 2011.
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S, Whittington Michael, et Williams Glen 1947-, dir. Canadian politics in the 21st century. 5e éd. Scarborough, Ont : Nelson Thomson Learning, 2000.
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Williams, Glen, et Michael S. Whittington. Canadian politics in the 21st century. 7e éd. Toronto : Thomson Nelson, 2007.
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Ri, Song Hwan. Korea in the 21st century. Pyongyang, Korea : Foreign Languges Publishing House, 2012.
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S, Whittington Michael, et Williams Glen 1947-, dir. Canadian politics in the 21st century. 6e éd. Scarborough, Ont : Nelson, 2004.
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Chan, Lien. Heading for the 21st century. Taiwan : Government Information Office, 1994.
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Aseka, Eric Masinde. Africa in the 21st century. Eldoret [Kenya] : Zapf Chancery, 1996.
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Keshav, Bhattar, dir. Nepal in the 21st century. Hauppauge NY : Nova Science Publishers, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Ukraine – Politics and government – 21st century"
1
Pratchett, Lawrence. « Institutions, Politics and People : Making Local Politics Work ». Dans British Local Government into the 21st Century, 213–29. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-03693-3_15.
Texte intégral
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Ocampo, Luis Moreno. « Jus ad Curiam and Jus ad Bellum Decisions in Syria ». Dans War and Justice in the 21st Century, 511–38. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197628973.003.0023.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The chapter presents the inability of the UN Security Council to maintain peace and security in Syria. The P-5 consensus reached in Libya disappeared in a few months. The Syrian government attacked its own citizens and the United States promoted the opposition, and adopted a jus ad Bellum decision in Syria supporting proxy forces. Russia supported President Assad and condemned foreign armies’ interventions in a sovereign country to produce a regime change. However, in September 2013, President Putin facilitated an agreement to dismantle Syria’s chemical weapons arsenal. For a few months, the council dynamic changed, and it adopted resolutions by consensus on Syria demanding justice and access to humanitarian assistance. But the conflict in Ukraine created a political confrontation between Western countries and Russia affecting the council dynamics. On January 2013, Switzerland took the lead and sent a letter to the UN Security Council on behalf of fifty-seven states calling for referring Syria to the ICC. The United States requested informally to Switzerland to suspend the request. In 2014, after the Ukraine conflict started, France tabled a referral to the ICC. This time, the US supported the referral forcing Russia and China to use their veto power to stop the initiative. Meanwhile, the Islamic State was taking control of parts of Syria. The US Congress adopted a jus ad Bellum decision to use armed forces against the Islamic State and other terrorist groups in Syria without the Assad government’s consent. President Obama consolidated a new blueprint: a combination of high-tech attacks and proxy forces in the ground as a new permanent state of war in some nations. Syria became a contained global war by proxy. In 2015, after a brutal terrorist attack in Paris, the UN Security Council overcame the divisions and by consensus adopted Resolution 2249, authorizing “all necessary means” against the Islamic State in Syria. The War on Terror became a council policy.
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Hannum, Hurst. « Reinvigorating Human Rights for the Twenty-First Century ». Dans Human Rights and 21st Century Challenges, 13–58. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824770.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The development of international human rights law ranks among the most significant accomplishments in international relations since 1945. However, the continuing success of human rights is not inevitable, and increasingly expansive calls for new rights or attempts to address all social problems from a human rights perspective may, ironically, undermine their legitimacy. This tendency is evidenced by the conflation of human rights with individual criminal responsibility; justification of the use of force based on appeals to protect human rights and promote democracy; marginalization of the role of government; the proliferation of new rights; and failure to appreciate the inherent flexibility of human rights norms. This chapter calls for returning to the notion of ‘human rights’ as international human rights law and maintaining the distinction between law and morality or law and politics. Recognizing that these concepts are created and enforced differently does not diminish any of them; rather, it reinforces the fact that social progress can only be achieved by appealing to law, politics, and morality, not by promoting human rights as a panacea that can remedy all wrongs.
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Wogu, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power, Sharon Nanyongo N. Njie, Jesse Oluwafemi Katende, George Uzoma Ukagba, Morris Oziegbe Edogiawerie et Sanjay Misra. « The Social Media, Politics of Disinformation in Established Hegemonies, and the Role of Technological Innovations in 21st Century Elections ». Dans Research Anthology on Social Media's Influence on Government, Politics, and Social Movements, 717–37. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-7472-3.ch035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Deep concerns about the rise in the number of technological innovations used for perpetrating viral dissemination of disinformation, via major social media platforms during multiparty elections, have been expressed. As strategy scholars observe, it is inimical to democratic systems whose election results are questioned by reason of faulty electoral processes. The Marxian alienation theory and Marilyn's ex-post facto research designs were used for evaluating the consequences of adopting political disinformation strategies (PDS) as tools for manipulation, via innovative artificial intelligent technologies, on established social media networks during recent democratic elections in the US and other rising hegemonies. The study observed that most governments and expert political campaigners continue to find it a politically viable platform suitable for swinging the votes of electorates in desired directions. Authors recommended stiffer regulations for media platforms and party agents as this would aid discontinuing the practice of PDS during elections in established and rising hegemonies.
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Sinha, Keshav, Roma Kumari, Rakesh Kumar Chandan, Partha Paul, Naghma Khatoon et Runmi Kundu. « A New Framework for Politics, Law, and Government in the Digital Era ». Dans Handbook of Research on Digital Violence and Discrimination Studies, 589–609. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9187-1.ch026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the 21st century, the digital world has taken over law and politics. Political war is on online platforms, and various decisions are made based on the digital data. Another problem is to provide security of online data. Most of the world is unsatisfied with the government and policymakers. A lack of satisfaction among the people leads towards civil war or it can cause the fall of an entire selected government, or it can collapse the law systems of the world. To cope with this problem, the authors propose the judge-based political system (JBPS). The new political system can deal with the advancement of technology and cybersecurity. Judge-based politics will help to control this type of threat and provide satisfaction in the upcoming era of democracy.
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Olajimbiti, Ezekiel. « The Pragmatics of Political Deception on Facebook ». Dans Research Anthology on Social Media's Influence on Government, Politics, and Social Movements, 738–54. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-7472-3.ch036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Facebook, an intrinsic part of 21st century social realities where cognitive-participatory activities are largely captured, is consistently explored for political deception. This chapter investigates how participants utilize language to deceive politically the Nigerian electorate on Facebook. For data, 250 Facebook posts on Nigerian politics were sampled, out of which 50 were purposefully selected for being highly rich in deceptive content in order to unpack online deception through multimodal critical discourse analysis. Four deceptive forms—equivocation of identity, exaggeration of performance, falsification of corruption cases, and concealment of offences—within two socio-political contexts—election and opposition—constituted the posts. These prompt an evocation of a messianic figure, blunt condemnation, and evocation of sympathy and retrospection to achieve the political intentions of criticism, self-presentation, silent opposition, and galvanizing public support. The chapter concludes that political propaganda taps into Facebook users to appeal to their political biases and sway their opinions.
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Greiman, Virginia. « The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability ». Dans Research Anthology on Artificial Intelligence Applications in Security, 2138–51. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7705-9.ch093.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Greiman, Virginia. « The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability ». Dans Research Anthology on Artificial Intelligence Applications in Security, 2138–51. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7705-9.ch093.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Miura, Mari, et Eriko Hamada. « The Quiet Diffusion of Social Investment in Japan ». Dans The World Politics of Social Investment : Volume II, 285–302. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197601457.003.0012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While the term “social investment” is hardly ever used in Japan, “investment in tomorrow” and “investment in people” have been repeatedly used to justify policy expansion for childcare and human resource development since the first decade of the 21st century. Although Japan is shifting its spending patterns, it is necessary to look into policy development and discourse in order to understand its qualitative features. This chapter argues that a stratified social investment was quietly diffused in Japan. Despite the expansion of social spending on the younger generation, stratification progressed due to the heavy reliance on private spending and indifference to universal access and redistribution. Government papers show that the typical reasoning behind social investment policies is missing. The protagonists of social investment in Japan were policymakers and bureaucrats concerned with a declining and aging population. Family policy was expanded to meet the needs of middle-class, dual-earner households. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, however, was an antagonist since it relied on support from the religious right, which holds an anti-feminism ideology. Big business acted as both a protagonist and an antagonist: It is an ardent advocator of human resource development, but it is opposed to spending its resources on skill formation. Such a constellation of actors has shaped stratified social investment in Japan.
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Amu, Christian Ugwueze, Nathaniel Chinedum Nwezeaku, Linus Ezewunwa Akujuobi, Benedict Anayo Ozurunba, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power Wogu et Sanjay Misra. « The Politics of Public Debt Management Among Rising Hegemonies and the Role of ICT ». Dans Research Anthology on Macroeconomics and the Achievement of Global Stability, 691–704. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-7460-0.ch038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While scholars like Wogu and Misra unanimously affirmed the beneficial roles of adopting AI powered ICT systems in various sectors of government and endeavours, most countries in OECD and the Commonwealth - for reasons described as ‘a political reckless attitude' - have shied away from fully adopting and implementing intelligent debt management systems for their country's financial sectors, hence, the looming debt crisis hanging over them. Premised on the Public Choice theory, the study adopts Marilyn's Ex-post facto research design and Creswell's mix-method research approaches to interrogate the arguments proffered for and against the public debt management and the benefits of ICT, with a view to identifying the nexus that exists between the politics of debt management crisis and the role of ICT for 21st-century polities. The article identified a high degree of political rascality amongst political elites and a lackadaisical will towards the full implementation of intelligent debt management systems in the countries with looming debt crisis. Viable recommendations were proffered.