Articles de revues sur le sujet « Ukhta (Russia : Concentration camp) »

The aim of the article is to analyze the communication of prisoners of Nazi concentration camps as one of the factors in the prisoners' struggle for life in extreme conditions. The sources of the research are materials from Russian and foreign archives: the State Archive of the Russian Federation (Russia), the Yad Vashem Archive (Israel), the Security Service Archive (Ukraine), the Holocaust Memorial Archive (USA), the Bundesarchive (Germany), as well as published memoirs and interviews of former prisoners. In particular, the authors analyzed the testimony of former prisoners, criminal cases against the concentration camps' administrative and security personnel convicted in the course of post-war trials. As a result of their research, the authors concluded that language ability and communication played a critical role in the rescue of prisoners. If prisoners spoke several languages, mastered the internal camp jargon, and also managed to build communication with representatives of the camp administration, functionary prisoners and ordinary prisoners, their chances of survival increased significantly. If adaptation to the camp's linguistic realities did not take place, prisoners had practically no opportunity to escape. The authors examine the characteristics that determined the framework of the camp community, among which the main were Nazi ideological attitudes, as well as prisoners' pre-camp experience. They thoroughly analyze German and camp jargon - the languages that, if mastered, determined prisoners' survival. The authors show how German changed due to lexical and semantic neologisms and the role it played in prisoners' subjugation, demonstrate that the camp jargon developed in several directions - the formation of a single lingua franca and the formation of jargon in national groups of prisoners, and also pay particular attention to the role that translators played in the camp life. The authors characterize the basic models of camp communication: “SS man - ordinary prisoner”, “SS man - camp functionary”, “representative of the camp ‘elite' - ordinary prisoner”, “prisoner - prisoner”, “prisoner - civilian worker”, and note the possibility (or impossibility) of prisoners within each of them to be saved. Finally, the authors describe the role of communication in organizing the underground Resistance, in order not only to survive, but also to actively resist the Nazi terror.

The mythology of the foreign interference into the Russian civil war goes to the heart of the memory politics in Putin’s Russia today, most recently in connection with the invasion in Ukraine. In a bid to unite the country against perceived threats from the NATO alliance, the Russian leadership engages Soviet narratives going back to the Allied intervention into North Russia in 1918–1920, as a deterrent against association with the West. During Soviet times multiple memorials were created in the North to the victims of intervention in support of this narrative. Central to it was the Mudyug ‘concentration camp’ museum, established to demonstrate the atrocities of the intervention forces. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union this museum was branded as propaganda and eventually got decommissioned. Yet after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and subsequent war with Ukraine, the old intervention narratives saw a comeback. Backed by the state, the local memory activists in Arkhangelsk in North Russia took to restoring the Mudyug camp museum as a forepost of patriotic tourism in the region.

e14052 Background: Along with tumor itself, mechanisms of regulation of homeostasis are the target for tumor progression inhibition. The brain, various organs and tumor have different resources of energetic and metabolic substrates. Involvement of cyclic adenosine monophosphate (cAMP) into intimate mechanisms of proliferation, hormonal and energetic homeostasis indicates the possibility to use this factor in chemotherapy of tumors to improve the resistance of the organism. The purpose of the study was to analyze levels of endogenous cAMP in tumor and in organs as a criterium of systemic body response to chemotherapy with cAMP application. Methods: The study included 56 male Wistar rats with Heren’s carcinoma receiving peritumoral injections of cyclophosphan (CP) 50 mcg/kg (Baxter Oncology GmbH, Germany) alone and in combination with cAMP (Sigma-Aldrich, USA), P.O. at a concentration of 0.01%. cAMP levels in homogenates of organs and tumors were measured by immunoradiometric assay (Immunotech, Czech Republic) using Arian radiometer (Vitaco, Russia). Data were processed using Statistica 6. Results: cAMP levels in growing tumors in rats without treatment (the control) were maximal (7.03±1.5 nmol/L). CP injections alone during inhibition of carcinoma growth allowed the reduction of tumor cAMP level by 3.3 times. Combination of CP and cAMP resulted in tumor regression, and endogenous cAMP levels in tumor decreased by 10 times compared with the control. Similar dynamics of cAMP reductions was noted in the adrenal glands. The lungs, thymus, lymph nodes and especially the testes and the brain, on the contrary, showed accumulation of cAMP to the normal levels and higher. Conclusions: The range of cAMP levels in organs and tumors of rats receiving combination of CP and cAMP demonstrated the development of adaptive and regenerative processes in organs responsible for the neuroendocrine regulation, suppression of stimulation of stress-realizing systems and metabolic support of the processes of increasing non-specific antitumor resistance along with inhibited proliferative activity of tumors.

His review article discusses the first Russian «experiment in reconstruction» of the biography of Prince D.S. Svyatopolk-Mirsky (1890-1939), the literary critic and historian, author of the world-famous book «A history of Russian literature». The life path of Svyatopolk-Mirsky is traced in details, his texts are also being discussed. The legacy of «comrade prince», who died in the concentration camp in Russian Far East more than 80 years ago, has been becoming a subject of interest in Russia over recent years, and this book is just in time to fill the gap in the knowledge of his life and thoughts.

The article examines the question of the evolution of the philosophical and historical views of the Russian intellectual and politician Ilya Isidorovich Fondaminsky (1880–1942; literary and political pseudonym “Bunakov”). A native of a Jewish merchant family who studied phi­losophy in Berlin and Heidelberg and an active socialist-revolutionary, I.I. Bunakov-Fon­daminsky became one of the key figures of the Russian emigration. During the German oc­cupation of France, he received Orthodox baptism and ended his life in a Nazi concentration camp (in 2004, he was canonized by the Patri­archate of Constantinople). The author fo­cuses on the historiosophical concept of “Ways of Russia”, set forth by I.I. Bunakov-Fon­daminsky in the articles of the 1920s and 1940s in the Parisian emigrant magazines “Modern Notes” and “Novy Grad”. According to Bunakov-Fondaminsky, historical Russia is “The East in the North”, and its fate is the history of the “eastern theocracy in the north of Eura­sia”, for several centuries “irradiated” by the western waves.

Introduction. The relevance of this article is due to the study of the penitentiary system of Russia at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries using the example of the county town of Morshansk, Tambov province. The chronological framework covers the period of Tsarist Russia at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century, as well as the period of the Civil War until its end. Based on the materials presented in the work, a comparative analysis is given, the result of the effectiveness of the state policy in the penitentiary sector using the example of a county town. By the end of the 19th century, imprisonment became the main type of punishment for criminals as a result of the modernization processes of the second half of the 19th century. The problems that persisted throughout the long period of formation of the prison system, namely the lack of funds for the improvement of prison institutions, constant overcrowding due to the increase in the number of crimes, were most clearly reflected in the district towns, therefore it would be fair to study the effectiveness of the policy of Tsarist Russia in this area using the example of district towns. After the revolutionary events of 1917, the penitentiary system experienced new changes in connection with the policies of the new government. The new places of detention that emerged on the ruins of old ones presented new problems in the penitentiary sphere during the Civil War. Specifying the Tambov province of this period, it is worth mentioning the peasant uprising of 1920-1921, during the suppression of which the concentration camp system was used. The new places of detention that have appeared in Morshansk are of substantive interest in the framework of the study of penitentiary policy in early Soviet Russia. Materials and methods. This study was based on archival documents of the State Archive of the Tambov Region, the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Tambov Region, published documents on the Morshansky Zemstvo and materials reviews of the Tambov province. Thanks to the historical-systemic approach, the penitentiary systems of the ―two Russias‖ were analyzed. The statistical method showed the number of prisoners in Morshansk prisons for the specified period. Results. Based on the analysis of archival sources, a comparative analysis of the penitentiary models of Tsarist Russia and Russia of the period 1917-1922 was carried out using the example of the district town of Morshansk. The situation of the Morshansk prisons before 1917 confirmed the general conclusions about the penitentiary policy of Russia in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries with the problems of financing, conditions of serving sentences, and labor organization. The established concentration camp system during the Civil War in the Tambov province acted as a punitive measure during the suppression of the Tambov uprising, rather than as an evolutionary stage in the establishment of the penitentiary system of early Soviet Russia. Conclusion. The practical significance of the study is expressed in the local history study of the penitentiary systems of the "two Russias" on the example of the county town of Morshansk with the aim of further compiling a generalized work on the penitentiary sphere of Russia.

The paper discusses the content of one of the largest folklore archives in Russia belonging to the Institute of Language, Literature and History of the Karelian Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Systematic work of collecting folklore, carried out for more than 100 years, contributed to the creation of archives reflecting the historical events of an entire era. In the 1930s a new historical period began, giving life to the new forms of epic art — the so-called “novinas,” held in the Archive. During the Great World War, prisoners of the Finnish concentration camps created the so-called pieces of camp folklore, reviving the genre of lamentation. In the postwar period, researches were urged to deal with “Soviet” folklore, and not with the “frozen” forms of folk art. The archival materials collected among the representatives of deported people — Ingrian Finns — bear witness of the historical time. In the second half of the 20th century ideological pressure in the folkloristic studies continued, as superstitions and prejudices were sought to be eradicated, and the collection of folklore reflecting folk religious beliefs was not welcomed.

Действующее российское законодательство запрещает выпуск и обращение денежных суррогатов на территории России, но при этом четкого определения самого понятия денежного суррогата не приводит, чем существенно затрудняет реализацию установленного запрета. В условиях разнообразия средств, форм и способов совершения платежей, используемых в современной финансовой системе, представляется актуальным уточнение содержания данного понятия на основе практики использования лагерных бонов в местах лишения свободы в период Первой и Второй мировых войн, а также в лагерях особого назначения ОГПУ в первой половине XX века. Цель работы состоит в выявлении функций лагерных квазиденег, отличающих их от функций легальных денежных знаков, определении причин и условий использования денежных суррогатов в местах заключения. Проведенное с использованием сравнительно-исторического и аналитического методов исследование фактов, свидетельствующих об обращении в местах заключения (лагерях для военнопленных, концлагерях и гетто) денежных суррогатов, позволило заключить, что основными функциями лагерных квазиденег были поощрение заключенных за труд и предотвращение побегов. Классические функции денег носили в данном случае вспомогательный характер. В целом денежные суррогаты выступали одним из средств обеспечения режима содержания заключенных. Полученный авторами вывод может быть использован для дальнейшего исследования финансово-правовой природы денежных суррогатов. The current Russian legislation prohibits the issue and circulation of money surrogates on the territory of Russia, but at the same time does not provide a clear definition of the very concept of a money surrogate, which significantly complicates the implementation of the established ban. In the context of a variety of means, forms and methods of making payments used in the modern financial system, it seems relevant to clarify the content of this concept based on the practice of using camp booms in places of deprivation of liberty during the First and Second World Wars, as well as in special purpose camps of the USPO in the first half of the XX century. The purpose of the work is to identify the functions of camp quasi-money, which distinguish them from the functions of legal banknotes, to determine the reasons and conditions for the use of money surrogates in places of detention. The examination of facts conducted using comparative historical and analytical methods, indicate the circulation of monetary surrogates in places of detention (prisoner of war camps, concentration camps and ghettos) led to the conclusion that the main functions of camp quasi-money were to encourage prisoners for work and prevent escapes. The classical functions of money were in this case auxiliary. In general, monetary surrogates acted as one of the means of ensuring the regime of detention of prisoners. The conclusion obtained by the authors can be used for further research of the financial and legal nature of money surrogates.

The article explores the problem of memory and oblivion on the example of the tragic events of the 20th century associated with Auschwitz and the Gulag. The choice of this problem for analysis is due to its relevance by today, since in modern public life discussions about Stalin's repressions and the policy of Nazism haven’t lost their sharpness. Critical analysis and an unbiased assessment of these events today are faced with the phenomenon of “post-truth”, which generates a corresponding narrative, in which specific facts and analytical conclusions have less persuasive power than ready-made interpretations. The article discusses the question of how this issue fits into the global agenda as a whole, and whether it is particularly relevant for Russia due to its historical and cultural characteristics. Based on the works of modern philosophers, in particular, Valery Podoroga’s “Time after. Auschwitz and the Gulag: to think absolute evil”, an attempt is made to identify the main fractures of human subjectivity and the points of splitting of the individual. The destructive transformation of the human who has passed the test of a concentration camp manifests itself through the psychological state of the subject, the reflex work of the body, and as a result of bodily manipulations. However, Podoroga considers not exactly the survival in inhuman conditions, but continuation of life after the camp experience, as the main problem. If survival is a physiological overcoming; then life after survival is an existential struggle with the past so painfully experienced, which haunts and tries to constantly remind of itself. The evil of the past days has not been dissolved in the past, has not been fully comprehended either. The reasons for its origin have not been overcome and persist in the present. Until the tragic mistakes of the past are worked out, society will not find an incentive for moral development. The conducted research allows us to conclude that it is necessary to strive to recognize the Absolute Evil in various guises and prevent new humanitarian disasters, restoring memory and historical justice by realizing and experiencing guilt in one's own history, since memory is one of the main foundations of culture.

The history of Russian-American relations is full of various dramatic moments. There were periods of strategic partnership and alliance, but also those of aggravation of diplomatic and trade relations during the so-called Cold War. One thing persists from the moment the United States was formed in the 18th century to early 21st century: Russia and the United States have been allies in all military conflicts or maintained mutual neutrality. At the same time, as history shows, among political and bureaucratic elites of the United States, there have always been opponents of Russia as a geopolitical entity who provided direct assistance to its military opponents. One of these episodes occurred in 1915, when Moser, the American consul in the city of Harbin located on the territory of the Chinese Eastern Railway — a highway that ran along Manchuria and connected Chita with Vladivostok — found himself an object of cultivation of the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate. The article introduces into scientific use a document which permits to assess the degree of involvement of the American diplomat in the release of German prisoners of war, which caused a diplomatic demarche of Russia, expulsion of the consul, and, accordingly, a diplomatic scandal in Russian-American relations in 1915. This document is court opinion of November 6, 1915 of the investigator for especially important cases of the Irkutsk District Court M.S. Strazov based on secret survey of the captain of a separate corps of border guards, assistant to the head of the department at the gendarmerie-police directorate of the Chinese Eastern Railway A. M. Bokastov who had carried out the surveyance; on protocol of interrogation of non-commissioned officer Karl Schultz who fled the Russian camp in Western Siberia (in the city of Tara, Tobolsk gubernia) and was supported by the American diplomat; and on protocol of interrogation of J. E. Mandelstam accused of organizing this escape. Through the agency of their employees insinuated in groups of German officers who fled from the Russian camps in Siberia to China territories, the heads of gendarmerie directorate learned that the American diplomat not only supplied prisoners of war with money for escape, but also recommended them to makers of falsified documents and guides transporting runaways. Cultivation undertaken in 1915 by the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate resulted in arrest of Russian subjects of German and Jewish origin who, for various reasons, participated in organization of escapes of German and Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war from concentration camps located in Siberia and in the Far East.

Статья посвящена анализу результатов исследования концентрационных лагерей и лагерей принудительных работ на территории Московской губернии в период 1918-1922 гг. В качестве основной источниковой базы работы используются отчеты о деятельности лагерей, материалы инспекторских проверок, статистические данные о численности и составе заключенных, переписка начальников лагерей с ВЧК, НКВД РСФСР, а также Главным управлением принудительных работ. Концентрационные лагеря официально стали появляться в РСФСР после выхода декрета СНК «О Красном терроре». Они создавались сразу для нескольких целей. С одной стороны, это были места концентрации большого количества военнопленных Гражданской войны, с другой стороны, их использовали в качестве психологического способа устрашения политических противников официальной власти. Указывается, что одними из первых заключенных подобных лагерей становились заложники, бывшие в большинстве своем абсолютно простыми, ни в чем неповинными людьми: родственники военнослужащих Белой армии, жители прифронтовых территорий и др. Кроме того, в лагеря помещались классовые противники советской власти: представители дворянства и офицерства, сложившие оружие, выходцы из помещиков, купцов, мещан, духовенства и др. К 1921 г. система советских лагерей довольно сильно разрослась и включала в себя 122 лагеря. Московский регион в силу своей транспортной развитости играл в эти годы особую роль распределителя. В самой Москве насчитывалось 9 лагерей, о которых в настоящее время хорошо известно. Помимо них, в Московской губернии находилось еще 9 лагерей, о которых в настоящее время нет полноценного исторического исследования. Первоначально московские губернские лагеря использовались как место для разгрузки столичных концлагерей, но с 1920 г. многие из них приобрели вполне четкое производственное направление. Заключенные Московской губернии обеспечивали столицу дровами, работали на кирпичных заводах, принимали участие в строительстве первенца ГОЭЛРО - Каширской ГРЭС. В 1919 г. в Подмосковье был поставлен по-настоящему уникальный социальный эксперимент - создан первый в стране лагерь для детей и подростков в Звенигороде под названием «Детский городок». Во многом именно производственный потенциал московских губернских лагерей способствовал развитию дальнейшего использования принудительного труда заключенных в стране. The article is devoted to the study of concentration camps and forced labor camps in the territory of Moscow Governorate in the period between 1918 and 1922. The main sources of the study are reports on the activities of the camps, materials of inspections, statistical data on the number and composition of prisoners, correspondence of the camp chiefs with the Cheka, the NKVD of the RSFSR, and the Chief Administration of Forced Labor. After the decree of the Council of People’s Commissars “On the Red Terror” had been issued, the concentration camps began to appear in the RSFSR officially. These camps were created for several purposes at once. On the one hand, they were places of concentration of a large number of POWs of the Civil War. On the other hand, the Bolsheviks used the camps as a psychological way to intimidate their opponents. Among the first prisoners of such camps were hostages, who could be innocent ordinary people: relatives of the White Army members, residents of front-line territories, etc. Moreover, class opponents of the Soviet power were placed in these camps: representatives of the nobility and officers who chose to surrender as well as landowners, merchants, petty bourgeois, or clergy by birth, etc. By 1921, the system of Soviet camps had grown quite significantly and included 122 camps. Due to its good transport development, the Moscow region played a special role of a distribution center for prisoners in those years. In Moscow itself, there were nine camps, which are very well known now. In addition to them, there were nine more camps in Moscow Governorate, which have not been comprehensively researched so far. Initially, the camps of Moscow Governorate were used for reducing the load on the concentration camps of the capital. However, in 1920, many of them took a very clear direction towards production. Prisoners of the camps situated in Moscow Governorate supplied the capital with firewood, worked at brick factories, took part in the construction of the Kashira Power Plant, the “firstling” of the State Commission for Electrification of Russia (GOELRO). In 1919, a truly unique social experiment was performed in Moscow Governorate, which was the country’s first camp for children and adolescents in Zvenigorod under the name Detskii gorodok [Children’s Town]. In many ways, it was the production potential of the concentration camps of Moscow Governorate that greatly contributed to the further development of the use of prisoners’ forced labor in the country.

The Central State Archive of the City of Moscow (TsGA of Moscow) holds documents that expand existing notions on the Soviet military construction of 1918-19, the formation of military intelligence and counterintelligence in Soviet Russia, and the “third wave” of mass Red terror in 1919. These documents are mostly found in the seemingly insignificant fond of the Serpukhov uezd committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). Since in the autumn 1918 – summer 1919, the Field Staff of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic was located in Serpukhov and its military commissar, head of the registration department, and founder of the Soviet military intelligence, S. I. Aralov actively worked in the Serpukhov uezd committee, the committee protocols are of great importance for studying the formation of the Red Army and its special services. The documents on admission to the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and party registration of the Field Staff senior officials, brothers Alexei and Pavel Vasiliev contain new information on the personnel continuity in the Operational Department of the People's Commissariat for Military Affairs of the RSFSR and the Field Staff. Protocols of the reports of the old Bolshevik A.A. Antonov at sessions of the Serpukhov uezd bodies of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) clarify the existing notions on the calamity of June 1919, which took place on the eve of the events associated with the arrest of the first Commander-in-Chief of all the armed forces of the Republic J. J. V?cietis and some of his employees in July 1919, the cleaning of the Field Staff initiated by the old Bolshevik, longtime associate of Lenin S.I. Gusev who replaced S.I. Aralov at his posts. There are also documents containing information on the Bolshevik leadership reaction to the events related to the explosion in the building of the Moscow Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) on September 25, 1919, when 12 Bolsheviks were killed and 55 received wounds of varying severity. These materials complement and correct data from the documents stored in the federal archives, in particular, in the Russian State Military Archive, which keeps documents on the history of the Red Army in 1918-41. For instance, it turns out that it was decided to arrest the bourgeoisie and other “counter-revolutionaries” with their subsequent imprisonment in a concentration camp created specifically for this purpose in Serpukhov district.

The article focuses on the study of historical experience of the development of the Northern territories of Russia. The processes of industrial development of the Far North areas that began in late 1920s was closely connected to the events of repressive policy of the Soviet power. One of the accelerated industrial development regions was the European North-East of the USSR, which became a territory with a high concentration of camps and special settlements in the 1930s–50s. The article presents an analytical review of the memoirs of scientists, who were Gulag camps prisoners, stored in the archives of the Komi Republic (Vorkuta Museum and Exhibition Center, K. G. Voinovsky-Kriger Geological Museum, Scientific Archive of FRC Komi SC UB RAS, National Archive of the Komi Republic, Komi Republican Fund of Geological Information). The study has determined that this information complex was accumulated by large-scale initiative work of the scientific community of the Komi Republic, collecting memoirs of scientists who had been in camps in the region. The specificity of these sources is in their special approach to the description of the events. They show not only horrors of the penal system, but also creative role of those people who, with their titanic work, developed remote regions of the North of the country. It has been determined that the authors were mostly geoscientists, which may be explained by the main task of the camps located in the European North-East of the USSR, i.e. industrial development of mineral deposits. Some were professional scientists, former employees of the Geological Committee (K. G. Voinovsky-Kriger, N. N. Tikhonovich, N. M. Lednev, and others), others became geologists in prison (K. V. Flug, V. V. Grechukhin, G. M. Yaroslavtsev, and others). The author presents an analysis of the memoirs content taking into consideration the time of their creation. She examines some common aspects of the sources: difficult conditions of prison transfer to the North, challenges of research work, various way of engaging in research in the camp. It is concluded that this document complex is a valuable retrospective sources group on the development of the Northern territories of the USSR in the late 1920s – early 1950s, primarily implemented by the Gulag prisoners. Introducing this evidence into scientific use expands the historical picture of the study of the North, demonstrating complexity and multifacetedness of the process.

The study of the rejection of the moral principles of medical workers and scientists, their societies and academic institutions in favor of a murderous ideology raises fundamental concerns and global implications for the education and practice of current and future medical workers. The worst-case scenario in medicine raises deeply disturbing but important questions here and now: could the Holocaust, one of the greatest evils ever committed against humanity, happen without the complicity of doctors, their societies and the scientific professional community? How did healers become murderers? Could it happen again? The political component of the perception and translation of the lessons and consequences of the Holocaust reflects the clash of universal values, concepts, ideological collisions, including the relations of power and society, the individual and the state, political institutions and everyday practices of individual citizens, political elites and party groups. The source database includes a wide range of historical evidence, including memoirs of witnesses of the Holocaust era, reviews of psychiatrists who were experts at the Nuremberg trials, as well as data from surveys of contemporaries about the political lessons of the Holocaust. The methodological base included the whole complex of historical, social and political approaches, taking into account the methods of the history of everyday life, law, and political issues. The terminology on the problems of the Holocaust was clarified through the prism of medical experiments during the Second World War of 1939-1945. A critical understanding of the historiographical and source-based traditions of the study of the topic "The Holocaust and medicine" in both domestic and foreign scientific communities has been carried out. Obvious deformations of the interpretation of the Holocaust have been revealed in a number of works by American researchers. The assessments of the outstanding psychiatrist Yevgeny Konstantinovich Krasnushkin, who represented the expert community at the Nuremberg trial of Nazi war criminals in 1945, were introduced into scientific circulation. The involvement of memoirs of Holocaust survivors and witnesses of Nazi crimes makes it possible to reconstruct and retransmit amazing pages of survival in the era of Nazism and totalitarianism. The use of private historical methods details the reliable and valuable evidence of atrocities and bullying of concentration camp prisoners under the fascist regime reflected in memoirs, preserved records of contemporaries. The modern medical community, including students, residents of medical universities, are very attentive and sensitive to the consequences of this practice of Nazi Germany, but only if they get acquainted with the medical aspects of the Holocaust during their studies. It is concluded that the Nazi racial laws were mastered, and quite successfully justified not only by the luminaries of German medicine, but often by ordinary representatives of the medical community, which often turned doctors into accomplices in criminal activities during the reign of Hitler. It is proved that memorializing the historical memory of the Holocaust tragedy, including through the prism of medical experiments on people, can hinder the development of neo-Nazi views, nationalism and extremism, antiSemitism and xenophobia in modern society. The political aspects of studying the problem of the Holocaust in modern Russia are convincingly detailed, which reflects the urgent sociopsychological, everyday, ethno-confessional needs of the development of the population of the Russian Federation, including civil society and public initiatives for the formation of tolerance, respect for human rights and ethnic integrity, and identity.

Straipsnyje analizuojamos Karsavino Eurazijos ir simfoninės asmenybės teorijos ir jų įtaka asmeniniam Karsavino likimui, jo sofiologinėms mesianistinėms nuostatoms. Aptariama svarbiausių filosofinių Karsavino idėjų genezė: gyvo religingumo ir bendrojo religinio fondo, gnostinės pleromos interpretacijos, Šv. Trejybės dialektika ir jos santykis su N. Kuziečio filosofija, simfoninės asmenybės teorija. Pagrindinis teiginys apie Karsavino ir Kuziečio filosofijų skirtumą yra pagrįstas kristologiniais Karsavino argumentais apie Kuziečio filosofijos nepakankamumą aiškinant Dievo kaip Possest eksplikacijos ir komplikacijos problematiką. Karsavinas, remdamasis ortodoksiniais kristologiniais teiginiais, simfoninės asmenybės bei ideokratijos teorija bei tipologine, istoriosofine civilizacijų klasifikacija, pagrindžia kairiąją Eurazijos sąjūdžio ideologiją, kuri išliko aktuali ir šiandienos Rusijos politinei situacijai. Straipsnyje parodomos lietuviškosios filosofijos ir Karsavino samprotavimų paralelės ir keliamas klausimas dėl Eurazijos ideologijos nesvarstymo tarpukario Lietuvoje. Straipsnio pabaigoje grįžtama prie filosofinio Karsavino apsisprendimo, saikingų, asmeninių mesianistinių jo nuostatų ir sokratiško likimo tardymų, įkalinimo Abezės lageryje laikotarpiu. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: gyvasis religingumas, simfoninė asmenybė, panteizmas, gnoticizmas, mesianizmas.Historiosophical Messianism of L. Karsavin and the Idea of Eurasia Gintautas Mažeikis SummaryThe historiosophical and messianistic ideas of L. Karsavin and his ideology of left Eurasia were based on the theological and gnostic symbolism of the early 20th century, F. Schelling’s philosophy of Myth and Universality, Vl. Solovjov’s Philosophy of Universality, Mystics of Christology, the Orthodox understanding of Saint Trinity, typological theory of civilizations. At the beginning of his mediaeval researches Karsavin investigated sacral events in rural areas in the 17th–18th centuries, especially in Italy, magic activities and popular beliefs in Christian Saints, based on uncritical, natural, live religious feelings and spontaneous faith. He maintained live religious faith to be the background for the significance and utility of all canonical religious rules and churches. These ideas are similar to the French school of Annales and to the M. Bakhtin’s theory of Carnival issues of the Mediaeval tradition of laughter. However, Karsavin re lated his consideration of spontaneous hierophany to the gnostic tradition of Divine Pleroma. It is important to them in order to interpret the philosophy of Nicolaus Cusanus, especially his conception of God as Possest and a permanent and contradictory process of explicatio and complicatio. On the basis of Cusanus’ philosophy, Karsavin developed his personal idea of dialectics of Saint Trinity as a union of Divine personalities. Karsavin maintained that the conception of Cusanus is insufficient because Cusanus didn’t explain the role of Christ in the full reunification of sinful human beings with God. By Karsavin, Cusanus avoided pantheistic tendencies and therefore couldn’t develop the theory of divination of personality. On the contrary, Karsavin develops the idea of divination of oneself in his theory of Symphonic personality. Every personality is a form of free solution and responsibility, love and self-sacrifice. Therefore, the personality develops itself from an autonomous individual into the personality as a family, the personality as a nation, as a state, and finally the personality transforms into a cosmic human being, or Adam Kadmon. The hierarchic growth of personality, his ontology presupposes his essential responsibility for the development of nation, state, culture and civilization. It was the basis of Karsavin’s messianism. The nation or culture couldn’t be developed in the necessary direction, towards divinity, without creative and self-sacrificing activity of the individual. The hierarchical conception of the world personality presupposes the ideocratic form of government. The idea of the ideocratic power makes Karsavin’s political considerations similar to the Soviet system of power. Karsavin from 1925 until 1929 was the leader of the left wing of the Eurasia movement which was located in Paris. He initiated and supported a dialog with Bolsheviks’ representatives. However, Karsavin strongly criticized communism and Bolsheviks from the Orthodox point of view. Karsavin was a deep believer and couldn’t support the destruction of churches by the Soviet regime. However, today it is possible to say that Karsavin’s political visions are very similar to the modern Vl. Putins’ regime in contemporary Russia. Eurasia and Symphonic Personality ideas became important motives for Karsavin’s coming to Lithuania in 1928. However, after arrival he didn’t participate in any political movement and developed his civilization ideas, the conception of ideocratic power and Symphonic Personality there. In the Lithuanian period, he becomes closer to the Russian Orthodox tradition of Old Believers and its ideas of self-sacrifice to populace. Karsavin didn’t emigrate from Lithuania in the threat of Soviet occupation. On the contrary, he spread his ideas of Symphonic Personality, dialectics of Trinity, self-sacrificing after the War and even in the concentration camp in Abeze until his death in 1952. Keywords: live religions, Symphonic Personality, pantheism, gnosticism, messianism.-size: 11pt;">

This article attempts to find out the peculiarities of the literary style of artistic and artistic-journalistic works published in the USA in the first decade after World War II by the association of former Ukrainians repressed by the Soviets (DOBRUS). The prose editions "Ukhta-Pechora concentration camp" by Mykhailo Shkvarka, "Burning Medvyn" by Ivan Dubynets, "Hunting for a person" by A. Romen, "Laughter through tears" by Yurko Stepovyi were studied in this work. The common features of the works, published by DOBRUS in USA are simplicity of presentation, attention to facts, figures, detalization in the describing the Soviet penal institutions. These works are examples of camp prose in Ukrainian literature, documentary, factual literature, traumatic writing. Their specific mission is to preserve the memory of the lost homeland, to tell the truth about the repressions of Ukrainians.

IntroductionThe wandering narrator is a familiar figure in contemporary literature. This narrator is often searching for something abstract or ill-defined connected to the past and the traces it leaves behind. The works of the German writer W.G. Sebald inspired a number of theories on the various ways a writer might intersect place, memory, and representation through seemingly aimless wandering. This article expands on the scholarship around Sebald’s themes to identify two modes of investigative wandering: (1) wandering “in place”, through a city where a past trauma has occurred, and (2) wandering “out of place”, which occurs when a wanderer encounters a city that is a holding place of traumas experienced elsewhere.Sebald’s narrators mostly conduct wandering “in place” because they are actively immersed in, and wandering through, locations that trigger both memory and thought. In this article, after exploring both Sebald’s work and theories of place in literature, I analyse another example of wandering in place, in the Paris of Patrick Modiano’s novel, The Search Warrant (2014). I conclude by discussing how I encountered this mode of wandering myself when in Moscow and St Petersburg researching my first novel, The Memory Artist (2016). In contrasting these two modes of wandering, my aim is to contribute further nuance to the interpretation of conceptions of place in literature. By articulating the concept of wandering “out of place”, I identify a category of wanderer and writer who, like myself, finds connection with places and their stories without having a direct encounter with that place. Theories of Place and Wandering in W.G. Sebald’s WorkIn this section, I introduce Sebald as a literary wanderer. Born in the south of Germany in 1944, Sebald is perhaps best known for his four “prose fictions”— Austerlitz published in 2001, The Emigrants published in 1996, The Rings of Saturn published in 1998, and Vertigo published in 2000—all of which blend historiography and fiction in mostly plot-less narratives. These works follow a closely autobiographical narrator as he traverses Europe, visiting people and places connected to Europe’s turbulent twentieth century. He muses on the difficulty of preserving the truths of history and speaking of others’ traumas. Sebald describes how “places do seem to me to have some kind of memory, in that they activate memory in those who look at them” (Sebald quoted in Jaggi). Sebald left his native Germany in 1966 and moved to England, where he lived until his untimely death in a car accident in 2001 (Gussow). His four prose fictions feature the same autobiographical narrator: a middle-aged German man who lives in northern England. The narrator traverses Europe with a compulsion to research, ponder, and ultimately, represent historical catastrophes and traumas that haunt him. Anna MacDonald describes how Sebald’s texts “move freely between history and memory, biography, autobiography and fiction, travel writing and art criticism, scientific observation and dreams, photographic and other textual images” (115). The Holocaust and human displacement are simultaneously at the forefront of the narrator’s preoccupations but rarely referenced directly. This singular approach has caused many commentators to remark that Sebald’s works are “haunted” by these traumatic events (Baumgarten 272).Sebald’s narrators are almost constantly on the move, obsessively documenting the locations, buildings, and people they encounter or the history of that place. As such, it is helpful to consider Sebald’s wandering narrator through theories of landscape and its representation in art. Heike Polster describes the development of landscape from a Western European conception and notes how “the landscape idea in art and the techniques of linear perspective appear simultaneously” (88). Landscape is distinguished from raw physical environment by the role of the human mind: “landscape was perceived and constructed by a disembodied outsider” (88). As such, landscape is something created by our perceptions of place. Ulrich Baer makes a similar observation: “to look at a landscape as we do today manifests a specifically modern sense of self-understanding, which may be described as the individual’s ability to view herself within a larger, and possibly historical, context” (43).These conceptions of landscape suggest a desire for narrative. The attempt to fix our understanding of a place according to what we know about it, its past, and our own relationship to it, makes landscape inextricable from representation. To represent a landscape is to offer a representation of subjective perception. This understanding charges the landscapes of literature with meaning: the perceptions of a narrator who wanders and encounters place can be studied for their subjective properties.As I will highlight through the works of Sebald and Modiano, the wandering narrator draws on a number of sources in their representations of both place and memory, including their perceptions as they walk in place, the books they read, the people they encounter, as well as their subjective and affective responses. This multi-dimensional process aligns with Polster’s contention that “landscape is as much the external world as it is a visual and philosophical principle, a principle synthesizing the visual experience of material and geographical surroundings with our knowledge of the structures, characteristics, and histories of these surroundings” (70). The narrators in the works of Sebald and Modiano undertake this synthesised process as they traverse their respective locations. As noted, although their objectives are often vague, part of their process of drawing together experience and knowledge is a deep desire to connect with the pasts of those places. The particular kind of wanderer “in place” who I consider here is preoccupied with the past. In his study of Sebald’s work, Christian Moser describes how “the task of the literary walker is to uncover and decipher the hidden track, which, more often than not, is buried in the landscape like an invisible wound” (47-48). Pierre Nora describes places of memory, lieux de memoire, as locations “where memory crystallizes and secretes itself”. Interest in such sites arises when “consciousness of a break with the past is bound up with a sense that memory has been torn—but torn in such a way as to pose the problem of the embodiment of memory in certain sites where a sense of historical continuity persists” (Nora 7).Encountering and contemplating sites of memory, while wandering in place, can operate simultaneously as encounters with traumatic stories. According to Tim Ingold, “the landscape is constituted as an enduring record of—and testimony to—the lives and works of past generations who have dwelt within it, and in doing so, have left something of themselves […] landscape tells – or rather is – a story” (153). Such occurrences can be traced in the narratives of Sebald and Modiano, as their narrators participate both in the act of reading the story of landscape, through their wandering and their research about a place, but also in contributing to the telling of those stories, by inserting their own layer of subjective experience. In this way, the synthesised process of landscape put forward by Polster takes place.To perceive the landscape in this way is to “carry out an act of remembrance” (Ingold 152). The many ways that a person experiences and represents the stories that make up a landscape are varied and suited to a wandering methodology. MacDonald, for example, characterises Sebald’s methodology of “representation-via-digressive association”, which enables “writer, narrator, and reader alike to draw connections in, and through, space between temporally distant historical events and the monstrous geographies they have left in their wake” (MacDonald 116).Moser observes that Sebald’s narrative practice suggests an opposition between the pilgrimage, “devoted to worship, asceticism, and repentance”, and tourism, aimed at “entertainment and diversion” (Moser 37). If the pilgrim contemplates the objects, monuments, and relics they encounter, and the tourist is “given to fugitive consumption of commercialized sights”, Sebald’s walker is a kind of post-traumatic wanderer who “searches for the traces of a silent catastrophe that constitutes the obverse of modernity and its history of progress” (Moser 37). Thus, wandering tends to “cultivate a certain mode of perception”, one that is highly attuned to the history of a place, that looks for traces rather than common sites of consumption (Moser 37).It is worth exploring the motivations of a wandering narrator. Sebald’s narrator in The Rings of Saturn (2002) provides us with a vague impetus for his wandering: “in the hope of dispelling the emptiness that had taken hold of me after the completion of a long stint of work” (3). In Vertigo (2002), Sebald’s narrator walks with seemingly little purpose, resulting in a sense of confusion or nausea alluded to in the book’s title: “so what else could I do … but wander aimlessly around until well into the night”. On the next page, he refers again to his “aimlessly wandering about the city”, which he continues until he realises that his shoes have fallen apart (35-37). What becomes apparent from such comments is that the process of wandering is driven by mostly subconscious compulsions. The restlessness of Sebald’s wandering narrators represents their unease about our capacity to forget the history of a place, and thereby lose something intangible yet vital that comes from recognising traumatic pasts.In Sebald’s work, if there is any logic to the wanderer’s movement, it is mostly hidden from them while wandering. The narrator of Vertigo, after days of wandering through northern Italian cities, remarks that “if the paths I had followed had been inked in, it would have seemed as though a man had kept trying out new tracks and connections over and over, only to be thwarted each time by the limitations of his reason, imagination or willpower” (Sebald, Vertigo 34). Moser writes how “the hidden order that lies behind the peripatetic movement becomes visible retroactively – only after the walker has consulted a map. It is the map that allows Sebald to decode the ‘writing’ of his steps” (48). Wandering in place enables digressions and preoccupations, which then constitute the landscape ultimately represented. Wandering and reading the map of one’s steps afterwards form part of the same process: the attempt to piece together—to create a landscape—that uncovers lost or hidden histories. Sebald’s Vertigo, divided into four parts, layers the narrator’s personal wandering through Italy, Austria, and Germany, with the stories of those who were there before him, including the writers Stendhal, Kafka, and Casanova. An opposing factor to memory is a landscape’s capacity to forget; or rather, since landscape conceived here is a construction of our own minds, to reflect our own amnesia. Lewis observes that Sebald’s narrator in Vertigo “is disturbed by the suppression of history evident even in the landscape”. Sebald’s narrator describes Henri Beyle (the writer Stendhal) and his experience visiting the location of the Battle of Marengo as such:The difference between the images of the battle which he had in his head and what he now saw before him as evidence that the battle had in fact taken place occasioned in him a vertiginous sense of confusion […] In its shabbiness, it fitted neither with his conception of the turbulence of the Battle of Marengo nor the vast field of the dead on which he was now standing, alone with himself, like one meeting his doom. (17-18)The “vertiginous sense of confusion” signals a preoccupation with attempting to interpret sites of memory and, importantly, what Nora calls a “consciousness of a break with the past” (Nora 7) that characterises an interest in lieux de memoire. The confusion and feeling of unknowing is, I suggest, a characteristic of a wandering narrator. They do not quite know what they are looking for, nor what would constitute a finished wandering experience. This lack of resolution is a hallmark of the wandering narrative. A parallel can be drawn here with trauma fiction theory, which categorises a particular kind of literature that aims to recognise and represent the ethical and psychological impediments to representing trauma (Whitehead). Baumgarten describes the affective response to Sebald’s works:Here there are neither answers nor questions but a haunted presence. Unresolved, fragmented, incomplete, relying on shards for evidence, the narrator insists on the inconclusiveness of his experience: rather than arriving at a conclusion, narrator and reader are left disturbed. (272)Sebald’s narrators are illustrative literary wanderers. They demonstrate a conception of landscape that theorists such as Polster, Baer, and Ingold articulate: landscapes tell stories for those who investigate them, and are constituted by a synthesis of personal experience, the historical record, and the present condition of a place. This way of encountering a place is necessarily fragmented and can be informed by the tenets of trauma fiction, which seeks ways of representing traumatic histories by resisting linear narratives and conclusive resolutions. Modiano: Wandering in Place in ParisModiano’s The Search Warrant is another literary example of wandering in place. This autobiographical novel similarly illustrates the notion of landscape as a construction of a narrator who wanders through cities and forms landscape through an amalgamation of perception, knowledge, and memory.Although Modiano’s wandering narrator appears to be searching the Paris of the 1990s for traces of a Jewish girl, missing since the Second World War, he is also conducting an “aimless” wandering in search of traces of his own past in Paris. The novel opens with the narrator reading an old newspaper article, dated 1942, and reporting a missing fourteen-year-old girl in Paris. The narrator becomes consumed with a need to learn the fate of the girl. The search also becomes a search for his own past, as the streets of Paris from which Dora Bruder disappeared are also the streets his father worked among during the Nazi Occupation of Paris. They are also the same streets along which the narrator walked as an angst-ridden youth in the 1960s.Throughout the novel, the narrator uses a combination of facts uncovered by research, documentary evidence, and imagination, which combine with his own memories of walking in Paris. Although the fragmentation of sources creates a sense of uncertainty, together there is an affective weight, akin to Sebald’s “haunted presence”, in the layers Modiano’s narrator compiles. One chapter opens with an entry from the Clignancourt police station logbook, which records the disappearance of Dora Bruder:27 December 1941. Bruder, Dora, born Paris.12, 25/2/26, living at 41 Boulevard Ornano.Interview with Bruder, Ernest, age 42, father. (Modiano 69)However, the written record is ambiguous. “The following figures”, the narrator continues, “are written in the margin, but I have no idea what they stand for: 7029 21/12” (Modiano 69). Moreover, the physical record of the interview with Dora’s father is missing from the police archives. All he knows is that Dora’s father waited thirteen days before reporting her disappearance, likely wary of drawing attention to her: a Jewish girl in Occupied Paris. Confronted by uncertainty, the narrator recalls his own experience of running away as a youth in Paris: “I remember the intensity of my feelings while I was on the run in January 1960 – an intensity such as I have seldom known. It was the intoxication of cutting all ties at a stroke […] Running away – it seems – is a call for help and occasionally a form of suicide” (Modiano 71). The narrator’s construction of landscape is multi-layered: his past, Dora’s past, his present. Overhanging this is the history of Nazi-occupied Paris and the cultural memory of France’s collaboration with Nazi Germany.With the aid of other police documents, the narrator traces Dora’s return home, and then her arrest and detainment in the Tourelles barracks in Paris. From Tourelles, detainees were deported to Drancy concentration camp. However, the narrator cannot confirm whether Dora was deported to Drancy. In the absence of evidence, the narrator supplies other documents: profiles of those known to be deported, in an attempt to construct a story.Hena: I shall call her by her forename. She was nineteen … What I know about Hena amounts to almost nothing: she was born on 11 December 1922 at Pruszkow in Poland, and she lived at no. 42 Rue Oberkampf, the steeply sloping street I have so often climbed. (111)Unable to make conclusions about Dora’s story, the narrator is drawn back to a physical location: the Tourelles barracks. He describes a walk he took there in 1996: “Rue des Archives, Rue de Bretagne, Rue des-Filles-du-Calvaire. Then the uphill slope of the Rue Oberkampf, where Hena had lived” (Modiano 124). The narrator combines what he experiences in the city with the documentary evidence left behind, to create a landscape. He reaches the Tourelles barracks: “the boulevard was empty, lost in a silence so deep I could hear the rustling of the planes”. When he sees a sign that says “MILITARY ZONE. FILMING OR PHOTOGRAPHY PROHIBITED”, the cumulative effect of his solitary and uncertain wandering results in despair at the difficulty of preserving the past: “I told myself that nobody remembers anything anymore. A no-man’s-land lay beyond that wall, a zone of emptiness and oblivion” (Modiano 124). The wandering process here, including the narrator’s layering of his own experience with Hena’s life, the lack of resolution, and the wandering narrator’s disbelief at the seemingly incongruous appearance of a place today in relation to its past, mirrors the feeling of Sebald’s narrator at the site of the Battle of Marengo, quoted above.Earlier in the novel, after frustrated attempts to find information about Dora’s mother and father, the narrator reflects that “they are the sort of people who leave few traces. Virtually anonymous” (Modiano 23). He remarks that Dora’s parents are “inseparable from those Paris streets, those suburban landscapes where, by chance, I discovered they had lived” (Modiano 23). There is a disjunction between knowledge and something deeper, the undefined impetus that drives the narrator to walk, to search, and therefore to write: “often, what I know about them amounts to no more than a simple address. And such topographical precision contrasts with what we shall never know about their life—this blank, this mute block of the unknown” (Modiano 23). This contrast of topographical precision and the “unknown” echoes the feeling of Sebald’s narrator when contemplating sites of memory. One may wander “in place” yet still feel a sense of confusion and gaps in knowledge: this is, I suggest, an intended aesthetic effect by both authors. Reader and narrator alike feel a sense of yearning and melancholy as a result of the narrator’s wandering. Wandering out of Place in Moscow and St PetersburgWhen I travelled to Russia in 2015, I sought to document, with a Sebaldian wandering methodology, processes of finding memory both in and out of place. Like Sebald and Modiano, I was invested in hidden histories and the relationship between the physical environment and memory. Yet unlike those authors, I focused my wandering mostly on places that reflected or referenced events that occurred elsewhere rather than events that happened in that specific place. As such, I was wandering out of place.The importance of memory, both in and out of place, is a central concept in my novel The Memory Artist. The narrator, Pasha, reflects the concerns of current and past members of Russia’s civic organisation named Memorial, which seeks to document and preserve the memory of victims of Communism. Contemporary activists lament that in modern Russia the traumas of the Gulag labour camps, collectivisation, and the “Terror” of executions under Joseph Stalin, are inadequately commemorated. In a 2012 interview, Irina Flige, co-founder of the civic body Memorial Society in St Petersburg, encapsulated activists’ disappointment at seeing burial sites of Terror victims fall into oblivion:By the beginning of 2000s these newly-found sites of mass burials had been lost. Even those that had been marked by signs were lost for a second time! Just imagine: a place was found [...] people came and held vigils in memory of those who were buried there. But then this generation passed on and a new generation forgot the way to these sites – both literally and metaphorically. (Flige quoted in Karp)A shift in generation, and a culture of secrecy or inaction surrounding efforts to preserve the locations of graves or former labour camps, perpetuate a “structural deficit of knowledge”, whereby knowledge of the physical locations of memory is lost (Anstett 2). This, in turn, affects the way people and societies construct their memories. When sites of past trauma are not documented or acknowledged as such, it is more difficult to construct a narrative about those places, particularly those that confront and document a violent past. Physical absence in the landscape permits a deficit of storytelling.This “structural deficit of knowledge” is exacerbated when sites of memory are located in distant locations. The former Soviet labour camps and locations of some mass graves are scattered across vast locations far from Russia’s main cities. Yet for some, those cities now act as holding environments for the memory of lost camp locations, mass graves, and histories. For example, a monument in Moscow may commemorate victims of an overseas labour camp. Lieux de memoire shift from being “in place” to existing “out of place”, in monuments and memorials. As I walked through Moscow and St Petersburg, I had the sensation I was wandering both in and out of place, as I encountered the histories of memories physically close but also geographically distant.For example, I arrived early one morning at the Lubyanka building in central Moscow, a pre-revolutionary building with yellow walls and terracotta borders, the longstanding headquarters of the Soviet and now Russian secret police (image 1). Many victims of the worst repressive years under Stalin were either shot here or awaited deportation to Gulag camps in Siberia and other remote areas. The place is both a site of memory and one that gestures to traumatic pasts inflicted elsewhere.Image 1: The Lubyanka, in Central MoscowA monument to victims of political repression was erected near the Lubyanka Building in 1990. The monument takes the form of a stone taken from the Solovetsky Islands, an archipelago in the far north, on the White Sea, and the location of the Solovetsky Monastery that Lenin turned into a prison camp in 1921 (image 2). The Solovetsky Stone rests in view of the Lubyanka. In the 1980s, the stone was taken by boat to Arkhangelsk and then by train to Moscow. The wanderer encounters memory in place, in the stone and building, and also out of place, in the signified trauma that occurred elsewhere. Wandering out of place thus has the potential to connect a wanderer, and a reader, to geographically remote histories, not unlike war memorials that commemorate overseas battles. This has important implications for the preservation of stories. The narrator of The Memory Artist reflects that “the act of taking a stone all the way from Solovetsky to Moscow … was surely a sign that we give things and objects and matter a little of our own minds … in a way I understood that [the stone’s] presence would be a kind of return for those who did not, that somehow the stone had already been there, in Moscow” (Brabon 177).Image 2: The Monument to Victims of Political Repression, Near the LubyankaIn some ways, wandering out of place is similar to the examples of wandering in place considered here: in both instances the person wandering constructs a landscape that is a synthesis of their present perception, their individual history, and their knowledge of the history of a place. Yet wandering out of place offers a nuanced understanding of wandering by revealing the ways one can encounter the history, trauma, and memory that occur in distant places, highlighting the importance of symbols, memorials, and preserved knowledge. Image 3: Reflectons of the LubyankaConclusionThe ways a writer encounters and represents the stories that constitute a landscape, including traumatic histories that took place there, are varied and well-suited to a wandering methodology. There are notable traits of a wandering narrator: the digressive, associative form of thinking and writing, the unmapped journeys that are, despite themselves, full of compulsive purpose, and the lack of finality or answers inherent in a wanderer’s narrative. Wandering permits an encounter with memory out of place. The Solovetsky Islands remain a place I have never been, yet my encounter with the symbolic stone at the Lubyanka in Moscow lingers as a historical reminder. This sense of never arriving, of not reaching answers, echoes the narrators of Sebald and Modiano. 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