Thèses sur le sujet « Tunisian women »
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1
Mamelouk, Douja. « Redirecting al-nazar contemporary Tunisian women novelists return the gaze / ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/649823780/viewonline.
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2
Lunt, Lora G. « Mosaique et memoire : paradigmes identitaires dans le roman feminin tunisien ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37768.
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Mosaique et memoire studies paradigms that contribute to the construction of identity in the writings of thirteen Tunisian women novelists writing in French: Emna Bel Haj Yahia, Aicha Chaibi, Annie Fitoussi, Behija Gaaloul, Annie Goldmann, Souad Guellouz, Jelila Hafsia, Souad Hedri, Turkia Labidi Ben Yahia, Alia Mabrouk, Nine Moati, Katia Rubenstein, and Fawzia Zouari. Drawing upon post-colonial and feminist perspectives, this thesis analyzes texts through their poetics and in linguistic, cultural and literary contexts. Novels by women offer an inside view of women's evolution through a variety of characters representing three generations, just as they explore alternate ways of entering modernity based upon harmonizing traditional values (cultural roots, family, faith, community solidarity, a Mediterranean warmth of spirit, thinking "in Arabesques") with 'modern' values such as sexual equality and individual freedom.Multiple women's voices protest patriarchal and colonial or racist discourse, but also reveal spaces of happiness in women's lives. Jewish voices at times reinforce views by Muslim authors but at others present opposing viewpoints, deconstructing concepts such as 'Arab identity' and questioning nationalist claims to Islamic tolerance and multiculturalism.
In these French-language novels, images and metaphors, as well as expressions in dialectical Arabic, recall the rich cultural heritage underlying national consciousness, the memory and the mosaic which form both individual and national identities. The juxtaposition of Arabic and French suggests both the cross-fertilization of cultures and the impossibility of naming the inexpressible, just as it contributes to deconstructing identity through the medium of the novel.
3
Khalfallah, Noran. « Women and the Environment in Tunisia ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-160454.
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This study investigates the underlying factors of what connects gender and social status with environmental exploitation in the Tunisian society. It starts from an Ecofeminist theoretical basis, which explores the male domination over women and the natural environment. Furthermore, it uses a top-down and a bottom-up approach to test the hypothesis of the study. The top-down approach relies on Dryzek’s discourse analysis while the bottom-up approach is based on empirical data and Schwartz’s seven cultural value orientation theory. Through the discourse analysis elements of a Sustainable Development environmental discourse were identified. Moreover, Schwartz’s culture value orientation theory showed that even though Tunisian women live in harmony with nature, because the society emphasizes values such as embeddedness and hierarchy, the culture is not likely to promote equality. Thus, the hypothesis of the study was fulfilled, i.e. there is a relationship between the subordination of the Tunisian woman and the degradation of the environment.
4
Gilman, Sarah Eunice. « Femeinist organizing in Tunisia : resisting appropriation while maintaining autonomy / ». view abstract or download file of text, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p1400404.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Oregon, 2000.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 263-288). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to UO users.
5
Coskun, Cicek. « Modernization And Women In Tunisia : An Analysis Through Selected Films ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607598/index.pdf.
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This study analyzes the representation of women and modernization in Tunisian society by looking at Tunisian films produced in Tunisia after 1980. Study aims to develop a new concept to understand modernization process of women in a non-western, Muslim, and North African society through representations in films.
Women&rsquos modernization process has been analyzed through the qualitative analyses of five Tunisian films by focusing on conceptualization of women issue as one of the main elements of Tunisian modernization. More presicely, the study examines stages of women&rsquo
s modernization on the one side, and representation of this process in films on the other. In conclusion, I argue that examining written literature alone is not enough to understand women&rsquo
s modernization process in a non-western society. Expansion of modernization is not rapid and equal in the Tunisian society. If taking place in the public sphere, having a paid job and having education are taken as the indicators of women&rsquo
s modernization, it is seen that lower class women face with problems in every stage of Tunisian modernization. At that point, attending to visual sources like cinema which has the ability to reflect the society can give us convenient information about this process.
6
Romagnoli, Michela. « Avant et après la révolution en Tunisie de janvier 2011 : rôle des associations féminines ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0778.
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Le projet de recherche s'est concentré sur les rôles des associations féminines en Tunisie depuis l’indépendance du pays au lendemain de la révolution de janvier 2011. Sur le plan conceptuel, je reprends la notion de « agency » en tant que cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’engagement et les moyens de mobilisation des individus qui militent dans les associations féminines. Dans la mesure où ce concept de « agency » indique un engagement dans la société, cette notion se prête parfaitement aux démarches épistémologiques dans mes enquêtes auprès des personnalités des associations féminines. Cette notion de « agency » me donne un cadre pour penser à la fois les actions des femmes et des hommes qui agissent au sein des associations étudiées mais aussi au niveau de l’influence qu’elles/ils laissent dans la société de par leurs actions. J’ai cherché à comprendre si l’agency, en tant que capacité individuelle de s’imposer dans des domaines de la vie sociale, politique ou économique pour apporter des innovations et modifications, pourrait s’appliquer à un groupe et donc pourrait être utile pour comprendre un pouvoir collectif. En analysant les entretiens que j’ai conduits avec les membres des associations féminines, j'ai cherché à suivre l’histoire de ces organisations et leur impact dans la société tunisienne durant le dernier demi-siècle depuis l’indépendance de la Tunisie à nos jours, et cela dans les domaines économique, social, politique et légal afin de répondre à ma question principale : quel est le rôle des associations féminines en Tunisie postcoloniale, notamment avant et après la révolution de 2011, surtout à l’égard du processus de la démocratisation dans le pays ?The research project focused on the rôle of the feminist associations since the indipendence of Tunisia until the revolution of 2011, analyzing the context of the creation and the process, putting the accent on different women's associations which engaged themselves in order to ensure that the gained women's rights are respected and diffused in all country with the intention to improve women to became « fully citizens ».Every time I went to Tunisia, I had some interviews with the members of the organisations during the years before and after the revolution, in order to observe the evolution of their involvement in the association and in the society.The objective of this thesis is to contextualize the socio-political rôle occupied from the four associations in the history of the country, since their creation until the present day.On the conceptual plan, I included the « agency » notion, in order to analyse the involvement and the ressources of mobilisation of the people who participate in the work of the feminist associations.I tried to understand if « agency », as individual ability to impose on the domaines of the social, political and economic life to change something, it could be a collective ability, then a collective power. Analyzing the interviews with members of the associations, I attempted to track the history of the feminist tunisian organisations and their impact on the social life of the country, to answer to a final question : which is the rôle of the feminist associations in the postcolonial Tunisia, especially before an dafter the revolution of january 2011, mainly in relation to the democratic process of the country ?
7
Ekman, Diana. « Determinants of economic growth in Tunisia and the role of women ». Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3623.
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8
Cotton, Jennifer. « Forced Feminism : Women, Hijab, and the One-Party State in Post-Colonial Tunisia ». unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-09012006-125508/.
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Thesis (B.A. Honors)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. Kathryn McClymond, thesis director. Electronic text (45 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 25, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 44-45).
9
Zouabi, Manel. « Post-revolutionary Tunisia : the Islamist construction of 'woman' on Facebook ». Thesis, University of York, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/17318/.
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This thesis examines the construction of Tunisian woman on post-revolutionary Islamist Facebook pages. Much research on the digital politics of ‘the Arab Spring’ has been conducted. It has significantly emphasised the libratory function of social media, especially in regard to the mobilisation of people into street rebellion. Yet, there has been scant research into the more subtle discursive power of online communication in shifting normative cultural understandings. In this project, and after discussing the political history of Islamism in Tunisia and then outlining the way Facebook became a crucial location for political persuasion, utilised by groups of Islamists, I assess a significant number of Islamist Facebook pages. I ask: ‘How do Islamists construe women, what strategies are used to enable Islamist ideas on women to become culturally acceptable? In order to address these questions I carefully selected representative posts dealing with the particular aspects of women’s dress code, moral conduct, and feminist activists, which I identified in my critical study of the political history of Islamism. I deploy critical discourse analysis to offer a small-scale, detailed analysis of the re-inscription of women into the Islamist discourse. My analysis unveils that the post-revolutionary Islamist discourse about women still draws widely on the pre-revolutionary Islamist agenda. Woman is still essentialised in, and conceptualised through, the mega religious, cultural, and political discourse of resistance. She is, consequently, strictly polarized into the veiled versus the unveiled, the pious versus the fallen, and the Arab Muslim versus the Westernised francophone. I assert that this deconstructive exposure not only contributes to underdeveloped scholarship on North African and post ‘Arab Spring’ studies in relation to women, politicised religious discourses, and social media, but also offers tools with which to challenge Islamist ideas.
10
Ben, Mosbah Hgqer. « "I was like a rose, now I look like a thorn" An exploratory study of women injecting drug users (WIDU) in Tunisia ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Internationell mödra- och barnhälsovård (IMCH), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296001.
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Aim: The aim of this master thesis was to explore contexts of initiation of substance use and to describe the social, physical and mental health situation of women injecting drug users (WIDU) in Tunisia. Relevance: In North Africa, people who inject drugs are an important risk group in the HIV epidemic. There is evidence that WIDU are even more vulnerable. However, in Arabic Muslim societies, rehabilitation, treatment for this subpopulation and research on this issue are scarce. Method: A qualitative study was conducted. Six in-depth interviews with WIDU in Tunis were recorded, transcribed and inductivelyanalyzed using thematic analysis. Findings: Four themes were identified. The first theme describes situation of women before dependence. Women were brought up within patriarchal cultural norms where they were victimized. The second theme is related to the circumstances of initiation of drug use characterized by the wish for escape and pursue of pleasures. The third theme describes the dependence, withdrawal and consequences on everyday life. Final and fourth theme is related to the way out of addiction. Conclusion and recommendations: The socio-ecological model and the gender relational theory helped to interpret the findings.WIDU in Tunisia suffer from marginalization and from social and health inequalities due to their gender and to their dependence. This puts them at a higher risk of violence, abuse, health hazards and blood-borne and HIV infections. Thus, awareness and policies should be designed in order to alleviate the stigma and bring services closer to this subpopulation.
11
Mastour, Jihene. « Le principe d'égalité hommes-femmes en République Tunisienne de Bourguiba à Ben Ali ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0049.
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Les recherches menées dans cette étude se situent dans le cadre de l’analyse du volontarisme étatique dans l’accélération du processus d’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes. Notre postulat de départ est que l'émancipation de la femme en Tunisie émane d'une volonté politique impulsée depuis le haut par le pouvoir tunisien par le biais d’une réforme juridique. Nous défendons l’idée selon laquelle le rapport entre l’État et la question féminine en Tunisie demeure indissociable. La libération des Tunisiennes ayant été portée par le dirigisme étatique dans le cadre d’un régime de type autoritaire, il nous a semblé important de chercher à comprendre et à expliquer les paradoxes de ce projet autoritaire de modernisation ainsi que les dynamiques sociales et les tensions qui en résultent. Notre réflexion s’est constituée autour d’un deuxième axe, à savoir le rapport complexe qu’entretient le régime autoritaire tunisien avec la question féminine. Nous avons ainsi émis l’hypothèse que les raisons de l’engagement du régime dépassent la simple émancipation des femmes ou l’instauration d’une égalité entre les sexes pour s’inscrire dans une logique de contrôle, de répression, et dans un rapport clientéliste. Cette partie constitue une critique du féminisme d’État en Tunisie et de la manière avec laquelle il monopolise la question féminine. Nous en sommes venus à analyser la monopolisation de la cause féminine par le régime tunisien ainsi que les réactions et/ou les mobilisations des femmes et leur opposition à cette politique féministe autoritaireThe research conducted in this study is part of the analysis of state voluntarism in accelerating the process of equality between women and men. Our starting postulate is that the emancipation of women in Tunisia comes from a political will, driven from the top by the Tunisian power through a legal reform. We are defending the idea that the link between the state and the women's issue in Tunisia remains inseparable. The liberation of Tunisian women has been directed by state as part of an authoritarian regime, therefore we thought it was important trying to understand and explain the paradoxes of this authoritarian project of modernization along with social dynamics and tensions resulting from it. Our reflection was built around a second approach, that is the complex link between the Tunisian authoritarian regime and the women’s issue. We thus hypothesized that the reasons for the regime's commitment go over the simple emancipation of women or the establishment of gender equality in order to fit into a logic of control, repression, and in a clientelist relation. This part forms a criticism of the state feminism and of the way it monopolizes the women’s issue. We finally analyzed how the Tunisian regime monopolize the women's cause and we studied the reactions and / or mobilizations of women as well as their opposition to this authoritarian feminist policy
12
Grosso, Sarah. « Extraordinary ethics : an ethnographic study of marriage and Divorce in Ben Ali's Tunisia ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/885/.
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This thesis is about family law under the Ben Ali dictatorship where the women's rights embodied in these laws constituted a cornerstone of the state's legitimacy. in 1956, Tunisia became the first Muslim country to reform Islamic family law radically, abolishing polygamy and granting women and men equal rights in divorce. Whether these laws have supported gender equality or not has been hotly contested. Based on fieldwork in a suburb of Greater Tunis and in a court (2007-2008) thesis provides an ethnographic account of the practice of marriage and divorce. From these dual perspectives it argues that ordinary ethics are an essential part of the law. The thesis begins by exploring the uncertainties that surround marriage in a lower-middle class neighbourhood. it then analyses some of the mechanisms through which the law is intimately intertwined with ordinary ethics, notably through an examination of the documentary practices of divorce files. This thesis argues that the connections between law and ethics generate radical uncertainties and anxieties. First, there is uncertainty as to whether a litigant can access justice in divorce. To access rights in divorce a litigant must strive to display highly gendered forms of ethical personhood. Rather than supporting gender equality the legal processes contribute to the homogenization of moral values at a national level as particular gender roles are debated and reinforced vial legal practice. Second, there is uncertainty as to the state's moral legitimacy as it is exposed to the moral scrutiny of its citizens through the operation of the law. The thesis argues that the politically charged setting of the court is the scene for a kind of extraordinary ethics, as divorce cases are a site where the morality of marriage and the morality of the state are simultaneously at stake.
13
Jamai, Assia. « Le principe d’égalité homme-femme. Analyse critique de l’influence du système juridique français sur le système juridique tunisien ». Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur, 2021. https://theses.univ-cotedazur.fr/2021COAZ0001.
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Le principe d’égalité homme-femme a fait l’objet de plusieurs études à ce jour. Celle que l’on va lire propose d’étudier l’influence du système juridique français sur celui de la Tunisie.1 — Le degré d’influence du système français sur le système tunisien est réel, il débouche sur une divergence de positions et de contenu du droit et révèle ainsi l’existence de rapports conflictuels entre les systèmes. Ainsi, positive ou négative, la formulation du principe d’égalité homme-femme reste ambiguë. Au surplus, ce principe doit aussi s’incarner. Or, comment les droits positifs français et tunisien peuvent-ils incarner ce principe alors même qu’ils ne consacrent pas de dispositions spécifiques à définition formelle de ce dernier ? Celui-ci peut se présenter comme étant une composante du principe d’égalité. A priori, les systèmes juridiques tunisien et français ne font que proclamer ce droit en lui attribuant à chaque fois, un domaine d’application particulier.2 — C’est pour rendre compte de cette complexité et de ces insuffisances de part et d’autre, venant de l’histoire, que nous avons fait le choix d’une méthode critique, d’inspiration structuraliste. Ce choix s’explique par plusieurs raisons qui se recoupent. En effet, plusieurs dimensions s’attachant à l’analyse de l’influence du système français sur celui de la Tunisie. Le caractère équivoque du principe nous a conduits à faire appel à l’analyse structurale pour mieux saisir la nature spécifique de ce rapport d’influence, en faisant provisoirement abstraction des données politiques, pour les introduire ensuite, de manière détaillée, dans le cadre de l’analyse. Abstraire pour mieux comprendre. Le structuralisme est apparu également comme un gage d’objectivité scientifique (relative) de la recherche : il permet, tel un rempart, d’étudier des fonctions et de dégager des invariants dans les sociétés étudiées. Ainsi, l’analyse critique des déterminants permet de comprendre une société dans le moment présent. L’analyse de facteurs matériels, économiques et sociaux, permet de constater que dans cette imbrication de données, la culture au sens large, incluant la religion et le droit, joue un rôle central : elle est à la fois une entrave et un levier pour la concrétisation du principe d’égalité des sexesThe principle of equality between men and women has been the subject of several studies to date. The one that will be read proposes to study the influence of the French legal system on that of Tunisia.1 - The degree of influence of the French system on the Tunisian system is real, it leads to a divergence of positions and content of the law and thus reveals the existence of conflicting relationships between the systems. Thus, whether positive or negative, the formulation of the principle of equality between men and women remains ambiguous. Moreover, this principle must also be embodied. Yet, how can French and Tunisian positive law embody this principle when it does not enshrine specific provisions formally defining it? The latter can be presented as a component of the principle of equality. A priori, the Tunisian and French legal systems only proclaim this right by attributing to it, each time, a particular field of application.2 - It is to take into account this complexity and these inadequacies on both sides, coming from history, that we have chosen a critical method, of structuralist inspiration. This choice is explained by several overlapping reasons. In fact, several dimensions of the analysis of the influence of the French system on that of Tunisia. The equivocal nature of the principle led us to call upon structural analysis to better grasp the specific nature of this relationship of influence, temporarily disregarding political data, and then introducing them, in a detailed manner, in the framework of the analysis. Abstract to better understand. Structuralism has also emerged as a guarantee of the (relative) scientific objectivity of research: it allows, like a bulwark, the study of functions and the identification of invariants in the societies studied. Thus, the critical analysis of determinants makes it possible to understand a society in the present moment. The analysis of material, economic and social factors shows that in this interweaving of data, culture in the broad sense, including religion and law, plays a central role: it is both an obstacle and a lever for the realization of the principle of gender equality
14
Booley, Ashraf. « Women’s rights and freedoms in Islamic jurisprudence pertaining to marriage and divorce : lessons for south Africa from Morocco and Tunisia ? » Thesis, University of Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3759.
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Doctor Legum - LLDThe objective of this doctoral thesis is essentially two-fold: first, it seeks to ascertain whether the rights and freedoms of Muslim women in the contexts of marriage and divorce are adequately protected in terms of Islamic jurisprudence, and secondly, whether any valuable lessons could be learnt in this regard by South Africa based on the specific legal experiences of two (other) African jurisdictions, notably Morocco and Tunisia.
15
Van, de Peer Stefanie E. « The aesthetics of moderation in documentaries by North African women ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3535.
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This thesis focuses on documentaries by North African women, who have been marginalised within the limited space of the field of African filmmaking. I illustrate how North African cinema has suffered from neglect in studies on African as well as Arab culture and particularly African and Arab cinema. I discuss the work of four pioneering women documentary makers in Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. Consecutively I will discuss Ateyyat El Abnoudy, Selma Baccar, Assia Djebar and Izza Génini’s work. My approach is transnational and Bakhtinian in the sense that I am an outsider looking in. I promote a constant self-awareness as a Western European and an academic interested in the area that is defined as the Middle East. Like the documentary makers, I take the nation state as a starting point so as to understand its effects, in order to be able to critique it and place the films in a transnational context. The documentaries in this thesis illustrate that films of a socio-political nature contest the notion of a singular national identity and can become a means of self-definition. Asserting one’s own cultural and national identity, and subjectively offering the spectator an individual’s interpretation of that self-definition, is a way towards female emancipation. Going against the grain and avoiding stereotypes, evading censorship and dependence on state control, these directors find ways to give a different dimension to their identity. Analysing the work of these four pioneering filmmakers, I uncover diverse female subject matters treated by a similar aesthetic. I argue that through overlooked cinematic techniques, they succeed in subverting the censor and communicating a subtle but convincing critique of the patriarchal system in their respective countries. Their preoccupation with representing ‘the other half’ puts a new and under-explored spin on perceptions of anti-establishment filming with subtly emancipating consequences. I suggest that their common aesthetic is one that develops moderation in terms of context, content and style. There is a cinematic way of implicitly subverting not only the (colonial) past but also the (neo-colonial) present which goes further than re-inscription or compensation: new modes of resistance co-exist with the more rebellious and heroic ones. These women’s films rewrite, imply and contemplate rather than denounce and attack heroically. They do not reject as much as interrogate their situations, counting on the empathic and intersubjective abilities of the spectator. A relationship of trust between director, subject and spectator is crucial if we want to believe in the subalterns’ aptitude for voicing issues and gazing back. I reveal a different approach to communication beyond the verbal, and a belief in the subjects’ capacities to speak and listen. This is echoed in the filmmaker’s sensitive analysis of the subjects’ expression and voice and the non-vocal expression – the gaze. The intended outcome is dependent on the willingness of the spectator to take part in the intersubjective communication triangle. I conclude with the idea that moderation is the foundational concept of a post-Third Cinema transnational aesthetic in North Africa. Ateyyat El Abnoudy, Selma Baccar, Assia Djebar and Izza Génini are pioneers of women’s filmmaking in North Africa, who opened up a space for underrepresented subjects, voices and gazes.
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Kruse, Marco [Verfasser], Matin [Akademischer Betreuer] Qaim, Matin [Gutachter] Qaim, Meike [Gutachter] Wollni et Cramon-Taubadel Stephan [Gutachter] Von. « Assessing the Role of Women Empowerment for Food Security and Nutrition : Empirical Evidence from Tunisia and India / Marco Kruse ; Gutachter : Matin Qaim, Meike Wollni, Stephan Von Cramon-Taubadel ; Betreuer : Matin Qaim ». Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1190887444/34.
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Kruse, Marco Verfasser], Matin [Akademischer Betreuer] [Qaim, Matin Gutachter] Qaim, Meike [Gutachter] [Wollni et Stephan von [Gutachter] Cramon-Taubadel. « Assessing the Role of Women Empowerment for Food Security and Nutrition : Empirical Evidence from Tunisia and India / Marco Kruse ; Gutachter : Matin Qaim, Meike Wollni, Stephan Von Cramon-Taubadel ; Betreuer : Matin Qaim ». Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2019. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:7-21.11130/00-1735-0000-0003-C169-D-6.
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Hussein, Hasna. « Télévision et transformation des imaginaires et des rôles de genre dans les sociétés arabes : programmation et réception des chaînes satellitaires au liban, en egypte, en tunisie, au qatar et aux emirats arabes unis ». Thesis, Bordeaux 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR22070.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse montre, par l’étude de la nouvelle visibilité des femmes dans les programmes des chaînes satellitaires, comment la télévision contribue à l’hybridation socioculturelle, à l’acculturation et à l’incorporation sélective des valeurs et des normes de genre. Il s’agit dans un premier temps d’un travail de contextualisation de la complexité des représentations des femmes à la télévision depuis la diffusion satellitaire, à partir d’une étude comparative des scènes télévisuelles entre cinq pays arabes: le Liban, la Tunisie, l’Égypte, le Qatar et les Émirats-Arabes-Unis. Dans un second temps, l’analyse de 77 entretiens avec des présentatrices des 18 chaînes satellitaires dans les pays ciblés, se focalise sur les processus de féminisation et de professionnalisation du métier de présentatrice, qui sont des facteurs majeurs non seulement dans la construction de la diversité des images et des modèles féminins véhiculés par la télévision, mais aussi dans les transformations de la perception des femmes et de leurs rôles dans la société. À travers cette diversité ambivalente, voire même contradictoire, la télévision contribue à introduire de l’incohérence et de l’hybridité stimulant l’imagination des téléspectateurs, particulièrement sur le plan de leur conception des rôles des hommes et des femmes. C’est précisément sur cette dimension que s’étudie la troisième partie de la thèse. Celle-ci s’appuie sur les études des expériences de réceptions auprès de 66 participants et participantes à 16 séances de focus groups réalisées essentiellement au Liban. Ce corpus avec lequel nous interrogeons les rôles et les imaginaires de genre est un moyen privilégié pour saisir les enjeux de la globalisation télévisuelle et de la « modernité » dans les sociétés arabes contemporainesThe new visibility of women on Satellite TV Channels is the product of transformations of the media landscape. The explosion of Arab Satellite Channels (ASC) since 1990 have allowed women in the Arab World to be present in a wide range of media professions, particularly TV anchor. Today, we can notice a diversity of women anchor’s figures after the emergence of many specialized and generalized satellite channels. Indeed, women are present in news, social and political talk shows, sport, religion, fashion, food, and reporting. Some of those figures outcome of political, social and economic logic of specific national context (Egypt, Tunisia and Saudi Arabia), while others are the result of professionalism competition of channels and subjective experience of women anchors-as new actors on ASC- in transnational context (Lebanon, Qatar and Dubai). A key factor in this new configuration of women’s visibility on Arab media landscape is the transgressing of the traditional male domain. Indeed, many women anchors proved impressive strides in debate TV programs and reporting. Based on their professional experience, high education and talents, they proved to be equal to men and sometimes more effective and influential. Women anchor’s new visibility in ASC affects women’s professional situation, shapes gender relationships, women’s participation in the public sphere, and family’s perceptions and retention of women into Arab Societies
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Antir, Bouchaa Insaf. « L’accès des femmes aux postes à responsabilité au sein de la Fonction publique et dans le secteur privé en Tunisie ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2020. http://faraway.parisnanterre.fr/login?url=http://bdr.parisnanterre.fr/theses/intranet/2020/2020PA100009/2020PA100009.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pionnière dans la consécration de l’égalité entre hommes et femmes, la Tunisie a constitué, dès son indépendance (1956), une exception dans le monde arabe. En revanche, malgré une législation favorable à l’égalité, les femmes salariées sont sous-représentées dans l'encadrement de la fonction publique, alors qu’elles y sont aussi nombreuses et éduquées que leurs homologues masculins. Les bouleversements politiques actuels ont eu des répercussions notables sur la vie active des femmes, notamment la distribution des salaires sur le marché du travail et les modes de recrutement, et, par ricochet, sur les possibilités de carrière et l’accès aux emplois les mieux rémunérés. Pour étudier la situation des femmes et la disparité salariale dans le secteur public et privé, notre approche est essentiellement empirique. Deux modèles sont appliqués sur les enquêtes nationales sur l’emploi 2011 et 2015 en vue de calculer l'écart salarial et apporter des éléments de réponses quant au secteur le plus discriminant. Ainsi, nonobstant les acquis indéniables, l’applicabilité de l’égalité - entre femmes et hommes sur le marché de l’emploi - demeure toujours lacunairePioneering the consecration of gender equality, Tunisia has been an exception in the Arab world since its independence (1956). Despite favorable equality legislation, female employees are under-represented in the civil service, while they are as numerous and educated as their male counterparts. The current political upheavals have had a significant impact on women's working lives, including the distribution of wages in the labor market and patterns of recruitment, and in turn, women's career opportunities and allowed them to higher-paying jobs. To study the situation of women and the wage gap in the public and private sectors, our approach is essentially empirical. I have applied two models to the to the national employment surveys of 2011 and 2015 surveys to calculate the wage gap and provide some answers to the most discriminating sector. Notwithstanding, the undeniable gains, the applicability of gender equality on the job market is still patchy
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Ben, Romdhane Hakim. « Impact du champ social et juridique sur les interrogations identitaires : une étude clinique interculturelle sur la situation psychologique des femmes de culture et d'origine arabo-musulmane en France et en Tunisie ». Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080056/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ma recherche tente d’étudier l’impact des implications des normes sociales et des impératifs législatifs sur la construction et les interrogations identitaires chez les femmes de culture arabo-musulmane en France et en Tunisie. En fait, je m’interroge dans cette recherche de thèse sur les implications psychologiques possibles du dédoublement socioculturel sur la structuration du Moi. Je me pose aussi la question de savoir si la construction identitaire chez les femmes de culture arabo-musulmane est marquée par une certaine confusion référentielle ou si elle est tributaire d’une élaboration synthétique face à deux statuts sociaux antagonistes qui leur sont assignés.Sous l’emprise interculturelle, les identités culturelles contemporaines sont marquées par des remaniements permanents. Toute culture est encore une organisation interculturelle. Pour cela, j’ai émis l’hypothèse principale selon laquelle, face à l’emprise interculturelle qui marque notre époque historique, toute identité culturelle est façonnée par l’influence du contact des cultures et des interférences normatives pour devenir encore multiple et se transformer en « Identité interculturelle ». Dans le cas des femmes, il semble que cette catégorie sociale soit doublement atteinte du fait de l’ampleur du dédoublement socioculturel et de l’emprise interculturelle sur l’identité et l’image de leur corps.Sur le plan méthodologique, l’adoption d’une démarche multidisciplinaire centrée sur une approche clinique m’a conduit, d’une part à m’appuyer sur de multiples moyens d’investigation, et d’autre part à m’orienter vers des outils proprement liés à la pratique clinique. La confrontation des analyses cliniques aux résultats statistiques vise à révéler des données psychologiques approfondis susceptibles de proposer une réponse à la problématique. Une analyse de l’organisation psychodynamique individuelle peut offrir des enseignements cliniques pointus sur les caractéristiques psychologiques des membres du groupe. En effet, l’adoption d’une approche clinique vise à identifier les propriétés psychodynamiques des membres appartenant au groupe d’étude. Enfin, ce travail de recherche ambitionne d’inscrire ce projet dans le développement d’une psychologie clinique interculturelleMy research tends to study the impact of the implications of social norms and the legislative imperatives on the construction of the identity questions among women of Arab-Muslim culture in France and Tunisia. In fact, I wonder in this thesis research about the possible psychological implications of socio-cultural splitting in the construction of the identity. I also want to know whether the building of identity among women of arab-muslim culture is marked by certain referential confusion or it’s attributed to a synthetically elaboration of two clashing social statuses.Under the intercultural hold, the contemporary cultural identities are marked by permanent remnants. Every culture is again an intercultural organization. Thus, I’ve put forward the hypothesis stating that against the intercultural hold, every cultural identity is fashioned by the influence of the contact of cultures and the normative interferences to be multiple and be transformed into “an intercultural identity. In the case of women, it seems that social category is doubly attained by the effect of the ampleness of socio-cultural splitting and the intercultural hold on both the identity and the image of their bodies.Methodologically speaking, the adoption of a multidisciplinary procedure centered on a clinical approach led me on the one hand to focus on the multiple means of investigation, and on the other hand to seek other tools properly related to clinical practice. The confrontation of clinical analyses and the numerical results target revealing deep psychological lying itself to a response to the problematic. An analysis of the individual psychodynamic organization could offer clinical teachings focusing on psychological features of group members. In fact, the adoption of a clinical approach targets the identification of psychodynamic properties of members belonging to a study group. Finally, this work of research has the ambition to subscribe this project in the development of an intercultural clinical psychology
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Hays, Pamela Ann. « Modernization, stress, and psychopathology in Tunisian women ». Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/10201.
Texte intégral
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Belghiti, Sarah. « L’enfermement des personnages féminins dans le cinéma tunisien : évolution d’un thème, des années 1990 à aujourd’hui ». Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24289.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ce mémoire de maîtrise étudie l’enfermement des personnages féminins dans le cinéma tunisien, sur une période allant des années 1990 à aujourd’hui. La notion d’enfermement permet d’articuler les relations de pouvoir à une dimension spatiale, tout en intégrant un rapport au temps et au corps. Pour cela, nous avons choisi un corpus composé de quatre long-métrages de fiction, tous réalisés par des cinéastes femmes : Les Silences du Palais (Moufida Tlatli, 1994), Bedwin Hacker (Nadia El Fani, 2002), Les Secrets (Raja Amari, 2009) et La Belle et la Meute (Kaouther Ben Hania, 2017). Nous pensons que ces films s’inscrivent dans une tradition cinématographique tunisienne féminine autour des oppressions subies par les femmes et leur désir d’émancipation. Cependant, nous observons des variations dans la manière dont est figuré l’enfermement des héroïnes. Cela passe notamment par la mise en scène ainsi que par le discours porté par les réalisatrices au sujet des personnages féminins et de leur émancipation. Ce corpus explore différentes échelles d’espace (domestique, public, global et virtuel) et montre diverses oppressions auxquelles les héroïnes font face. Nous commençons d’abord par étudier l’enfermement des personnages féminins à l’intérieur d’un espace domestique, en nous appuyant sur les notions d’hétérotopie et de harem. Ensuite, nous abordons la sortie de ces lieux et l’investissement d’espaces publics pour nous intéresser à la dimension plus institutionnelle de l’enfermement. Enfin, nous analysons la possibilité de dépasser cet enfermement afin de porter un discours d’émancipation.This master’s thesis examines the imprisonment of female characters in Tunisian cinema from the 1990 until today. The notion of imprisonment articulates relations of power within a spatial dimension, while integrating the temporal and corporal dimension. For this, we chose a corpus of four long-feature films directed by women: The Silences of the Palace (Moufida Tlatli, 1994), Bedwin Hacker (Nadia El Fani, 2002), Burried Secrets (Raja Amari, 2009) and Beauty and the Dogs (Kaouther Ben Hania, 2017). We think those movies are part of a female Tunisian cinematographic tradition dealing with oppressions felt by women and their desire for emancipation. However, we observe some variations in the way the heroines’ imprisonment is shown. This is emphasized by the mise en scène and the discourse of the directors about female characters and their emancipation. This corpus explores different spatial scales (domestic, public, global and virtual) and shows the diversity of oppression faced by the heroines. To begin with, we study the imprisonment of female characters in a domestic space, employing the notions of heterotopia and harem. Then, we examine the exit of those spaces and the occupation of public spaces to explore the institutional dimension of imprisonment. Finally, we analyze the possibility of overcoming this imprisonment in order to hold a discourse of emancipation.
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Van, Aardt Anna Jacomina Susanna. « De la tradition a la modernite : aspects de la representation de la femme dans les romans de trois pays maghrebins ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/14690.
Texte intégralRésumé :
D.Litt. et Phil.The broad aim of the present study was an exploration of the representation of women in the novels of the Maghreb written in French. Two questions provided obvious and logical starting points: Is the fairly aggressive feminism that is so integral to current Western writing equally evident in the fiction of countries where the position of women is governed by religious conviction? Does the fiction emanating from the pens of male authors differ, in the way it reflects this problem, from the fiction written by women?
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Kruse, Marco. « Assessing the Role of Women Empowerment for Food Security and Nutrition : Empirical Evidence from Tunisia and India ». Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/21.11130/00-1735-0000-0003-C169-D.
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« The question of choice and meaning : a critical examination of the debate of veiling through the case of Tunisia ». 2011. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5894740.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chi, Zeyu.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-93).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
Introduction --- p.1
Chapter Chapter One --- Background of the Research and its Main Theoretical Questions --- p.4
Chapter Chapter Two --- Liberating or Burdensome? Case Study of the Veiled --- p.36
Chapter Chapter Three --- Fitna and the Universal Norms of Practical Reason --- p.46
Chapter Chapter Four --- The Ontological Significance of Veiling --- p.67
Conclusion --- p.83
Bibliography --- p.91
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Canário, Ana Mónica Gomes Pereira. « Vénus tunisina : o impacto da Primavera Árabe no estatuto social e político das mulheres na Tunísia, o artigo 28º, a lei da família e o ativismo partidário ». Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/12593.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A Primavera Árabe, enquanto fenómeno económico e social, foi o desencadeador de várias revoltas e manifestações da população do Médio Oriente e Norte de África, levando à queda de regimes ditatoriais, como foi o caso da Tunísia e do Egipto, ou as reformas constitucionais feitas em países como Marrocos e a Jordânia, para que não perdessem as suas monarquias. Desde a queda do governo de Ben Ali em janeiro de 2011, a Tunísia tem tentado afirmar-se como uma democracia, respeitando a liberdade, a igualdade e a justiça, focando-se principalmente em recuperar a sua economia (abalada pela crise mundial e pelo terrorismo que tem afetado o turismo) e em desenvolver e proteger os direitos das mulheres. Um dos países pioneiros da igualdade de género na região, principalmente depois da elaboração do Código de Estatuto Pessoal em 1956, a Tunísia escreveu, em 2014, uma das constituições mais progressistas, sendo apelidada de um exemplo de compromisso entre islamitas e seculares, consagrando a igualdade de género e a liberdade de religião. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo demonstrar a dimensão do impacto da Primavera Árabe no estatuto social e político das mulheres na Tunísia, tendo em conta a nova constituição, a desatualização da Lei da Família face ao contexto atual do país e a emergência do ativismo partidário.The Arab Spring, as an economic and social phenomenon, was the trigger of several popular revolts and demonstrations in the Middle East and North Africa, leading to the fall of dictatorial regimes, as in Tunisia and in Egypt, or the constitutional reforms made so that countries like Morocco and Jordan did not lose their monarchies. Since the fall of Ben Ali’s regime in January 2011, Tunisia has been trying to establish itself as a democracy, respecting freedom, equality and justice, focusing mainly on recovering its economy (shaken by the global crisis and the terrorism that has affected tourism lately) and to develop and protect women’s rights. As a pioneer on gender equality in the region, especially after the development of the Personal Status Code in 1956, Tunisia wrote in 2014, one of the most progressive constitutions, dubbed to be an example of compromise between Islamist and secular, enshrining gender equality and freedom of religion. This paper aims to demonstrate the extent of the impact of the Arab Spring in the social and political status of women in Tunisia, taking into account the new constitution, the downgrading of the Family Law in relation to the current context of the country and the emergence of party activism.