Thèses : « Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011- »

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Abdi, Allan. « Tunisiens tillfälliga övergångsregim 2011 : En teorikonsumerande fallstudie av politiska aktörers betydelse för övergången till demokratiskt styre ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-148783.

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According to The Economist Democracy Index, Tunisia was at 2.79 during 2010 and by the end of 2011 they had climbed up to 5.53. Therefore Tunisia entered a new category, called hybrid regime. This was a step closer to a more democratic regime. Rustow Dankwart, Shain Yossi and Linz J. Juan would say that the interim government and the political actors within it had a significant impact on Tunisias increase in democracy index. Therefore the aim of this study took the shape of a theory consuming case study. The purpose of the study was to analyze the political actors and the interim government importance during the Tunisian democratic transition, with the delimitation to the year 2011. The results firstly showed us the categorization hardliners within the authoritarian coalition in combination with radicals in the oppositional coalition. During the second interim government the categorization changes from hardliners to softliners. During the third, we see a glint of moderates within the opposition. Secondly, the results showed us that there is evidence of an opposition-led, power-sharing and incumbent-led caretaker regime in Tunisia. The study discusses two conclusions about political actors during the transition. Firstly, the importance of radicals within the opposition and secondly the importance of the authoritarian coalition changing from hardliners to softliners, which allowed the country to transition. Within the categorization of the interim government we have come to the conclusion that the opposition-led government played a significant role in the Tunisian transition.

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Lacouture, Matthew Thomas. « Liberalization, Contention, and Threat : Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.

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Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben Ali regime. The regime's brutality was publicized via social media activism and satellite television, precipitating mass mobilization across Tunisia and, eventually, throughout the region and beyond. In light of the rapid and unforeseen nature of these events, scholars writing about the causes of the Arab Spring have focused their critiques on scholarship that they felt overemphasized the role of institutions and elite-level actors over 'under the radar' changes within society. This paper essentially agrees with this point of view, but is not content to simply 'throw out' institutionalism. As Timur Kuran (1991) argued in the wake of the unforeseen collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, one cannot understand revolution without understanding the 'true' preferences of social actors. In this way, the inevitability of revolutionary surprises seems a given so long as analysts continue to look from the top-down. Yet, this paper contends that institutions do still matter. They matter because different institutional arrangements incentivize and constrain regime strategies, which, in turn, inform the strategic calculations and preference orderings within society. These two societal variables are determined - in part - by the degree of regime flexibility, and they affect whether, how, and where social actors choose to vent their dissent. This paper proposes a model for the development of contentious social mobilization under authoritarianism. In order to do so, two models - one game-theoretic, and the other rooted in the contentious politics subfield of political sociology - are synthesized toward elucidating how altered societal preferences affect strategic interactions between the regime and society over time and during acute contentious episodes. The synthesized model is then illustrated through narrative case studies of two North African states that experienced divergent outcomes in the wake of the Arab Spring: Tunisia and Morocco. The limited spaces and institutions for the expression of dissent in Tunisia gradually changed societal preferences over time. In 2010, Tunisians' preferences shifted from various socioeconomic demands and other issue-specific grievances toward a galvanized demand for the fall of the regime. In Morocco, on the other hand, social actors, by and large, continued to prefer limited reforms to a complete upheaval of the political system. This paper contends that this divergence in preferences and therefore outcomes was in part determined by the variation in the two regimes' respective strategic mixes of concessions and/or coercion. To the extent that such strategies and institutions were more flexible - i.e. were more permissive of (limited) political contention and contestation - social movements were less likely to become emboldened against the regime.

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Klaas, Brian Paul. « Bullets over ballots : how electoral exclusion increases the risk of coups d'état and civil wars ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2492d39d-522f-494e-9549-28b3f6fc7db3.

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Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.

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Mouhib, Leila. « Les politiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie : une analyse des rôles du Parlement et de la Commission dans les cas tunisien et marocain, 2006-2012 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209503.

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Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.

L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).

La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Petkanas, Zoe. « Politics of parity : gendering the Tunisian Second Republic, 2011-2014 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276957.

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This dissertation explores the role of female political actors in the gendered rebuilding of Tunisia’s post-Ben Ali political infrastructure and how gender both informed and featured in the early stages of the democratic transition. Drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork and over 300 hours of interviews, it narrates a yet untold story of the transformation of female political actors from object to subject of the state. In the post-revolutionary political terrain, gender and women’s rights were imbued with broader discursive significance, becoming a vehicle through which to distinguish two broad political categories of Islamism and secularism, which showcased continuity with the historical deployment of gender in pre-independence and post-colonial authoritarian contexts. However, analysis of the development of gender parity legislation from its introduction in the interim electoral law in advance of the 2011 elections, through the constitutional and electoral law drafting processes, and its implementation in the 2014 elections, reveals the inadequacy of gender as a metaphor for broad political characterisations and the fluidity of the Tunisian political terrain as seen through a gendered lens. It was only through the collaborative work of female political actors across the ideological spectrum within the National Constituent Assembly that the foundational texts of the Second Republic were gendered, acknowledging and addressing the ways that the lived experiences of women, as socially and historically constituted subjects, can mediate access to rights. By virtue of this process, these female deputies, whose own subjectivities were transformed through interaction with male-dominated political institutions, enacted and embodied new modes of the female citizen as subject. Finally, in tracing the development of the gender parity laws through the formative years of Tunisian democracy, this dissertation illuminates the ways in which access to newly democratised political power remains gendered, mediated through the complex interplay between larger political, social, and economic structures.

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Martínez, Farrero Santi. « Coalition Politics in Catalan Local Governments, 1979-2011 ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286733.

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With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition. The study concludes that within the period under study, 1979-2011, covering the catalan municipalities with more than 10.000 inhabitants and County capitals, coalition has been the norm for the local governments. The study also highlights that there are two specific coalition patterns between parties, the one based on cooperation, as they exercise the PSC and ICV, and the one based on competition, usually performed by CIU and ERC. Under the cooperation pattern, the small party is rewarded with portfolios which are relevant for the execution of his political goals, improving his visibility and the possibilities to receive more votes in the next elections. The last part of the study is about gender issues, concluding that the legal equality is not guaranteeing the effective equality, understood as the balance between the percentage of elected councillors per gender, and the representativeness and power levels attributed to them. It is evidenced that the composition of the lists is the first constraint for women in local politics, since the first positions are mainly occupied by men. It is proved that the position of a candidate within an electoral list is less respected when assigning power and representativeness, if the candidate is a woman.
Aquest estudi té dos parts diferenciades, essent la primera la creació d’una base de dades de més de 180.000 registres extrets de fons primàries, amb informació detallada de candidats, llistes electorals, càrrecs i regidories de les que han sigut responsables, de tots els municipis de més de 10.000 habitants i capitals de Comarca de Catalunya, en relació als governs formats des de 1979 fins 2011. La segona part és resultat de l’explotació d’aquesta base de dades, inexistent fins ara. Els resultats indiquen què, durant el període estudiat, la coalició de partits ha sigut la norma als governs municipals. També s’evidencia que hi ha dos formes bàsiques de cooperació entre partits quan formen coalició, com són la cooperació i la competició. La primera és la habitual entre el PSC i ICV, mentre que la segona ho és entre CIU i ERC. Quan el patró és de cooperació, el partit petit rep regidories que li permeten executar els punts més importants del seu programa electoral, aconseguint major visibilitat i, generalment, mes vots a les següents eleccions. La base de dades també ha permès demostrar que la igualtat de gènere establerta per Llei no comporta, de forma directa, la igualtat efectiva, entesa aquesta com la resultant de la distribució de càrrecs i responsabilitats un cop es formen els governs municipals, independent que siguin en forma de partit únic o en coalició. La formació de les llistes electorals és una important restricció per les dones en política local, doncs els primers llocs tenen un clar biaix masculí. En no ocupar les primeres posicions tenen menys opcions a càrrecs importants i visibilitat pública. Es demostra que en el cas de candidats masculins, els partits respecten més la posició ocupada a les llistes a l’hora d’assignar responsabilitats, i que el PSC respecta menys el llocs ocupats per dones que no pas CIU.

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Lahiri, Indrani. « Unlikely bedfellows ? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011) ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.

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Win, Chit. « Explaining Myanmar's hluttaw, 2011-2016 : transitional legitimacy and the politics of legislative autonomy ». Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155530.

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Transitional legislatures are essential institutions for entrenching democracy by providing legitimacy and by constraining the executive. This research examines the role of Myanmar{u2019}s legislature (the Hluttaw) during the country{u2019}s transition from the direct military rule. When it first met in January 2011, there was little disagreement that Myanmar{u2019}s legislature would serve as a rubber stamp because of the overwhelming majority of representatives from the ruling pro-military party and the military itself. Yet the Hluttaw emerged as a reform-minded lawmaking body as well as a forum for oversight of the executive. Lawmakers from the minor and ethnic parties actively engaged in the legislature alongside lawmakers from the ruling party, especially those who were pressured to contest the 2010 election.This research analyses the role of Myanmar{u2019}s legislature against four major transitional functions: (i) achieving legislative autonomy; (ii) a driving force in political and structural reform; (iii) realising democratic norms; and (iv) tackling transitional conflicts. Based on this conceptual framework, the dissertation asks, what role did Myanmar{u2019}s first legislature play during the transition from the military rule? And what were the determining factors? It argues that the Hluttaw provided transitional legitimacy by achieving legislative autonomy but its authoritarian form, and its political competition with the executive, stopped the Hluttaw from becoming a driving force in Myanmar{u2019}s transition. The dissertation also introduces the three major factors responsible for the shift from a rubber stamp to a robust legislature: (i) the speakers; (ii) non-partisanship; and (iii) co-opted lawmakers. The nexus between these factors explains what influenced the Hluttaw as well as how the Hluttaw became institutionally stronger.This research contributes to the scholarly understanding of transitional legislatures by developing a conceptual framework about how legislatures play a role in political transition as well as an explanation about how institutional rivalry can create authoritarian splits. This analysis is based on five months of fieldwork in the national legislature in Nay Pyi Taw, and the sub-national legislatures in Myanmar{u2019}s States and Regions, and content analysis of the records of the legislative plenary sessions (2011-2016). Keywords: Myanmar, Hluttaw, legislature, democratic transition

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Dotto, Paul Casmir Kuhenga. « An investigation of the discursive construction of the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union as nation in the Union Day coverage in The Citizen and Daily News newspapers from 2005 to 2011 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001843.

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This study is concerned with the constructions of the Tanzanian nation in the press. It has confined its focus, first, to the coverage from 2005 to 2011 on Union Day that marks the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and the formation of the United Republic of Tanzania and, second, to two prominent Tanzanian newspapers, namely the state-owned Daily News, and the privately-owned The Citizen on Union Day. As the Union remains a contentious issue, the relevance of this research relates to the press’s considerable power to shape understandings and influence attitudes. The study works within a broad cultural and media studies framework and is informed by a constructionist approach to representation and to culture, and to nation in particular. It also draws of journalistic theories of agenda-setting and the normative roles of the press to probe the agendas set by the press on Union Day and to interrogate how the two newspapers construct and frame the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar as nation. The research responds to the question: ‘How has the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union been represented in The Citizen and Daily News newspapers from 2005 to 2011?’ It employs quantitative and qualitative (thematic) content analysis to investigate the coverage in the editorials and feature articles of The Citizen and Daily News newspapers on Union Day (26 April) of 2005 to 2011. This study finds that the government-owned newspaper, Daily News, publishes more articles related to Union on Union Day than the privately-owned, The Citizen and collaborates more determinedly with the state in the process of constructing the nation. However, both newspapers adopt a collaborative role consistent with the development journalism tradition that endorses an informal partnership between media and the state in the process of development (Christians et al, 2009:201). Both publications tend to emphasise the hegemonic ideology pertaining to Union while giving limited attention to challenges to such constructions. While both newspapers do identify certain problems of the Union and thus exercise a monitorial role to varying extents, it is apparent that the press in Tanzania tends to be largely acritical, perhaps attributable to a long period under single party rule

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Dittmer, Jacob Peter. « Framing a War and a People : A Mixed Methods Study of Portrayals of Iraqi Violence ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9867.

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ix, 99 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
This study examines how the news media and U.S. officials within the Bush administration utilized rhetoric and specific words over others to frame the violence and civil unrest in Iraq following the U.S. invasion. This study incorporates a mixed methods approach to framing analysis. It seeks to advance framing research into the role of the media in presenting dominant frames set forth by powerful political elites. By examining Department of Defense news briefings, this study critiques the officials' framing of the violence and unrest in Iraq. Likewise, through a content analysis of two newspapers' coverage of the Iraq War, it examines the frequency of certain key terms as it attempts to locate the emergence of dominant rhetorical frames, particularly "insurgency." Results reveal that officials framed Iraq's insurgency as part of the war on terror and the insurgency frame emerged in print during the periods of study.
Committee in charge: Prof. John Russial, Chair; Prof. Patricia A Curtin; Prof. Carl Bybee

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Jakuja, Noxolo. « A comparative analysis of the low voter turnout in 2006 and 2011 municipal elections : Lukhanji municipality ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5995.

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The aim of this study was to conduct a comparative analysis of the low voter turnout of the 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality. The study came as a result of the researcher’s observations of the low voter turnout during the 2011 municipal elections across the country. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the previous municipal election of 2006 also experienced low voter turnout. However, this was not the case with national and provincial elections, because since the first election that took place in 1994, voter turnout has been high. Lukhanji Municipality, which is the area of residence for the researcher, was no different from the rest of South Africa, when it comes to low voter turnout for the municipal elections and high voter turnout for national and provincial elections. It was noted that there has never been a detailed research study conducted in Lukhanji Municipality regarding the subject in question, and also that there is a limited amount of literature that seeks to investigate voter turnout in local elections in South Africa. The large amount of available literature focuses on voter turnout during national and provincial elections in established democracies. The literature review extensively explored the determinants of voter turnout in all levels of elections. From those tested elsewhere, it was evident that no single factor can be the cause of low voting during an election, therefore it was fundamental to investigate the causes of low voter turnout of the municipal elections with special focus on Lukhanji Municipality. It became evident from the study, that indeed various factors may have led to low voter turnout during 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality.

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Corvetto, Piero. « Non-party governments : The recruitment of personnel in the relationship between the government and the governing party in Peru (1980-2011) ». Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/48646.

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The paper studies the relationship between governments and political parties in Peru from 1980 to 2011 Specifically, it aims to analyze the partisanship of government: the participation at government of the political organization with the one the president won the elections First, it orders the Peruvian governments around four types of partisanship: (i) the governing party, (ii) the government without a party (or government of the Messiah), and the coalition government in any of its two versions; that is (iii) the government of hegemonic coalition and (iv) the pluralist coalition government Second, it aims to explain the two types of partisanship found in this country: on one hand, hegemonic coalition governments such as Fernando Belaunde (19801985) and Alan Garcia (1985-1990), and on the other hand, the non-party governments like those of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) and Alan Garcia (20062011) To do this, it discards explanations focused on the type of political regime and those who focus solely on party institutionalization or only on personalism In contrast, it suggests that the combination of the last two factors explains the type of partisanship found in each case
El artículo estudia la relación entre los gobiernos y los partidos de gobierno en el Perú entre 1980 y 2011 Específicamente, se propone analizar el partidismo del gobierno: la participación en el gobierno de la organización política con la que el presidente ganó las elecciones En primer lugar, ordena los gobiernos peruanos alrededor de cuatro tipos de partidismo: (i) el gobierno de partido, (ii) el gobierno sin partido (o «gobierno del mesías»), y el gobierno de coalición en cualquiera de sus dos versiones; es decir, (iii) el gobierno de coalición hegemónica y (iv) el gobierno de coalición pluralista En segundo lugar, se propone explicar los dos tipos de par- tidismo encontrados en el país: por un lado, los gobiernos de coalición hegemónica como los de Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) y Alan García (1985-1990) y, por otro lado, los gobiernos sin partido como los de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) y Alan García (2006-2011) Para ello, descarta explicaciones enfocadas en el tipo de régimen político y aquellas que se centran únicamente en la institucionalización partidaria o únicamente en el personalismo Por el contrario, propone que la combinación de los últimos dos factores explica el tipo de partidismo encontrado en cada caso
O artigo estuda a relação entre os governos e os partidos de governo no Peru entre 1980 e 2011Especificamente, este artigo propõe analisar o partidismo do governo: a participação no governo da organização política com ao que presidente ganhou as eleições No primeiro lugar, ordena os governos peruanos ao redor de quatro tipos de partidismo: (i) o governo do partido, (ii) o governo sem partido («governo do messias»), e o governo de coligação em suas dois versões; que podem ser (iii) o governo de coligação hegemônica e (iv) o governo de coligação pluralista No segundo lugar, este artigo propõe explicar os dois tipos de partidismo encontrados no país: os governos de coligação hegemônica como o governo Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) e o governo do Alan Garcia (1985-1990) e, por outro lado, os governos sem partido como o governo de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), o governo do Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) e Alan García (2006-2011) Para isso, descarta as explicações centralizadas no tipo de regime político e aqueles que só centralizam na institucionalização partidária ou só no personalismo Pelo contrario, este artigo propõe que a mistura dos últimos dois fatores explicam o tipo de partidismo encontrado em cada caso

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Du, Toit Gerda Maria. « Political risk and Chinese investments in the African oil and gas industry : the case of China National Petroleum Corporation in South Sudan ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79944.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.

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Hamblin, Vicky. « A coxian analysis of key trends in Sub-Saharan Africa's political economy, 2000-2011 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20235.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a theoretical study that appraises the nature and dimensions of Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA's) political economy and the forces that underpin them, using a Coxian framework of analysis. Since 2000 the nature of SSA's political economy has been changing. Emergent trends and shifts in the region‟s political economy, including strong economic growth performances and increasing South-South cooperation, appear in contradiction to a dependent and conflict ridden depiction portrayed by most literature on SSA. From a Coxian perspective, it is contended in this study that these changes in SSA's political economy have arisen because of systemic changes occurring in the international system. At the same time, the study acknowledges that SSA's political economy is infused with dependence that can be identified through exploring the historical context of the twentieth century that shaped it. The majority of scholarly literature written on SSA has focused on humanitarian crises, poverty, war, corruption and conflict. In addition, mainstream International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) theory largely overlook SSA. The majority of those that explore SSA's place in world politics have failed to contextualise SSA's position within the context of structural changes occurring in the international system. This has resulted in mainstream IR and IPE paradigms being inadequate to provide explanations for emergent trends in SSA's political economy. Exploration and analysis of mainstream IR and IPE theories and Africa's epistemological and ontological requirements directed the study towards selecting a narrowed Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) framework to further explore SSA's political economy. Using the CCT theoretical tools of 'historical structures' and 'hegemony' in the international system, the study explores: What have been the key trends prevalent in SSA’s political economy from 2000-2011 and how have these been shaped by structural changes in the international system? Does the nature of SSA’s political economy between 2000 and 2011 give scope for SSA’s conditions of dependence to alter? A historicised approach in line with CCT allows for exploration of SSA's conditions of dependence through identifying the key ideas, institutions and material capabilities pertinent to SSA's political economy in the twentieth century. The main trends of SSA's political economy from 2000 to 2011 include: a resilient economic and political performance in the face of the financial crisis of 2007 to 2010; increasing engagement with emerging powers resulting in being typified as the 'swing continent'; and different ideas and new approaches with regards to development thinking and the role and nature of institutions. These trends have been highly influenced by the structural change in relative material capabilities from traditional to emerging powers during this decade. The specific use of CCT as a framework has provided the means to analyse the fluid interactions between the key forces in SSA's political economy and the international system, allowing analysis of the possibility of SSA's conditions of dependency to alter. However, this is contingent on factors such as the desire of African leaders and policymakers to end the conditions of dependence. The study identifies the scope and limitations of Coxian analysis for understanding trajectories in SSA's political economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is 'n teoretiese studie wat die aard en die omvang van sub-Sahara Afrika (SSA) se politieke ekonomie en die kragte wat dit beïnvloed ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van 'n Coxiaanse (Coxian) ontledingsraamwerk. Sedert die jaar 2000 het die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie begin verander. Verskuiwings en tendense in die streek se politieke ekonomie, insluitende sterk ekonomiese groeisyfers en 'n toename in Suid-Suid samewerking, strook nie met die beeld van 'n afhanklike en geweld geteisterde gebied wat dikwels in die literatuur oor SSA verskyn nie. Hierdie studie voer aan, vanuit 'n Coxiaanse oogpunt, dat sulke veranderinge in SSA se politieke ekonomie hul oorsprong het in sistemiese verskuiwinge in die internasionale bestel. Terselfdertyd, word dit aanvaar dat SSA se politieke ekonomie wel aspekte van afhanklikheid toon, veral wanneer die 20ste eeu in oënskou geneem word. Meeste akademiese literatuur oor SSA plaas die fokus op humanitêre krisisse, armoede, oorlog, korrupsie en konflik. Daarbenewens het hoofstroom Internationale Betrekinge (IB) en Internasionale Politieke Ekonomie (IPE) hoofsaaklik SSA oor die hoof gesien, terwyl dié wat SSA se plek in die internasionale sisteem ondersoek, dikwels daarin faal om SSA se posisie in die konteks van strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel te ontleed. Dit het IB en IPE paradigmas tot gevolg wat onvoldoende is om ontluikende tendense in SSA te verklaar. Daar is dus tekortkominge in hoofstroom IB en IPE teorieë. Terselfdertyd stel ontleding van SSA epistemologiese en ontologiese vereistes. Derhalwe gebruik hierdie studie 'n nouCoxiaanse Kritiese Teoretiese (CKT) raamwerk om SSA se politieke ekonomie dieper te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van CKT se teoretiese gereedskap, historiese strukture en hegemonie in die internasionale stelsel, ondersoek die studie die volgende vraag: Wat is die belangrikste tendense wat voorkom in SSA se politieke ekonomie vanaf 2000-2011 en hoe is hierdie tendense gevorm deur die strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel? Ook, bied die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 en 2011 ruimte vir SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid om te verander? 'n Gehistoriseerde aanslag in lyn met CKT maak voorsiening vir die verkenning van SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid deur die identifisering van die belangrikste idees, instellings en materiële vermoëns wat betrekking het op SSA se politieke ekonomie in die twintigste eeu. Van die hoof tendense in SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 tot 2011 sluit in: sterk ekonomiese en politieke prestasie ten spyte van die finansiële krisis van 2007-2010; toenemende betrokkenheid deur opkomende magte wat daartoe lei tot Afrika bekend te staan as die 'swaai kontinent'; en, nuwe begrippe en idees oorontwikkeling, sowel as oor die rol en aard van instellings. Hierdie tendense is sterk beïnvloed deur strukturele veranderinge die afgelope decade in die relatiewe én materiële bevoegdhede van tradisionele en ontluikende magte. Die gebruik van CKT laat ontleding van die wisselwerking tussen sleutelmagte in SSA se politieke ekonomie toe, wat gevolglik ook analise van potensiële verandering in SSA se afhanklikheid moontlik maak. Of afhanklikheid wel beeindig sal word, hang onder meer af van die bereidheid van Afrika-leiers en beleidmakers om daad by die woord te voeg. Die studie bepaal die bydrae en beperkinge van Coxiaanse analise vir 'n begrip van die trajek wat SSA se politieke ekonomie inneem.

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NETTERSTRØM, Kasper Ly. « Essays on the revolution in Tunisia ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47307.

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Defence date: 10 July 2017
Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Malika Zeghal, Harvard University; Associate professor Nadia Marzouki, EHESS
The Tunisian Revolution and constitutional process constitute the first successful indigenous democratization process in the Arab World. In this article based thesis the historic event is analysed and discussed in relation to the established theories of democratization. The thesis contains four different articles. The first focuses on why the Tunisian Islamists accepted the country’s new constitution despite the fact that it contained principles that were in opposition to some of their previous Islamist beliefs. The second centres on the role of the Tunisian General Labor Union. It seeks to explain why the union could play such a crucial role in the revolution and constitutional process despite the fact that its leadership had close connections to the previous regime. The third article looks into how the Tunisian religious sphere changed as a result of the revolution. The fourth article tries to answer why the revolution came to be understood as a conflict between 'Islamists' and 'secularists' through an analysis of the conflict between the Islamists and the Tunisian General Labor Union. Finally, in the last chapter the state of comparative politics is discussed in relation to the conclusions of the different articles.
Chapter 4 ‘The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' (2017) in the journal ‘Middle East critique’
Chapter 2 ‘The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' (2015) in the journal ‘Journal of democracy'
Chapter 3 ‘The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' (2016) in the journal ‘The Middle East journal’

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KOEHLER, Kevin. « Military elites and regime trajectories in the Arab spring : Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen in comparative perspective ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29621.

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Defence date: 13 September 2013
Examining Board: Professor Laszlo Bruszt, (EUI - Supervisor); Professor Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI - Co-Supervisor); Professor Holger Albrecht, (American University in Cairo); Professor Robert Springborg, (Naval Postgraduate School, Monterrey, CA.)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Why did different regimes react differently to the mass uprisings that shook the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011? Why did the personalist presidencies of Husni Mubarak in Egypt and Zine al-Abidin Ben Ali in Tunisia collapse only weeks into the uprisings while Syria’s Bashar al-Assad still holds onto power and Yemen’s Ali Abdallah Salih could negotiate his way out of office? Focusing on the cases of Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen, this thesis is an attempt to answer this question. The central argument of this thesis is that military elite behavior shaped regime trajectories in the Arab Spring. Where the armed forces as an institution defected from the incumbent, the presidency immediately collapsed; where at least some military elites remained loyal, the respective chief executives survived in office for a significantly longer period. I develop an explanation that focuses on the presence of regime cronies within the military leadership. Where such cronies exist, the costs of defection increase for all members of the officer corps. Since the loyalty of cronies appears as a forgone conclusion, defection would likely lead to confrontation within the military. In other words, the absence of crony officers is a necessary condition for the cohesive defection of the armed forces from authoritarian presidents. Empirically, the fact that there were no crony officers in their respective militaries enabled the Egyptian and Tunisian armed forces to defect from their commanders in chief without endangering their internal cohesion. In Syria and Yemen, on the other hand, the defection of the armed forces as an institution was not an option given the fact that key units in both militaries were controlled by officers closely connected to the president. The result was the swift collapse of personalist presidencies in Egypt and Tunisia and the escalation of conflict in Syria and Yemen. This thesis traces the emergence of patterns of political-military relations in Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen from regime foundation in the 1950s and 1960s to the uprisings of 2010 and 2011. I argue that path dependent processes of institutional development link patterns of political-military relations at the outbreak of the uprisings to the dynamics of regime foundation in the early 20th century. While the institutional form of the founding regimes that II emerged in the 1950s and 1960s was a function of the composition of regime coalitions, the patterns of political-military relations that shaped regime trajectories in 2011 were shaped by attempts to reproduce these initial institutional features over time and under changing environmental conditions. The initial role of the armed forces in founding regimes was determined by whether or not the regime coalition had drawn institutional support from the military. Where this was the case as in Egypt and Syria, the military developed into a central regime institution, whereas the armed forces remained marginal in Tunisia and institutionally weak in Yemen. These initial differences were reproduced in the context of a period of institutional and economic reform from the second half of the 1970s onwards. While all four regimes succeeded in reining in the military, they used different strategies that had different and partially unintended consequences. In Egypt the depoliticization of the military was sugarcoated by the emergence of a parallel ‘officers’ republic’ that ensured substantial military autonomy, in Syria the armed forces were controlled via a system of praetorian units, while in Tunisia the military remained marginal but largely independent from the regime and in Yemen tribal dynamics prevented the army from developing into a strong institution. These processes all fulfilled their primary goal of ensuring that the armed forces would not actively intervene in politics. At the same time, however, they produced different incentive structures for military elites confronted with regime threatening protests.

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Parks, Robert Patrick. « Local-national relations and the politics of property rights in Algeria and Tunisia ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3326.

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Most models of property rights assume they are supplied by the state on demand from society. Property rights are strong when state institutions enforce the law. The strength of state institutions in the provinces determines how well property rights will be enforced on the ground. The penetration of state institutions from the capital city to the provinces is a part of long state building processes. These processes pit centralizing elites against local notables who want to protect their authority and privileges. In the West, state building processes took centuries; in post-colonial states like Algeria and Tunisia, these processes have occurred over the last fifty years, and have occurred unevenly This dissertation asks why property rights are relatively strong in Tunisia, and why they are so weak in Algeria. To answer this question, it focuses on the development of local political and state institutions in the years immediately following independence. At independence, rulers in both states used their anti-colonial nationalist parties to buttress the state-in-formation. Their ability to do so, however, was conditioned on the development of those parties during the colonial period, and affected their rural state building strategies. The choices they made in the first decades of independence defined the parameters of local-national relations and the degree to which they can implement property rights on the ground. Using the Neo-Destour Party, which had developed into a mass-mobilizing movement by independence, the Tunisian state was able to project authority into the periphery. In return for vertical mobility opportunities, party cadres enforced national legislation during the early state building period. Property rights are strong. In Algeria, authority collapsed when close to a million European settlers fled in 1962. The French excluded Muslims from the political and economic sphere fearing they would subvert the foundation of the colonial system: strong settler property rights. At independence, the new regime had few cadres to staff the new state institutions, and an amorphous nationalist movement. The regime chose a two-tiered state building strategy. From the top-down, it placed its few cadres for the central and provincial administration. Its bottom-up strategy was to form a new set of party-administrators that could act as proxy agents on the ground through the municipalities. The top-down, bottom-up powersharing agreement turned on its side, however, as local notables infiltrated the local party organizations and municipalities. The party-administrators entered alliances with notables, creating localized political arenas independent of Algiers. Subsequent efforts to run land and property reform through the municipalities were undermined by these alliances, and have been since. In Algeria, property rights are nationally legislated, but they are enforced according to local dictates. Property rights are weak.
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Twinomugisha, Wilson Kajwengye. « The African Union's response to the Libyan crisis of 2011 ». Thesis, 2014.

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Thesis (M.M. (Security))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2013.
The African Union is legally mandated by its Constitutive Act to intervene in security situations like the Libyan crisis of 2011, namely, to protect populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, collectively known as mass atrocity crimes. In this respect, Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act accords the right of AU “to intervene in a member State pursuant to a decision of Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely; war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” When the Libyan crisis that had all the hallmarks of mass atrocity crimes broke out, African Union showed willingness to intervene and solve the crisis by passing resolutions, establishing fact finding missions, and, forming High Level Ad hoc committee comprising of 5 African Presidents and the AU Commission. However, when the time for reckoning came, AU was relegated to the periphery by NATO and other International actors in finding solutions to the Libyan crisis. This study therefore, examines and assesses the African Union’s response to the Libyan crisis of 2011 in light of the Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act (intervention). The method of data collection majorly relied on what AU did in form of resolutions, Letters and other publications, and what has been written about AU’s actions in reference to the Libyan crisis of 2011. The study examined the measures AU took to respond to the crisis, the AU organs that were greatly engaged in looking for the solution to the crisis, and whether the measures undertaken were sufficient in resolving the crisis, and, in the hind sight what AU ought to have done. The study looked at the weaknesses that beset African Union in trying to look for a solution to the Libyan crisis, and concludes by proving recommendations for strengthening African Union Peace and Security Architecture to be able to confront head on, future African security crises like the Libyan one of 2011.

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Kongkirati, Prajak. « Bosses, bullets and ballots : electoral violence and democracy in Thailand, 1975-2011 ». Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156241.

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My research examines the relationship between political violence and democratic structures in Thailand since 1975. To examine this relationship, I focus specifically on violence in Thai electoral politics. The main objective of my research is to identify the primary factors and processes that enable or foment violence in elections and to explain the variation in Thai electoral violence across time and space. Since democratization began in the mid-1970s, electoral processes in Thailand have been tainted with various forms of violence. Apart from targeted assassinations, other forms of election-related violence include attacking polling stations on election day, bombing candidates' and vote canvassers' houses, threatening election-related personnel, burning of political parties' headquarters, and post-election mass protests. In the last fourteen national general elections from January 1975 to July 2011, including several local ones within the same period, hundreds of people have died or been injured as a result of election-related violence. Arising from this are two important elements of variation that call for investigation. First, the patterns and degrees of violence have shifted over time. Election-related violence first manifested itself in the 1975 and 1976 elections. The intensity and degree of violence increased in the 1980s and remained relatively constant until the late 1990s. Thai society then observed a sharp rise in violence in the 2001 and 2005 elections. Despite predictions that the deep political polarization which occurred after the 2006 military coup would intensify electoral competition and produce higher levels of bloodshed during polling, electoral violence declined in 2007 and 2011. In explaining the changes in forms and patterns of violence over time, I focus on the patrimonial characteristics of the state, the changes in electoral and party systems, the impact of decentralization, and the relative importance of ideological politics. These factors help to explain cross-temporal variation in electoral violence nationwide. Second, electoral violence in Thailand is unevenly distributed in spatial terms. National-level factors cannot account for the very substantial geographical variation in levels of violence across the country, as data show that some provinces are more violent than others. Since electoral violence in Thailand is province-specific, my research focuses specifically on the local factors that promote violent conflict. In short, rather than merely examining the macro-political picture at the national level, this research explores micro-political-economic conditions and micro-power structure at the provincial level of Thai politics, and the way in which national and local power interact. I compare three provinces harboring chronic electoral violence, namely Phrae, Nakhon Sawan, and Nakhon Si Thammarat, with three provinces that are relatively peaceful: Phetchaburi, Buriram, and Sa Kaeo. Each case represents different regional locations, socio-economic conditions, and political environments of provincial politics in Thailand. Collectively, they illuminate the dynamics of political contestation and violence in other provinces throughout the country.

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Schenke, Joanna Marie. « Oil politics in the new Iraq ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3356.

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Iraq is one of the world’s major oil suppliers, and over ninety percent of its government revenues come from oil exports. Developing an oil management strategy that politicians from all sects and ethnic groups can agree on is therefore paramount to the future political and economic health of the Iraqi state. Yet the new Iraqi government cannot agree on a comprehensive hydrocarbons framework that would allocate oil ownership rights and share revenues eight years after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. One major political battle preventing Iraq from developing its hydrocarbons industry is over the nature of federalism among all of the sects battling for oil wealth in Iraq. This paper focuses primarily on the issue between Kurds and Arabs, because the Kurds have actively promoted oil exploration. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is now a constitutionally-protected region, and has signed 37 production sharing agreement contracts with international oil companies. The federal government in Baghdad deems these contracts illegal. The KRG and Baghdad also cannot agree on the borders for the region, as both sides claim oil-rich Kirkuk. This paper analyses major developments in the KRG and Baghdad oil industries since 2003 and examines possible future scenarios for the country’s oil sector. Drawing on international lessons learned from other oil-rich divided societies such as Nigeria, Sudan, Indonesia, and the United Arab Emirates, the paper suggest that oil ownership and revenue allocation should be decentralized to reduce secessionist pressure. The paper concludes with recommendations that the government needs to not only take care of obvious issues such as resolving ambiguities in the constitution and passing comprehensive hydrocarbons legislation, but it also needs to address export agreements and institute measures to ensure transparency. The KRG needs to develop its own oil industry, complete with access to export pipelines, and should be allowed to keep a higher percentage of KRG oil revenue over its current 17%. Iraq needs international mediation to resolve issues on Kirkuk and should also make innovative changes to the structure of its national oil company. These changes will facilitate the proper investing of oil wealth for future generations of Iraqis.
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« The South African Local Government National Capacity Building Framework of 2011 : critical future considerations for 2016 ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13724.

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D.Litt. et. Phil. (Public Management and Governance)
This study focused on a literary analysis to determine critical future considerations required to position the South African Local Government National Capacity Building Framework (NCBF) of 2011. The study addressed, inter alia, the research question: What is the nature and scope of the NCBF in local government and which priority interventions could be taken at an institutional level to promote the objectives of local government as constructed within the Constitution? Although the former Department of Cooperative Governance (DCoG) (currently the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (CoGTA) and its key stakeholders compiled the NCBF by 2004 and reviewed it in 2008, no study has yet been made of the effectiveness of the NCBF to coordinate support, capacity building and training initiatives aimed at local government to ensure that the necessary impact is achieved. Much attention has been given to individual capacity building in local government however, their inter-relatedness to institutional and environmental capacity is not sufficiently addressed to improve each municipality’s capacity. It is widely acknowledged that the ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach adopted by the national and provincial government to implement legislation in terms of the fiscal, functional and planning arrangements for local government, has not assisted municipalities with varying legacies and backgrounds to deliver uniformly on their mandates and obligation. This ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach does not take into consideration the impact of major integration challenges compounded by spatial differences between municipalities in terms of capacity to raise revenue and to deliver services. The lack of capacity in local government is a recurring theme as is the lack of coordination and the impact on the current initiatives. There is also not yet at least one set of capacity indicators against which to measure local government’s capacity. A qualitative research methodology was followed in general and a conceptual and theoretical analysis in particular. The thesis contributed to understanding of capacity building and related concepts, theories, approaches and phenomena that influence the capacity of local government to meet its objectives. The study included a detailed exploration of skills development within the realm of capacity building. It also contributed to a specific level of understanding of the variables influencing the institutional, regulatory and policy framework of the South African government system and legislation and related frameworks relevant to local government, support, capacity building and training. The study provided an integration of the determinants influencing a differentiated approach to support, capacity building and training in the local government sector and developed a model to measure support, capacity building and training at local government level, by developing measureable capacity indicators to optimally implement the NCBF of 2011 to 2016 in the long term.

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Kelly-Clark, Victoria Naomi. « Clans and stability : informal networks in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150233.

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Central Asian states are often labelled as failing states by Western scholars because of their inability to overcome the patrimonial clan politics that appears rife throughout the government and societal institutions. Arguing that entrenched patronage networks lead to a corrupt and weak state, many theorists lament the persistence of clan networks in Central Asian states. Should these institutions be viewed in such a negative light? This thesis will explore a possibility that clans, i.e. the vibrant solidarity groups which exist in Central Asia, could be a positive influence in stabilizing the state and managing societal pressures as the post-Soviet republics of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan continue to negotiate the current process of transition.

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Lifongo, Maureen Namondo. « Women and peace-building in Sierra Leone : 2002-2011 ». Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8460.

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M.A. (Politics)
This purpose of this study was to analyse the nature of women’s involvement in peace-building in Sierra Leone. The various dimensions of peace-building as set out in the African Union’s Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PRCD) programme, adopted in June 2006 by heads of governments in Banjul, The Gambia, served as the framework for analysis. The PCRD emphasises the incorporation of women in all peace-building efforts (and the mainstreaming of gender in all policies), and sets out a range of areas in terms of which women are required to be included. These are: political transition, government and democratisation; security; human rights, justice, and reconciliation; humanitarian emergency assistance; and socio-economic reconstruction and development. The analysis of the nature of women’s involvement in peace-building in Sierra Leone in these areas is structured in terms of efforts made by the government in complying with the PCRD, the efforts made by women’s groups (local, national, provincial, regional) in the country and the involvement of international organisations in partnership with either the government or women’s groups to provide assistance to female victims of violence. This study found that the government had many policies and laws which provided for women’s inclusion in peace-building efforts in the country (i.e. de jure commitment). However, its de facto commitment is questionable, since very few of these policies have in fact borne fruit. Women, for example, were not included in the 1996 Abidjan and 1999 Lomé Peace Accords – in both these agreements they were portrayed as victims needing protection, rather than as agents of change. Moreover, female representation in parliament over the past 12 years has not exceeded 14.5 per cent; the DDR programmes was largely gender-blind; the transformation of the security sector (such as the police and military) did not result in women’s inclusion in decision-making positions within these institutions; and, finally, despite the fact that the government specifically emphasised the importance of resuscitating economic activities among women in the 2005 Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, there was no concrete strategy to achieve these goals. This has affected women’s involvement in the economy, since obstacles in the form of male attitudes towards their role in the economy continue to persist. However, women’s groups, on the other hand, were actively involved in facilitating women’s inclusion in peace-building efforts in the country. Groups such as the 50/50 Group have been active in mobilising for the implementation of the 30 per cent quota for women’s representation in parliament. It also conducted capacity-building workshops and training programmes to empower potential female candidates for both local and general elections. The Sierra Leonean chapter of the Forum of African Women Educationalists (FAWE-SL) played a pivotal role in addressing the trauma caused by sexual and gender-based violence. Further efforts by women’s groups include: providing capacity-building programmes to empower women (including female ex-combatants) excluded from the DDRR programme; addressing the psycho-social needs of female survivors of war (in collaboration with international organisations); providing financial and medical assistance as well as trauma counselling and healing programmes to female and child victims of domestic violence and rape; running skills training centres and other educational activities in order to increase literacy and education among women, and building emergency schools for girls whose schools were destroyed during the conflict as well as providing educational information at entry points to female returnees on their rights; and, finally, providing micro-credit loans (by the Sierra Leone Market Women’s Association (SLMWA). This has been an important aspect of the efforts of women’s groups to resuscitate economic activities among women.

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Fisher, Denise. « France in the South Pacific : power and politics ». Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151549.

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France through its three Pacific entities is a resident sovereign neighbour in Australia's region. It has been a benign influence in recent years, with strategic benefits for Australia and the region. But this has not always been the case, and its accepted future presence may not be assumed. This thesis analyses France's history in the region to derive indicators for its future policies and regional security, at a time of global change. France has earned a Pacific presence over more than four hundred years. Part I reviews its early history and motivations, which included a spirit of inquiry, internecine rivalry, national prestige and assertion of power, broadening to protection of its civil, missionary and convict populations. Economic considerations were secondary. New Caledonia's role in the American-led Pacific victory in World War II and the establislnnent of nuclear testing in French Polynesia enhanced the significance of the Pacific territories for France's national identity and strategic interests. These factors also catalysed the territories' demands for independence. Generous French financial and political inputs were accompanied by fitful and ambiguous responses. By the 1980s, France had left a poor legacy over Vanuatu's independence, unmet Kanak decolonization demands in New Caledonia had degenerated into civil war, and nuclear testing was increasingly opposed by new Pacific island states. Cosmetic efforts to counter regional opposition failed, undermined by France's bombing of an anti-nuclear vessel in New Zealand. By the end of the 1990s France was obliged to cease its nuclear testing and negotiate the Matignon/Noumea Accords deferring decisions about New Caledonia's status. Part II addresses France's recent management of its entities' demands for more autonomy and independence, and its efforts to engage in the wider region, albeit as an outside power. Its record is mixed, and unfinished, as New Caledonia will vote on its future status after 2014. France has made impressive economic and political investments in its territories and the region. But it has resisted on matters fundamental to pro-independence forces. In New Caledonia, France has been slow to resolve differences over defining electorates, has encouraged French immigration to dilute indigenous numbers, has obfuscated ethnic censuses, has sought to pre-empt agreements on deferred defence and currency questions, and has been unclear about future immigration and mining responsibilities, while scheduled handovers and economic rebalancing have slipped. In French Polynesia, France has shown a lack of tolerance for a pro-independence elected majority. Part III argues that France wants to retain sovereignty over its Pacific collectivities to enhance its international weight and for new economic reasons, as the world's second largest maritime nation through its Pacific coastlines, and given New Caledonia's nickel and hydrocarbon potential. Its ability to achieve this with regional acceptance will depend largely on peaceful democratic outcomes in its territories, particularly New Caledonia. Such outcomes are not assured. Some options for the future are identified.

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Pak, Kimchoeun. « A dominant party in a weak state : how the ruling party in Cambodia has managed to stay dominant ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151236.

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Despite regular elections, political parties in some weak states have managed to stay in power for decades. Many scholars, in trying to explain such party dominance, have offered a variety of explanations, ranging from the ability of these parties to control the state, manipulate elections, and suppress opposition parties. The current literature is however limited in two aspects: (i) it tends to focus on one or a few of these factors and rarely takes a more systemic approach to see how they are inter-related, and (ii) analyses have been based on limited empirical data. This study offers a framework called 'Party domination as a system' and a new set of empirical data on the Cambodian People's Party (CPP). It suggests that party dominance in a weak state should be understood as a system of interactions that takes place among three groups of actors: (i) the dominating forces (the dominant party, the state and the elite); (ii) the countervailing forces (opposition parties and donors); and (iii) voters. To operationalize the framework, the study conducted extensive fieldwork to investigate four areas of the CPP's domination: (i) its control over the state budget; (ii) its rural administrative networks; (iii) its off-budget spending on rural infrastructure projects; and (iv) its management of decentralization. Key to the CPP's dominance, the study found, has been its tight control over the state budget and the use of that control to accommodate elite and patronage interests. Reflecting the current fiscal centralization, elites at the central level have benefited most from such accommodation strategy. However, although there has been limited financial resources flowing down to the sub-national and local levels, the party still manages to put in place a very strong rural administrative network by ensuring its control over rural administrative domains (i.e. local authority) and traditional and religious domains (especially the pagodas). Off-budget spending is the most fascinating finding. While the formal state budget is weak and unable to meet the people's demands, the CPP has devised a shadowy mechanism called the Party Working Group (PWG) and assigned key party officials to raise their own money to help build rural infrastructure throughout the country. Through the PWG, the CPP has been able to send repeated political messages about how this former communist party has become more pro-poor, supportive of Buddhism, and able to deliver rural development, something that the opposition parties have not been able to do. The survey conducted for this study confirms that this strategy has worked well, contributing to bigger electoral victory for the CPP. The CPP has been cautious not only about popular legitimacy, but also its international reputation. In addition to holding regular elections and being able to substantially reduce violence during election time, the CPP-Ied government has responded to donor demands, by pushing for various institutional reforms. In doing that, however, it has been careful, learning not to let reforms undermine but strengthen its control and popular legitimacy. The findings about decentralization reform serve as evidence of how the party has done this. The CPP's rise has been made easier by the quiescence of most Cambodian voters, who, through their experience of wars, have learnt they cannot demand much from the state. The weak and young oppositions in Cambodia leave voters with little choice other than the CPP. These oppositions, with their limited access to state resources and their vulnerability to the divide-and-rule strategies used by the CPP, are unlikely to pose any significant threat to the incumbent party in the near future. This, however, does not give the CPP much room for complacency, for its continuous dominance will depend on its continuous adaptation. For instance, at least 40% of voters in the 2008 election did not vote for the party. In addition, from the next election on, about half of eligible voters will be those born after the Khmer Rouge, which means the Party will need to get ready to deal with a new kind of electorate who are more likely to demand more from the state and its leadership. Reflecting on the case of the CPP, the 'Party domination as a system' framework is very useful, allowing the study to see that a party's dominance rests very much on its adaptive and learning capacity which in turns reflects its skill in strengthening its controls over the state and elite coalitions on the one hand, and strategically dealing with the countervailing force and voters on the other. In so doing, the party needs to constantly find a balance between control and legitimacy. However, the framework alone is insufficient in generating new understanding about the underlying dynamics of dominant party politics. A good in-depth case study is also needed to generate new empirical data and contextual factors that shape a party's rise to dominance.

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Myers, Adam Shalmone. « Constituency cleavages and partisan outcomes in the American state legislatures ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2664.

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I focus on three district-level demographic variables indicative of contemporary social cleavages, and construct measures of their influences on partisan representation in American state legislatures during the 1999-2000 years. Using these measures, I examine a series of questions concerning the relationship between social cleavages and state legislative outcomes. I find that district racial composition is the most important constituency-based factor influencing partisan representation and voting in legislatures, but that other constituency variables are also important under various circumstances. I also present OLS regression analyses demonstrating the independent effect of the overall representation of social cleavages on levels of legislative polarization.
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Akarapongpisak, Nattakant. « Rethinking state-village relations : positive forms of everyday politics and land occupation in Thailand (1997-2010) ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151278.

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This dissertation examines why and how Thai villagers occupied privately held lands illegally in the years 1997 and 2000, and how their land occupation movements developed throughout the decade beginning in 2000. It argues that in Thailand, land occupations that superficially appear to confront state authorities and institutions develop from positive forms of everyday political action by which the villagers take or adjust for their own purposes the resources and institutions of the state. These actions include everyday adoptions, evasions, modifications of and adjustments to state policies, schemes, apparatus, resources and discourses. The dissertation is based on a comparative analysis of land occupations in four villages in Lamphun province; in-depth interviews with 161 villagers, officials, NGOs and academics; and a review of contemporaneous documents and reports on the land occupations. It demonstrates that villagers' take-over of the lands and their following movements occurred within the context of a spectacular increase in Thai villagers' engagement with state agencies in agricultural and community-based development, elections and decentralised-local administration in the 1990s and the 2000s. These positive engagements distinguish their land occupations from those in other countries, which are described as being oppositional to state authorities and institutions. Moreover, in revealing how non-antagonistic relations between state and villages and subtle, unorganised everyday politics are linked to overt, collective land occupations, the study offers an alternative explanation of the dynamics and resourcing of rural politics to what has been written previously on these matters. The findings of this study are presented in two parts. The first part identifies villagers' ideational and economic incentives and their political reasons for occupying land. It suggests that villagers' inspiration to take over land emerged in the course of their evasion of and modifications to state land policies; and was motivated by their adjustment to new economic opportunities and the availability of financial resources and technologies provided by government agricultural support schemes. Further, changes in local electoral politics and in relations between local officials, business people and villagers led villagers to use local officials as mediators in bargaining with business landowners. When bargaining failed to achieve villagers' goals, they resorted to land occupation. This part of the dissertation sheds light on villager's tactical responses to the implementation of top{u00AD}down land policies; the diverse livelihood strategies of the land occupiers, most of whom were from middle-income, small-farm households; and the non-antagonistic relationships between villagers, business landowners and local officials prior to land occupation. The second part of the findings reveals the institutional and ideational tools that the villagers used to develop their land occupation movements. It describes how villagers capitalised on state-provided resources and official administrative apparatus to mobilise their movements; modified and incorporated into their discourses laws and development ideas endorsed by international and state agencies and NGOs to justify/legitimise their movements; and made use of the democratic procedures and development projects implemented by the state to channel decision-making capacity and resources to elected local authorities and villagers; and utilised laws to manage occupied lands and improve the agricultural productivity of the lands.

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Shulika, Lukong Stella. « Managing the challenges of conflict transformation and peace-building in South Sudan ». Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10008.

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Since its independence on July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan, with the assistance of various internal and external stakeholders, has been working towards viable and constructive political and socio-economic change in the new state. These processes of change are aimed at the effective development of South Sudan as a sovereign, peaceful and stable nation-state that is capable of serving the short- and long-term needs and expectations of its citizens and the environment at large. However, the successful realisation of this transformation is facing serious challenges. These challenges are partly attributable to the unresolved issues and consequences of South Sudan’s protracted years of civil war with Sudan, and the difficulties that often confront post-conflict societies, especially a post-independence state like South Sudan, which came into existence after two prolonged civil wars. Given the complexity of South Sudan’s post-independence environment, this study aims to gain a clearer understanding of South Sudan’s complex transformational and peace-building challenges as an independent state; and to propose recommendations on how they can be managed. This will be achieved through the use of historical and qualitative research methods, which locate the study within a framework that provides the basis for the analyses of the data collected on South Sudan and on the subjects of conflict transformation and peace-building. As South Sudan celebrated its one-year anniversary on July 9, 2012, it was recalled that the country’s official independence was regarded as a historic event for the African continent at large. While there were high expectations among the South Sudanese population and the international community that this signalled an end to Africa’s longest conflict, it was soon clouded by a myriad of political, economic, socio-cultural, peace, security and development challenges. These include building an entirely new state out of the ruins of war, confronting the unresolved resource and border demarcation conflicts with Sudan, and tackling South Sudan’s own internal ethnic confrontations, among many other human resources and capacity challenges. Given South Sudan’s challenging post-conflict and post-independence environment, this study contends that contrary to the notion that the resolution and transformation of the Sudan-South Sudan conflict and the birth of the new Republic of South Sudan ended the conflict between the two entities, the secession did not create a cohesive and robust new state that is free from serious internal and external challenges. The Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and external and internal stakeholders, including the African Union (AU); the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); the United Nations (UN); civil society organisations (CSOs) and various individual countries (among many other initiatives) have been and are actively engaged in joint efforts to address and manage the challenges that confront South Sudan as an independent state. However, such endeavours have mainly concentrated on state-building issues, resources and border demarcation conflicts, and have focused less on the problems of nation-building. As such, internal complexities such as social and national identity, the decentralisation of power/broader representation in government and state affairs and growing ethnic conflicts have continued to receive less attention. Bearing this in mind, this study argues that unless these internal matters are given serious consideration, sustainable peace and development in South Sudan will remain elusive. While negotiations to resolve the cross-border South Sudan-Sudan conflicts continue, a solution that is acceptable to all parties is only possible if all the conflicting parties are invited to the negotiation table to engage in peaceful dialogue and find the means to reconcile their differences and build trustworthy and mutually beneficial relationships. The study also identifies a need for the promotion and coordination of a constructive relationship between the South Sudanese state and civil society. It further recognises the importance of building inclusive political processes to facilitate a state-society cooperative environment, and the development of state capacity to perform its duties in a manner that satisfies the expectations of the population that they will enjoy the fruits of their long-drawn out struggle for independence. In terms of how these processes can be achieved, the study recommends an indigenous intervention mechanism that encourages the active engagement of the entire post-conflict society in its own peace-building and development initiatives. This mechanism is encapsulated in John Paul Lederach’s Pyramid Model of conflict transformation, which emphasises the importance of coordinating peace-building activities between and among the various leadership levels – the top, middle and grassroots leaders of the post-conflict society. This model also advocates that the local community be encouraged to develop and drive its own peace-building and development activities, which is a major step forward in reconciling differences, building a sense of belonging, trust, mutual respect and ultimately societal cohesion. These are very important considerations for any society or state with the long-term goal of sustainable peace and development. The research study thus recommends this model for managing South Sudan’s challenges. It urges all stakeholders to promote the involvement of the local community in peace-building and development activities and to facilitate peaceful dialogue and reconciliation within South Sudan and with Sudan in order to achieve viable peace and development in the longer term.
Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

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Hardy, Robyn Mary. « Cost shifting : an Australian perspective ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150827.

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This is a study about cost shifting and how it might be more precisely defined and explained. Cost shifting is essentially a public policy issue, although it can and does occur between private sector agents. Cost shifting has been variously defined by academics and practitioners, however, the definitions to date mix cost shifting with cost sharing and subsidisation. Mostly they mention the transfer of costs from one level of government to another through direct or indirect action. The definitions to date concentrate on a few claimed causal factors such as unclear roles and responsibilities in government, multiple tiers of governance, and budget maximising behaviour. These are not satisfactory explanations because they do not provide sufficient depth of analysis about the parties to cost shifting, the drivers nor the policy conditions in which cost shifting transactions take place in Australia. Despite the numerous claims made by government actors in Australia about cost shifting to and from other governments, it is usually not recognised as a significant policy issue; although it is regarded as contentious. Where it is recognised as an issue, it is addressed through the application of rules of funding and inter-governmental agreements. Cost shifting is closely associated with government and policy power and inter-governmental power relationships. This thesis suggests that cost shifting begs further analysis because it continues to be regularly raised as a public policy issue. The exact quantum of cost shifting is unknown, but the Australian Local Government Association would argue that it is in the order of $1 billion per annum in terms of cost shifting to local government from higher levels of government - Commonwealth and state (House of Representatives, 2003). Even if this is remotely accurate, this is not an inconsiderable sum. The contribution of this thesis is a better definition of cost shifting. Direct and indirect, deliberate and unintentional cost shifting are all examined in this study. Three case studies are provided to demonstrate different facets of cost shifting in Australia. These explorations will show the original contribution of this thesis in providing a deeper definition and a more comprehensive explanation of the sites and scope of cost shifting in Australia.

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Doron, Roy Samuel. « Forging a nation while losing a country : Igbo nationalism, ethnicity and propaganda in the Nigerian Civil War 1968-1970 ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-08-3715.

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This project looks at the ways the Biafran Government maintained their war machine in spite of the hopeless situation that emerged in the summer of 1968. Ojukwu’s government looked certain to topple at the beginning of the summer of 1968, yet Biafra held on and did not capitulate until nearly two years later, on 15 January 1970. The Ojukwu regime found itself in a serious predicament; how to maintain support for a war that was increasingly costly to the Igbo people, both in military terms and in the menacing face of the starvation of the civilian population. Further, the Biafran government had to not only mobilize a global public opinion campaign against the “genocidal” campaign waged against them, but also convince the world that the only option for Igbo survival was an independent Biafra. Thus it is not enough to look at the international aspects of the war, or to consider the war on a strictly domestic level. By looking at both the internal and external factors that shaped the Biafran propaganda machine and the Biafran war effort and how these efforts influenced international support and galvanized internal resolve to continue fighting, we can see how the Biafran war effort was able to last for twenty months after the fall of Port Harcourt. Recent scholarly and political work, uncovered documents, and the new plethora of memoirs on the Civil War provide us with a veritable treasure trove of data and analysis with which to study the issue of Igbo nationalism and a unique opportunity to create a new vision of secessionist conflict in Africa. This work will thus provide a step in moving away from the long accepted “Tribalism” paradigm that has so long pervaded not only the study of post-colonial Civil Wars in Africa, but more importantly, the discourse in looking at ethnicity, violence and national identity across the continent. Further, by analyzing the ways that the Biafran propaganda machine operated on a nationalist level, we can see the effects of Biafran secession on the broader Igbo national consciousness and the Igbo national movement, as well as on subsequent political movements in Nigeria.
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Brooke, Steven Thomas. « Exit, voice, and Islamic activism : organizational fracture and the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3353.

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Under what conditions does the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) fracture? The 1996 formation of the Wasat party by a group of former Muslim Brothers has attracted significant scholarly attention, although most studies focus on the ideological differences between the groups. By neglecting the organizational angle these studies are unable to explain why some ideological differences lead to group fracture, and why in the case of the SMB this occurred in 1996 and not before. This paper will argue that the SMB splits when high levels of state repression combine with internal organizational conflict, specifically the lack of stable, consultative internal dispute-resolution mechanisms. Empirical tests charting levels of state repression and SMB internal politics throughout the period 1981-2010, covering variation on the dependent, as well as both independent variables, strengthen the theory.
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OGERTSCHNIG, Larissa. « EU democracy assistance : an analysis of theory and practice 1991-2011 ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/30900.

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Defence date: 25 January 2013.
Examining Board: Professor Gráinne de Búrca, NYU, formerly EUI (Supervisor); Professor Philippe C. Schmitter, EUI; Professor Dimitry Kochenov, University of Groningen; Professor Erwan Lannon, University of Ghent.
First made available online on 11 September 2019
In the late 1980s/early 1990s the EU started to purse a new policy: that of democracy promotion. It quickly put in place a whole range of instruments that would facilitate the transition to democracy and its consolidation in new democracies. Democracy assistance has over the last two decades, due to its 'positive' features, increasingly emerged as one of the EU's preferred instruments of that policy, expressed in particular in increasing budgets for democracy assistance programmes, new democracy assistance facilities, and explicit policy declarations on the topic. This thesis outlines and analyses the EU's strategy of democracy promotion through the use of democracy assistance from its inception in the early 1990s until 2011, focusing on all major world regions except the enlargement dimension. While revealing numerous details on the strategy, it attempts to also answer the following three more fundamental questions: What is the EU's underlying conception of democracy? What is its preferred model of democratization? And what is its preferred approach to democracy assistance? In looking for answers, the thesis first traces the emergence and evolution of the use of EU democracy assistance, revealing major developments, stumbling blocks, and key features of the policy tool. A discussion of primary law traces the partly difficult development of EC/EU competences to engage in democracy promotion and especially assistance as well as the limited role primary law plays in policy implementation. An outline of the procedural and institutional dimension investigates the role of core actors in policy-making and implementation, including EU institutions, civil society organizations, and third state governments. Further, the thesis provides detailed quantitative data on EU commitments and expenditure under its specific democracy assistance programme - the EIDHR - as well as under mainstream assistance programmes and analyses the thematic and geographical distribution of provided funds.

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Drummond, Bruce John. « The limits to state failure : armed non-state actors and the maintenance of social order in Afghanistan and Papua New Guinea ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151374.

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This thesis is an examination of the role of armed sub-state actors in situations where the state is weak or failing. There is a substantial body of literature on state failure and on the role of warlords. For the most part there are considerable problems with the definitions of both concepts and also strongly negative assumptions about the consequences of state failure and the role of warlords. It is suggested in this study that warlordism can be a type of transitional leadership for traditional societies, especially those where institutional structures are weak or even non-existent. For these traditional societies a transitional leader may emerge when the traditional community is threatened, a figure that might otherwise be described as a warlord. This thesis proposes to these two hypotheses. First, this thesis contends that rather than warlords being solely the product of state failure or collapse, those armed sub-state actors so labelled as "warlords" are also the result of the disruption to traditional society caused by the expansion of state power. The second hypothesis of this research project is that the focus on the apparent institutional weaknesses of the central government, and thus the mechanisms judged necessary for the functioning of the state, particularly in the delivery of essential public goods, overlooks other more enduring localised sources of legitimacy and control within countries with otherwise weak or non-existent national governmental institutions. The case studies analysing the types of warlordism in Papua New Guinea and Afghanistan highlight how state disruption distorted traditional elite structures leading to warlordism emerging quite distinctive forms in both countries. An assessment of the conduct of warlordism in both cases studies illustrates how these warlords have taken on on part of the traditional habits of leadership in their societies. The distortions attributable to the state have altered their behaviour, though, to the extent that the inclination and ability to provide public goods is severely constrained.

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MUSTONEN, Liina. « Cosmopolitanism and its others : social distinction in Egypt in the aftermath of the revolution of 2011 ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46668.

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Defence date: 31 May 2017
Examining Board: Professor Heba Raouf Ezzat, Cairo University; Professor Anna Triandafyllidou, European University Institute; Professor Jean-Pascal Daloz, CNRS/MISHA Strasbourg; Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute
As a contribution to the diverse field of cosmopolitan scholarship, engaging with ‘cultural cosmopolitanism’ often understood in a vernacular sense as the capacity to meditate between different cultures, religions and ways of life, the thesis locates and analyses cosmopolitan discourses and cosmopolitan material practices within the cultural and socio-political conditions in which they were uttered in the Muslim majority context of Egypt. While issues concerning religion have been at the crux of contemporary Middle East scholarship, less often addressed are discursive and material spaces in which other types of imaginaries can prosper. As an interdisciplinary study, informed by ethnographic inquiry, the thesis engages in analyzing a cosmopolitan social imaginary as well as expressions of differing aspirations - that were framed in cosmopolitan terms - during the period between the Egyptian revolution in January 2011 and the military coup d’état in summer 2013. Witnessing profound political changes with new actors such as the Muslim Brotherhood entering the political arena, the period constitutes a historically significant moment for the analysis of discourses and practices with a cosmopolitan reference. The research grounds cosmopolitan theories in space and time and reflects on the appropriation of the cosmopolitan concept. Consequently, it casts a critical look at how there was a materialization of cosmopolitan notions of self-reflexivity and detachment – the ability to see the world from the viewpoint of one’s cultural ‘others’. On the one hand, the study discusses how nostalgia for the past, framed in cosmopolitan terms, relates to the present, and on the other, how contemporary cosmopolitan discourses and practices, enabled through global market forces, materialized in the Egyptian context in the aftermath of the Egyptian revolution of 2011. Within the political setting of post-2011 revolution Egypt, this research observes how social distinction can be enacted through cosmopolitan references. Viewed in relation to the socio-political realities of the location under study, it points to social hierarchies, which the differentiation ‘global’ and ‘local’ helps to create, and to appropriations of the contextual distinctiveness and specificity of the cosmopolitan imaginary. While discussing social distinction through an analysis of cosmopolitan imaginaries, the thesis contributes to the fields of both elite scholarship and cosmopolitan scholarship.
Chapter 6 ‘The gendered self and the other' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The gender dimension of the authoritarian backlash' (2015) in the journal ‘Turkish policy quarterly’

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Thomas, Herschel Fred. « A source of new information ? the market effects of corporate testimony in congressional hearings (2000-2005) ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3238.

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Given that Congressional hearings are established legislative and political information generating tools for committee members engaging in oversight, fact finding, and agenda setting, I examine whether or not hearings provide information to actors outside of government. More specifically, does testimony by corporate representatives provide new information to the stock market about the future profitability of certain firms? In this paper, I utilize a new dataset collected by Workman and Shafran (2009) that includes 3,300 witnesses (and their affiliations) who testified in business regulation hearings between 2000 and 2005. I identify 99 publicly traded firms with representatives testifying in 117 hearings, and utilize event study methodology to estimate the effects of testimony events on the daily stock returns of corresponding firms. I find that, even with the ‘expectedness’ of Congressional hearings, such events negatively impact stock returns both generally as well as with greater magnitude under certain conditions. This event effect is largest for politically sensitive firms and for hearings held in the Senate. When selecting a portfolio of firms that combines all significant conditions, I determine that the ‘upper bound’ of the effect is one-half a standard deviation in daily returns (or a change of -1.6% in prices). Congressional hearings with corporate testimony do, in fact, generate information for external actors.
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He, Hilary Hongjin. « Hong Kong cinema under "one country, two systems" : production, reception and policy ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:40413.

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Since the People’s Republic of China (PRC) resumed sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, the unprecedented ―one country, two systems (OCTS) policy has been put into practice. While this policy is usually considered from political, economic and legal perspectives, this study proposes a cultural studies approach to the understanding of this political formula through the examination of post-1997 Hong Kong cinema, particularly its production and reception in relation to the policies of both the central and local governments. Crossing and combining the disciplines of cultural studies and film studies, this dissertation has two primary aims: to understand this ―OCTS era as a peculiar cultural-historical conjuncture through the lens of Hong Kong cinema; and to explore the impact and influence of the OCTS policy on Hong Kong cinema as a social, economic and cultural institution. Embedding a textual analysis within contextual inquiry, this study will unravel the interplay between the reflection of the OCTS in the Hong Kong cinematic imaginary and its impact on the industrial operation, commercial performance, and critical response to post-1997 Hong Kong cinema. This thesis will address the production and reception of post-1997 Hong Kong cinema, and its significance for the analytical understanding of the OCTS policy through a number of perspectives. First, in its newly-claimed PRC market, Hong Kong cinema tends to be censored or self-censored. The resulting ―one movie, two versions phenomenon illustrates how Hong Kong and the PRC collaborate economically on the basis of ―one country while, at the same time, they diverge politically under the ―two systems. Second, the prominent presence of Mainland actresses in the thriving film co-productions is an indication of the changing dynamics in the Hong Kong-PRC relationship as a result of China’s economic takeoff. However, in an effort to retain a xv distinct local identity, some Hong Kong filmmakers are deliberately ignoring the lucrative PRC market in order to keep Hong Kong cinema unchanged. These ―not for the PRC‖ films are instrumental in monitoring the fulfillment of the ―no change in Hong Kong for fifty years promise made by the OCTS arrangement. Furthermore, either through the cinematic portrayals of Macao and Taiwan, or through the industrial linkages to Singapore and Malaysia, Hong Kong cinema has demonstrated a variety of ―Chineseness-es outside the PRC. The unshakable connections between Hong Kong cinema and Chinese diasporas have posed a serious challenge to the notion of equating ―China to the PRC as defined in the OCTS policy. Finally, the economic integration of Greater China has brought about the emergence of a pan-Chinese cinema mainly based on the Hong Kong martial arts genre. Taking advantage of their common history, cultural heritage and anti-imperialist Chinese nationalism, these pan-Chinese martial arts films have made a significant contribution to an imaginary ―unified cultural China, although the ultimate goal of the OCTS policy— the grand political reunification under the rule of the PRC — is still a dream yet to be fulfilled. By addressing the complexity of the PRC’s ―split reunification‖ with Hong Kong under the OCTS, this study challenges the simple dichotomy of ―PRC socialism vs. Hong Kong capitalism, probing overlapping concepts of ―China— the PRC, the Greater China or the imagined cultural China. Finally, it makes a broader contribution to research on ―national‖ cinemas in the context of dynamic geo-political and socio-cultural change within regions and across the globe.

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Brata, Roby Arya. « Why did anticorruption policy implementation fail ? : a study of the implementation failure of anticorruption policies of the authoritarian new order regime and the democratic reform order regime of Indonesia, 1971 - 2007 ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150310.

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This study comparatively examines the cases of implementation failure of the Anticorruption Law 1971 of the authoritarian New Order regime, and of the Anticorruption Law 1999 of the democratic Reform Order regime, in Indonesia. It investigates to what extent and for what reasons the implementation of these Laws failed to attain the policy objectives of eradicating corruption in the public sector. The research employed a case study approach, interviewing 67 key informants, including law enforcers in nine provinces, and surveying 253 university students in law and government at 13 universities. Employing the refined top-down implementation model, this study found that to some extent the implementation of the 1971 and 1999 Laws failed, and many factors contributed to this failure. These factors can be classified into five types: policy design, political, institutional, managerial, and societal factors. Among these factors, defects in the implementation structures and processes are the primary explanation for the implementation failure. This study has also confirmed that the political systems of the two regimes did have a role in contributing to the implementation failure of these Laws. However, it has further found that, since the implementation structures and processes of the authoritarian political system of the New Order regime were inherently more defective than those of the democratic political system of the Reform Order regime, the degree of implementation failure of the 1971 Law was evidently higher than that of the 1999 Law. The study found that the most influential similar factors which caused the failure in implementation of these Anticorruption Laws are: 1 The political will and commitment of the political leaders arid the enforcers were too weak to effectively and seriously enforce the Anticorruption Laws and curb corruption. 2 The serious and chronic problem of the court mafia had systematically disabled the institutional capacity and integrity of the enforcement agencies and the criminal justice system to combat corruption. 3 The people were tolerant of corrupt conduct. 4 The corruption problem itself had become serious, endemic and, without radical anticorruption measures, very difficult to control. 5 The use of discretion by the law enforcers was unclearly defined and unchecked. 6 The government and the enforcement institutions had become an integral part of the serious corruption problem, not an effective solution to this problem. 7 The implementation structures and processes of Anticorruption Laws 1971 and 1999 were defective. This study will contribute to the anticorruption and policy implementation literature, in particular, of how the refined top-down implementation model is tested for comparatively examining the implementation problem of anticorruption law in a developing country, in this case, Indonesia, undergoing political transitions from an authoritarian to a democratic political system. This study will 'complete' the picture of the implementation phenomenon which was partially portrayed by the refined top-down implementation model and other implementation models. The study concludes that combating corruption in a country transforming from an authoritarian to a democratic political system, where corruption has become chronic and systemic, is problematic and difficult. When corruption has systematically infected and distorted the institutional structures and processes of the government, in particular the law enforcement mechanisms, implementing anticorruption laws is expected to be suboptimal and subsequently fail. To overcome this problem, the factors attributing to the policy implementation failure must be eliminated.

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Karki, Rohit. « The double edged sword : the role of nuclear weapons in South Asia ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149714.

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This thesis exammes the consequences of nuclear proliferation on South Asia, specifically whether India and Pakistan are moving towards a stable nuclear balance. The thesis uses comparative case study methods to examine the role of nuclear weapons in crises and the lessons learnt from those crises. The thesis argues that nuclear weapons have played the dual role of crisis instigator and crisis manager in South Asia. That is, nuclear weapons have contributed to the outbreak of crises predominantly by empowering Pakistan to provoke India. However, once these crises were underway, the fear of escalation to nuclear war prompted considerable restraint and hence nuclear weapons can be understood to have also played a role of crisis manager. Furthermore, although India and Pakistan's growing nuclear arsenals, nuclear doctrines and command and control systems have exhibited complexity of deterrence, the evolving nuclear learning in India and Pakistan limits the likelihood of nuclear weapons use during a crisis. The thesis demonstrates that the role of nuclear weapons in South Asia can be best understood through this dual characterisation and that we may exercise sober optimism for the stability of nuclear deterrence in South Asia.

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Razo, Eliana. « Media construction of U.S. Latina/o identity as dIfference : the rhetoric of Arizona Senate Bill 1070 ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2769.

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This thesis focuses on the rhetorical formations of identities of people of color through news media coverage. Specifically, I investigate news media coverage of the Arizona immigration legislation, Senate Bill 1070. Major commercial media and Spanish-language media systems associate the immigrant identity to the U.S. Latina/o identity and position U.S. Latina/os as second-class citizens in American society. The language of the legislation, in addition to media coverage of it, works to reinforce race relations and the ideologies of meritocracy and cultural difference in the United States. Chapter one presents up-to-date demographic data, stressing the continuing growth of a diverse American people. Specifically, I use data on the U.S. Latina/o population as a way to establish this reality given that the data are recent. This chapter also presents the argument that current norms and standards in political opinions, such as those considered by policy makers, excludes opinions deriving from people with distinct cultural backgrounds. I present this argument in order to define and exemplify contemporary U.S. culture. The next chapter is a comparative close-textual analysis of news media coverage of Arizona SB 1070. Chapter two also outlines a theoretical framework in order to understand the functions of the media in society in relation to the rhetorical forms of reinforcing dominant ideological values. Chapter three utilizes survey data that speaks to the identity of U.S. Latina/o college students. As part of the questionnaire, I pose questions regarding language preference, generational status, media consumption and political knowledge. The results exemplify the prevailing bicultural component of U.S. Latinas/os and suggest that this ethnic group draws from different and contrasting ideologies. When comparing the identities presented by the media to the results of the questionnaire, discourse analysis suggests the notion that bicultural Americans are not acknowledged fully as citizens.
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Deputy, Emmarie. « Designed to deceive : President Hosni Mubarak's Toshka project ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3121.

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Since the dawn of industrialization, many authoritarian regimes have taken on massive public works projects which seem impressive or farfetched. Few onlookers are surprised when these projects are not completed or are completed at such a high cost that they appear to be an exercise in futility. Usually these failures are written off as dictatorial incompetence and overambition, but the initial motivations for beginning them are rarely addressed. This paper will argue that, rather than being a symptom of precipitant development or front for embezzlement, many of these projects were designed to fail because the regime received the largest benefit by starting them—not by completing them. Empirically this research will focus on the Toshka ‘New River Valley’ project in Egypt, which is Egypt’s largest development project and is designed to create a second Nile River Valley in the South and eventually be home to 20% of the Egypt’s population. In this report I explore the governments’ motivations, their intentions, the resulting symbolism and the repercussions of the Toshka project.
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Taylor-Alexander, Samuel Willoughby. « Surgical citizenship and ethical subjects : reconstructing the body politic in Mexico ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151317.

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This thesis presents the concepts of surgical citizenship and ethical subjects to characterise two mutually constituting modes of political life based largely on epistemic regimes and practices. "Surgical Citizenship" refers to the performance of citizenship in the production and negotiation of particular bioscientific scenarios by "ethical subjects." The concept of "ethical subjects" speaks to the self-monitoring surgical citizen who acts in accordance with national interests of health and progress especially in, but not limited to, situations where the reach of the State is otherwise limited. Rather than attempt to provide a holistic or representational account of reconstructive surgery in Mexico, I take reconstructive surgery as a topic and Mexico as a geographic locale from which to launch an anthropology of ethics that highlights the relation between science and citizenship. To do this, I bring together work from the anthropology of science and medicine with recent, politically focused scholarship from Science and Technology Studies (STS). The imaginations of my interlocutors - physicians, patients, politicians - were coproduced by real and perceived inadequacies of the Mexican State, the epistemic and empirical contexts in which they work, and the professional ethic of reconstructive surgery with its related imperatives. Futuristic fantasies of a modern democratic nation have long held a place in the Mexican national imaginary. The national present is often deemed chaotic, uncertain, and undisciplined. In reconstructing the bodies of patients surgeons simultaneously reconstruct fractures within Mexican political life. The clinic becomes a microcosm of the nation. Patients are coded as national subjects and their bodies become symptomatic markers of a society diagnosed by local surgeons as having a lack of control and a deficiency in discipline. They too are involved in the reproduction of the body politic. Patients and their families are encouraged to manage themselves in a certain way, one that involves negotiating various truth claims, bureaucratic regimes, and both emotional and physical pain. This thesis contributes to previous scholarship by demonstrating how issues of ethics exist in both the mundane and the extraordinary, are reconfigured in international collaborations that blur and buttress borders, and shape the lived experience of patients and plastic surgeons.

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Rahe, Julia Grace. « Protecting Argentina : lawmaking, children and sexual crimes in Buenos Aires, 1853-1921 ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-2706.

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"Protecting Argentina" explores how the definitions of sexual crimes (rape, seduction, abduction and the corruption of minors) changed in Argentine penal law during the process of congressional codification between 1853 and 1921. It contextualizes an in-depth analysis of legal definitions within the legislative process and the shifting ideologies of criminology that influenced it. It argues that, as nineteenth century positivist criminology replaced Enlightenment-inspired "Classical" criminology, the meaning and foundational presupposition of these crimes shifted from those of their colonial predecessors. Where in colonial times "Acts of lechery" were criminal when committed against chaste women, in the republican era, the law punished "Crimes against honesty" when the victims were children. Liberal lawmakers defined these sexual acts primarily by the age of the victim and secondarily by the violence used in their perpetration. The year 1903 was a watershed in this process, as it marked Positivism's displacement of "Classical" criminology as the guiding ideology of criminal law. These conclusions suggest there were substantive correlations between elite campaigns to ensure the future of the nation by saving children and the codification of national criminal law undertaken by Congress. As argentine elites began to witness what they perceived to be the negative effects of modernization, rapid population growth, industrialization and the accompanying increase in crime, they sought to ensure the future of the nation through "child saving" campaigns. The increasingly age-based definitions of sexual crimes, which aimed to protect young victims, fit within the broader state-led campaign to protect future citizens. "Protecting Argentina" therefore suggests that historians should consider legislative processes of state building as forming an integral part of turn-of-the-century nationalist projects in Latin America. Tying together positivist penology, nationalist discourse, and congressional codification, this report places children at the center of Argentine elites' attempts to ensure the future of the nation through the protection of children.
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Vail, Meghan Elizabeth. « Media cold warriors of Operation Pedro Pan : examining the impact of U.S. Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3495.

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"Media cold warriors of Operation Pedro Pan" is a case study in which I examine the impact of 1960s Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S.-Cuba policy. In my report, I contextualize the 1960s covert U.S. endeavor Operation Pedro Pan and draw parallels between the media portrayals of Pedro Pan children from the 60s and the discourse utilized by adult Pedro Panes today to market their immigration experience to contemporary voters and younger generations of Cuban Americans. Operation Pedro Pan was intended to undermine the Castro Government and accomplish democracy in 1960s Cuba. I argue, however, that because of the contemporary publicity surrounding Pedro Panes and their use of the same Cold War rhetoric to characterize their immigration experiences, the children of Operation Pedro Pan will ultimately prevent the same achievement of democracy in Cuba that the covert endeavor purported to accomplish in the 1960s.
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Suhail, Adeem. « The Pakistan National Alliance of 1977 ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3621.

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This study focuses on the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and the movement associated with that party, in the aftermath of the 1977 elections in Pakistan. Through this study, the author addresses the issue of regionalism and its effects on politics at a National level. A study of the course of the movement also allows one to look at the problems in representation and how ideological stances merge with material conditions and needs of the country’s citizenry to articulate the desire for, what is basically, an equitable form of democracy that is peculiar to Pakistan. The form of such a democratic system of governance can be gauged through the frustrations and desires of the variety of Pakistan’s oppressed classes. Moreover, the fissures within the discourses that appear through the PNA, as well as their reassessment and analysis helps one formulate a fresh conception of resistance along different matrices of society within the country.
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Kaur, Arunajeet. « From independence to Hindraf : the Malaysian Indian community and the negotiation for minority rights ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109573.

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The Hindraf (Hindu Rights Action Force) Rally in November 2007 drew unprecedented global media attention upon the Indian community in Malaysia and its plight as a marginalised community for the past 50 years since Independence. The fact that the Hindraf leaders were petitioning the Queen of England to have their plight redressed metaphorically and actually demonstrates that the Indians understood the colonial era and the moment of Independence from the Empire as the point of genesis for their suffering. Analysts have accurately noted that the class action suit was a ploy for the group advocating Hindu Indians Rights in Malaysia to embarrass the incumbent UMNO-Ied Malaysian government. As civic space in Malaysia continued to narrow for non-Malay-Muslim minorities over the last fifty years beginning from the social bargain at independence to the NEP (affirmative action) to rising Islamisation, Indians, like other minorities, began to feel increasingly pressured by a lack of opportunities and freedom to practise their culture and religion. The Hindraf Rally in 2007 instigated my research in this area to understand the problems the Indians in Malaysia have endured and how Indian leadership and organisations over a span of 50 years have handled these problems. I undertook fieldwork in Malaysia from August 2009 to July 2010, interviewing journalists, prominent members of the Indian community, doing archival research and just talking and interacting with Malaysian Indians to understand the situation. The fact that Indians led by Hindraf lawyers were leading a protest in 2007, 50 years after Independence, suggests that Indian leaders and their organsiations had been inept in the management and problem solving approaches against the backdrop of a state that was adamant to preserve the rights of only one ethnic group above all others. This thesis charts the history of the Malaysian Indian community through its organisations and leadership to understand the text and context of the Malaysian Indian predicament as a marginalised minority to track a slow, haphazard road to the Hindraf Rally. It aims to understand how and why the Hindraf Rally of November 2007 occured and what it was a culmination of.

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Wicke, Christian. « The all-clear incarnate ? : Helmut Kohl's nationalism and the quest for normality ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149653.

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Nations exist because individuals believe in their existence; the foundations of such beliefs can be explored through the study of individual lives. This political biography is concerned with the personal nationalism of Helmut Kohl. The so-called Chancellor of Unity was instrumental in Germany's (re)unification process in 1989/90, which was a prime example of a nationalist event. However, Kohl's nationalism went beyond the one nation = one state formula. Nationalism is treated here as a contemporary, mainstream phenomenon with the capacity to generate countless personal notions of nations. Biography helps to understand the particular repertoire of self-images that the nationalist can mobilise selectively to represent his ideal notion of the nation and himself. In Kohl's case, it was not only his membership of a political party (CDU), but also the combination of religious (Roman Catholic), generational (forty-fiver), regional (Palatinate), and educational (PhD in History) affiliations that were formative to his nationalist representation in the context of the Cold War and the memory of Germany's Nazi past. Kohl's personal nationalism can be analysed along four ideological traditions in German nationalism. The four empirical chapters - which discuss Kohl in that order as Catholic Nationalist, Liberal Nationalist, Romantic Nationalist and Nationalist Historian - each connect Kohl's nationalist ideas to particular biographical narratives that shaped Kohl's self-perception and provided his representation of the German nation with an appearance of authenticity. Kohl used his (auto)biography to promote a normalisation of German nationalism during his quest to overcome the Sonderweg stigma. Together these four pillars sustained Kohl's representation as the embodiment of the 'all-clear': a de-radicalised German nationalism, which was intended to eclipse its anti-Western and post-national peculiarities.

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Tsukamoto, Takashi. « Encountering the other within : Thai national identity and the Malay-Muslims of the deep south ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149900.

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This thesis contributes to the understanding of the role of the "Other within" in national identity formulation. It empirically explores the formulation of {u00E9}lite versions of Thai national identity with reference to the Malay-Muslims of the deep South from the turn of the twentieth century. The intent of the research is to illustrate how Malay-Muslims have necessarily been part of Thai national identity. This thesis aims to utilise the empirical data collected from specific periods of Thai history (the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries; the 1930s and the 1940s; the 1960s; the 1980s and the beginning of this century) so as to conceptualise national identity construction. It is based on the analyses of the language that national leaders, especially prime ministers, have used when discussing the South, and what this language reflects about the changing nature of Thai nationalism and official versions of Thai nationhood. Firstly, this thesis examines the emergence of the Thai nation at the end of the nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries, arguing that its emergence occurred at the moment when Thai national {u00E9}lites recognised the Malay-Muslims as being un-Thai and when they started attempting to transform them into Thais. Secondly, it examines the period of national "unification" and "harmonisation", which various Thai {u00E9}lites attempted to achieve from the end of the 1950s to the 1980s. In the 1950s and the 1960s, the ruling {u00E9}lites tried to eliminate all undesirable traces of un-Thainess in the population in the South. But in the 1980s, they tried to promote understanding of local cultures and traditions by state officials and to provide Muslims in the deep South with equal citizenship. Thirdly, it focuses on Thaksin Shinawatra's repressive policy toward the deep South. He trivialised the problems there at the heart of the unrest by saying that they were simply normal crimes, and refused to acknowledge the possibility of Malay-Muslim serious grievances which could be linked to their ethno-cultural and religious identity. As a result, Thaksin failed to recognise the reality of ethno-cultural difference in the Thai nation. Finally, this thesis shifts its focus from the views of national ruling {u00E9}lites to those held by public intellectuals, journalists and religious leaders at the local and the national levels. Some intellectuals and religious leaders have attempted to reformulate the idea of Thainess, which had been invented and developed by the central government, so it accords with liberal principles of freedom and equality. Their efforts were to transform the idea of Thai citizenship into a multicultural concept. Overall, this thesis argues that the Malay-Muslims who have, in the eyes of the Thai ruling {u00E9}lites, been un-Thai Others, have necessarily and intrinsically been parts of Thai national identity, and that national {u00E9}lites and intellectuals formulated their idea of Thai national identity through interacting with Malay-Muslims, and their cultures and traditions.

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Lambert, Jacqueline Ann. « A history of the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies 1959 -1989 : an analysis of how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people achieved control of a national research institute ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151396.

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The Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies (AlAS) was set up to record Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures before they disappeared forever. Proposed by Liberal parliamentarian WC Wentworth in 1959, the Commonwealth Government established it in 1961 and made it permanent through an Act of Parliament in 1964. This history focuses on its first thirty years, ending in 1989, the year the Institute came under a new Act, which introduced changes to its character and governance. In the 1960s, the Institute's focus was on 'traditional' Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures and most research took place in remote Australia. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people had no input into the Institute's activities other than as 'informants'. By 1989, they were involved in all facets of the Institute's operations including its governance. Informed by the work of Michel Foucault on power/knowledge and truth and on governmentality, and in the context of the broader political and social environment, this thesis will explore the history of AlAS to identify the factors, both internal and external, that led to the changes. It will address the Institute's relationship with the Academy (including the conflict between academic disciplines within AlAS), and the ideological battles for its control between academics; Aboriginal people and the Academy; and Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal scholars and the government. It will seek to explain how a relatively powerless group of Aboriginal people (with the help of their non-Aboriginal supporters) managed, over time and in the face of the power of the Academy, to control the Institute.

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Jagger, David Stewart. « The capacity for community development to improve conditions in Australian Aboriginal communities : an anthropological analysis ». Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109231.

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For 35 years, Aboriginal self-determination policy privileged local autonomy in the autonomy-relatedness dynamic central to Aboriginal sociality. This privileging brought a major change to Aboriginal sociality and collective identity. The self in self-determination policy had a strongly local focus through which it was thought community development would thrive. Key connected factors in the privileging of local autonomy are socio-cultural reification, juridification and entification. The reification is with respect to identity associated with land-based tradition. All three of these factors are contrary to the profound processes of relatedness in the Australian Aboriginal domain. The so-called intervention by the Commonwealth into Northern Territory Aboriginal affairs in 2007 dramatically changed the policy settings in the NT at least. But local autonomy remains privileged over relatedness. As such, this thesis argues, the foundation for an Aboriginal civil society able to negotiate the now very fluid policy environment and make the most of the opportunities presented in community development projects like the thesis case studies in fact remains generally weak. The thesis argues that recognition of relatedness is the basis of civil society in the Aboriginal domain and a key to improvements in Australian Aboriginal communities, without dismissing local autonomy. The common good inherent in community development is limited without this recognition. So is cultural match, said to be important in development project governance in the Indigenous domain. The thesis examines these matters through three case studies, community development projects that use moneys paid to Aboriginal people from the use of Aboriginal land for mining and a national park. An important finding is that autonomy-relatedness balance reflected in the governance arrangements of community development projects is needed for Aboriginal people to properly identify with the projects and thus participate meaningfully in them in order to realise tangible and sustainable community benefits from them. Meanwhile, commercial development like mining continues to favour the certainty afforded in the localising factors of reification, juridification and entification. Aboriginal self-determination has been characterised as a policy of disengagement of wider society from Aboriginal people. Consistent with this, and again contrary to relatedness, an underlying theme in the thesis is that of separation. As well as the disengagement of the policy, this separation includes the separation of some Aboriginal people from other Aboriginal people arising from locally emplaced identity, tradition from modernity and community development from economic development and the market economy. At this level, the thesis points to the importance of an intercultural approach to development entertaining the notion of hybridity including that of the hybrid economy. This is not to deny the benefits of self-determination policy over its policy predecessors, much less to suggest a return to assimilation policy in particular, but to suggest some ways to help resolve the serious problems still facing remote Aboriginal communities as well as to flag the limitations of community development in this context.

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