Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010- »

Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres

Choisissez une source :

Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010- ».

À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.

Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.

Articles de revues sur le sujet "Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010-"

1

Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Whither 'Arab Spring?" ICR Journal 3, no. 3 (2012): 532–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i3.537.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
Since December 2010, the ‘Arab Spring’ has featured techniques of civil resistance in sustained campaigns involving strikes, demonstrations, marches and rallies, as well as the use of the new social media to organize, communicate, and raise awareness in the face of state attempts at repression and censorship. In the case of Tunisia, Egypt, and - most dramatically - Libya, the protests have actually led to the departure of long-established regimes, whereas the situation in Syria and Bahrain remains unsettled to date.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
2

Modrzejewska-Leśniewska, Joanna. ""Arabska" czy "Muzułmańska" Wiosna Ludów? Przemiany polityczno-społeczne w Pakistanie a Arabska Wiosna." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2014.2.1.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The massive anti ‑regime demonstrations in Arab countries that started in December 2010 in Tunisia were followed by questions about causes and effects of those revolts. Attention of the researchers was understandably concentrated on Arab countries but it seems that other Muslim countries were overlooked – the adjective “Arab” superceded “Muslim” in the name of this widespread movement. This paper aims at proving that the process that culminated in the Arab Spring have not started in Tunisia in December 2010 but in Pakistan in 2007 and 2008.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
3

Farhan, Adnan Abdulrahman Naef, and P. A. Varghese. "Facebook Utilization and Arab Spring Movement: A Study among Yemeni Youth." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 5, no. 1 (2018): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v5i1.18971.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The Arab Spring is a popular term used to describe the revolutionary movement of demonstrations and protests, and civil wars in the Arab world that began on December 18, 2010 in Tunisia and spread in the whole Arab countries. Tunisia and Egypt became the center of this revolution, and then it moved to include Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Sudan, Mauritania, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Djibouti, Western Sahara and Palestine. Yemeni youth’s revolution movement began to change the system through mobilization of people and social action. This paper focuses on the importance of Facebook in the revolution and how the Yemeni youth used Facebook to attract more supporters and keep the spirit up. The present paper reports the impact of Facebook in nurturing political revolution in Yemen analyzing the data achieved by survey method.Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-1: 5-9
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
4

Al-Turk, Halima. "The Arab Springs: A Comparison of the Uprisings in Libya & Syria in 2011." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (2016): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur66.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The Arab Springs is known as “a revolutionary wave of demonstrations, protests, riots, protracted civil wars and other forms of opposition (both violent and non-violent) in the Arab territories” (Elfaith. 2015, 121). Starting in Tunisia on December 18, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi a street vendor, set himself on fire after being harassed by municipal police officials. Bouazizi’s act of self-immolation sparked international attention, leading Tunisia into a revolution. After being in power for 23 years as Tunisia’s President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali stepped down and fled to Saudi Arabia (Bunton 2013, 16). Tunisia’s revolution led both the Arab and non-Arab world to witness “spontaneous explosions of protests, [revolutions] and popular political upheaval” in countries such as Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Morocco, Lebanon, Algeria, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Sudan and Mauritania (Ismael and Ismael 2013, 229). The high levels of political corruption, economic hardships and the desire for a free democratic government all inspired the citizens of these countries to take action against their governments.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
5

Tignor, Robert L. "Can a New Generation Bring about Regime Change?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (2011): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000432.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
Peaceful protests and demonstrations have swept through the Arab world, toppling rulers and advancing programs of radical change. Some enthusiasts for these movements have already proclaimed them a revolution. They predict a new Middle Eastern political and economic order. A new generation of young people—men and women, mainly in their twenties and thirties, using their skills in cyberspace communication and fueled by many frustrations—assembled vast numbers in peaceful protests that have thus far claimed many triumphs. They forced the departures of the long-standing dictators of Egypt and Tunisia and have demanded that the monarchs of Jordan, Morocco, and Bahrain reign rather than rule.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
6

Tančić, Dragan, and Vanda Božić. "Modern migrant crisis and migrant smuggling." Bastina, no. 58 (2022): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina32-41580.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The paper points out, first of all, the fact that the contemporary migrant crisis represents a projected migration of peoples and that everything that is happening in the world today (the so-called Arab Spring - a wave of demonstrations, protests and rebellions, started in December 2010 in Tunisia and continued in other countries of North Africa and the Middle East, wars in certain countries, millions of homeless people, refugees and migrants, etc.) is not accidental at all. International law and its theoretical principles have never been more developed, on the one hand, but they have never been violated or compromised in practice, applied by naked political force and political power, on the other hand. Namely, all this is an integral part of the realization of the idea of the New World Order, which is by no means new. The destruction of "national sovereignty" and the creation of "limited sovereignty", the de-sovereignation of national states is the harsh reality of the modern world. This is done through the creation of supranational regional organizations (for example, the European Union) and institutions of global financial power (the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, and others).
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
7

Thompson, Laura A. "Blaspheming apostates? The lines between insulting religion and leaving Islam in post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Contemporary French Civilization 47, no. 2 (2022): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2022.9.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
In the wake of the 2010-2011 Arab Spring uprisings, six Tunisians of Muslim parentage were prosecuted in quick succession for blasphemy in a series of unprecedented trials. This article focuses specifically on the link between blasphemy and apostasy in the prosecutions of Tunisians in the 2011-2013 period. Some defendants accepted the link between blasphemy and apostasy, while others rejected being labeled apostates. Through an analysis of these cases, I conclude that the defendants who embraced the label of apostate were more severely punished by the local judicial system than those who rejected it. I also explore the possibility that those who openly assume an apostate position situated outside the Islamic community are also simply less well connected, and thus ill-advised, as to how to navigate a legal system whose public order and public decency articles allow judges significant latitude.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
8

Hepworth, Andrea. "From Survivor to Fourth-Generation Memory: Literal and Discursive Sites of Memory in Post-dictatorship Germany and Spain." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (2017): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417694429.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The transition of the memory of twentieth-century conflicts from survivor to cultural memory has become inevitable with the passing of the survivor generation. This article examines the role of different generations in the retrieval and commemoration of the traumatic past in Germany and Spain by focusing on two main areas: firstly, it analyzes the debates surrounding the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin and the ongoing review of form and function of existing memorial sites in the city, as well as ongoing vandalism and trivialization of these sites. Secondly, it examines recent debates and protests in Spain surrounding the 1977 Amnesty Law by prominent artists and the wider public. These range from protests against the indictment of Judge Baltasar Garzón in 2010 for opening an investigation into crimes against humanity committed by the Franco regime to demonstrations in November 2015 demanding an annulment of the 1977 Law, and to the recent Argentinean court case of Franco-era human rights crimes. Considering Pierre Nora’s notion that lieux de mémoire can be ‘material or non-material’, this article suggests that debates and demonstrations can act as a virtual space in which memory is viable. It analyzes the role of the ‘generations of postmemory’, in particular the third and fourth generations, in forestalling silence and forgetting and changing existing rigid discursive patterns.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
9

Pablo-Romero, María del P., Antonio Sánchez-Braza, and Mohammed Bouznit. "The Different Contribution of Productive Factors to Economic Growth in mena Countries." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 2-3 (2016): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341360.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The aim of this study is to analyse the extent to which different productive factors, and the relationships that exist between them, affect the economic growth of productivity in ten Middle Eastern and North African (mena) countries during the period 1990-2010. A translog production function is estimated by using panel data and the contribution of the factors to growth is calculated. The results show a positive effect of the physical and human capital on productivity and high complementarity relationships between them, both factors being essential in determining economic growth. However, the magnitude of their contribution varies substantially between the ten countries considered. Thus, the capitalisation of the economies and the improvement of the human capital seem to be key policy elements of economic growth in these countries. Nevertheless, a considerable part of the economic growth cannot be explained by these factors, particularly in Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Tunisia.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
10

Gabsi, Zouhir. "Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (2020): 626–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419898494.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mizoued in search for a new space where there is solace and escapism. Mizoued music and rap deal with core issues about the living conditions in Tunisia, such as ḥarga (border jumping, clandestine migration). Most rappers and Mzēwdiyye (Mizoued players) represent the houma (neighbourhood), and it is their connection with frustrated youths and struggling Tunisians that influenced these two genres to merge and gain popularity in their shared history of marginalization. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it analyses the points of convergence and divergence of these two genres in terms of themes and authenticity. Second, it discusses how rap and Mizoued discourses use the notion of ‘space’ in the development of the artists’ trajectories and narratives in three domains: cultural, political, and sociological. Within these domains, Bourdieu’s social concepts of habitus, cultural capital, and field throw light on how ‘taste’, power’, and ‘class’ are exercised in the three domains.
Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.
Plus de sources
Nous offrons des réductions sur tous les plans premium pour les auteurs dont les œuvres sont incluses dans des sélections littéraires thématiques. Contactez-nous pour obtenir un code promo unique!