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1
Gaudenzi, Bianca. « Commercial advertising in Germany and Italy, 1918-1943 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609367.
Texte intégral
2
WITKOWSKI, Victoria Margaret. « Remembering fascism and empire : the public representation and myth of Rodolfo Graziani in 20th-century Italy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/72739.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 24 September 2021; Examining Board: Professor Lucy Riall (European University Institute); Professor Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Professor John Foot (University of Bristol); Professor Marla Stone (Occidental College)My PhD has utilised the cultural representation of Italy’s most popular military figure from the Fascist period to account for the myth-making and warped remembrance of Rodolfo Graziani in Modern-day Italy. By proving himself to Mussolini with his brutal tactics, namely, mass hangings, the erection of concentration camps, and utilisation of poison gas during the Italian ‘pacification’ of Libya in the 1920’s and the Fascist conquest of Ethiopia in 1936, my project highlights that Graziani was chosen by the Fascist government to be a national imperial war hero. Facilitated by the dawn of totalitarianism and mass consumption, the propaganda campaign to promote the Fascist Empire utilised Graziani as a modern-day celebrity, through many mediums, which became the source base for my research. Images of Graziani filtered back to Italy in the 1930s through postcards, books, magazines, film, radio, busts and the like. During the Second World War, collaboration with the Nazis under the Salò Republic led to his trial in 1948, but his colonial crimes remained unquestioned, testament to the effect of heroisation for his previous colonial career. Since then, this manipulation of historical consciousness has continued to pervade Italian society as the state searched for a collective ‘usable’ past from the remnants of the Fascist dictatorship. As Mussolini’s most popular enterprise, colonial ambition remained a shared goal across the political spectrum in the immediate post-war period. By countering national insecurities through the utilisation of male symbols, men like Graziani provided an opportunity to promote such ideals through untainted virtues of masculinity. Institutionally therefore, the role of individuals in bringing ‘civilisation’ to its African colonies continued to be revered in post-fascist and post-colonial Italy. Moreover, most recently, a regionally funded monument that was built in Graziani’s honour near Rome in 2012 only led to public outcry abroad and from interested national parties with almost no negative response from the Italian public. Graziani’s memory thus remains a fervent, multifaceted one and signifies tension in popular attitudes to Italy fascist and colonial history. It is with this timely and noteworthy case-study that I aim to shed light on the persistently neglected darker aspects of Italy’s recent past.
3
Totaro, Genevois Mariella. « Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia ». Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
Texte intégral
4
Diazzi, Alessandra. « The reception of psychoanalysis in Italian literature and culture, 1945-1977 : Ottiero Ottietri, Edoardo Sanguineti, Giorgio Manganelli, Andrea Zanzotto ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709511.
Texte intégral
5
BARATIERI, Daniela. « Italian colonialism : memories and silences : 1930s-1960s ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10393.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 October 2007Examining Board: Professor Luisa Passerini (EUI and Università di Torino); Professor Bo Strath (EUI); Professor Nicola Labanca (Università di Siena); Professor David Forgacs (University College London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
6
BALABAN, Ioan. « International and multinational banking under Bretton Woods (1945-1971) : the experience of Italian banks ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69996.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 February 2021Examining Board: Professor Youssef Cassis (European University Institute); Professor Federico Romero (European University Institute); Professor Catherine Schenk (Oxford University); Professor Stefano Battilossi (University of Carlo III)
Business economists and financial historians distinguish between a first and a second wave of international and multinational banking. The Great Depression and the two World Wars interrupted the first wave which began in the mid 19th century. The second wave began in the 1960s and was triggered by the advent of the Euromarkets under the international monetary regime of Bretton Woods (1944-1971). The thesis investigates the determinants of the internationalization of European commercial banks under Bretton Woods by focusing on the experience of Italian banks. I argue that Italian banks re-entered international and multinational banking from the late 1940s onwards in order to contribute to establish Italy as a commercial power. Competition between the banks in the international arena led them to integrate Eurodollar deposits into their international and domestic banking strategies in the 1950s and the 1960s thus contributing to the globalization of finance. The big European continental commercial banks internationalized in parallel to Italian banks and for the same reasons. Nevertheless, in contrast to latter, the former became major actors in the Euromarkets as a result of the American challenge after 1965. The thesis argues that the growth of the Euromarkets in the second half of the 1960s was sponsored by the Federal Reserve of the United States. The Federal Reserve encouraged the growth of the Euromarkets, and the role of American banks in the market, in order to defend the US official gold stock and the US balance of payments. Sources are drawn from bank and central bank archives in Italy, France and the United States.
7
Di, Lillo Ivano. « Opera and nationalism in Fascist Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283883.
Texte intégral
8
White, Brook. « ANOTHER FORGOTTEN ARMY : THE FRENCH EXPEDITIONARY CORPS IN ITALY,1943-1944 ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2595.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The French Expeditionary Corps that fought in Italy during World War II was a French army, but that description must be qualified. Therefore this thesis asks two questions: how did France manage to send the equivalent of an army to Italy if French military leadership in 1943 had no direct access to French manpower resources; and the most important question since it is unique to the historical debate, why were the troops that were sent to Italy so effective once there when compared to the 1940 French army? To answer the first question, it was a French colonial army – soldiers mainly from Africa – that enabled France to send an army to Italy. The second question was not so easily addressed and is actually composed of two parts: current scholarship finds that at the tactical level French troops of 1940 no less capable than the troops in Italy, but more importantly it was the French military leadership's willingness to expend the lives of their colonial solders with little regard that allowed the French Expeditionary Corps to allow the United States Fifth Army to enter Rome just days before the Allied invasion of Normandy. And in order to understand why the French military was willing to expend the lives of its African soldiers, this thesis also had to examine the French colonial system dating to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Finally, this paper explores the different components of leadership that each army, which were African (primarily from North Africa and French West Africa) and metropolitan (mostly from European France), used to lead and direct their men. Thus, this study is more than just a pure military history. It is also a cultural and social history of France in relation to its colonies.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History MA
9
Finn, Sarah. « 'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945 ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
10
Marcuzzi, Stefano. « Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
11
Casano, Nicoletta. « Les réseaux unissant francs-maçons et laïques belges et italiens de la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la Deuxième guerre mondiale : prémisses et réalisation de l'accueil en Belgique des fuorusciti italiens ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209510.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ce travail vise à approfondir certains aspects de l’expérience des francs-maçons et laïques italiens qui ont été exilés en Belgique, suite à la persécution opérée contre eux par la dictature de Mussolini. En effet, les premières associations qui ont été poursuivies légalement par le dictateur italien ont été les associations maçonniques et celles de la Libre Pensée. Jusqu’au il y a quelques années, l’historiographie ne pouvait pas analyser davantage les conséquences de cet exil, faute d’accès aux archives de ces associations.
À présent, il nous a été possible d’étudier cette documentation qui nous a permis de démontrer que certains francs-maçons et libres-penseurs italiens, qui ont pris la décision de quitter leur pays afin suite aux persécutions de la dictature, avaient été des exilés politiques et avaient trouvé asile dans certains pays européens grâce aux réseaux maçonniques et laïques qui y existaient déjà depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. La Belgique a été l’un de ces pays d’accueil, mais en outre elle avait été le pays où ces réseaux étaient nés et s’étaient le plus efficacement développés.
C’est cette généalogie des réseaux maçonniques et laïques qui nous a permis d’expliquer pour quelles raisons, même si la Belgique n’a pas été le principal pays d’accueil des exilés maçons et laïques italiens, un certain nombre d’entre eux y sont passés ou s’y sont installés avec l’aide de la Franc-maçonnerie et de la Libre pensée belges, pendant leur exil./
The aim of my research project is to investigate further into the experience of the Italian free-masons and free-thinkers who had to go on exile as a consequence of their persecution by the Mussolini dictatorship. As a matter of fact, the first associations to be persecuted by the Italian dictator were the free-mason and free-thinkers associations, but till few years ago, the contemporary historiography hadn’t really focused on the consequences of these actions because of the limited access to the Archives of these associations.
It was only at the beginning of this century that these documents were found and have been left at the disposal of the researchers.
The study of part of these documents allows me to demonstrate that these free-masons and free-thinkers who had taken the decision to leave their country, in order not to accept the dictatorship, were political emigrants and
that they found asylum in some European countries thanks to the free-mason and free-thinker networks that they had established since the end of 19th century. Belgium was one of these countries, but more importantly the one
where the relation networks concerned were born and developed.
This fact allows us to explain the reason why a lot of Italian free-masons and free-thinkers passed in Belgium or some of them lived. Even if Belgium wasn't the country to which the most of these people exiled.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
12
Tollardo, Elisabetta. « Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
13
Bedon, Elettra. « La poesia in lingua veneta dalla fine della Prima Guerra Mondiale a oggi ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26252.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Writers and poets who wrote in the "language of Venice" are far more numerous than is commonly reported in the history of Italian literature. It is the purpose of this dissertation to present and highlight their works.Since here we mainly deal with writers and poets of the second half of the twentieth century, for which there is no roll call, we deemed it appropriate to research and introduce them, supplying for each of them detailed biobibliographical data.
In the course of our work we tried to sketch a subdivision of the matter which keeps in mind what has been previously done, but which is also new if one takes into account the whole scope and breadth of this literature.
14
Wilkins, Wendy. « Images of Italy and Italians in the modern English novel ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27857.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The English literary imagination has been nourished on the experience and idea of Italy for centuries, at least since Chaucer's Italian visits in 1372 and 1378. A combination of survey, critical analysis and theory, the thesis examines the idea of Italy and the Italians in fiction in English from Henry James to the present. The thesis provides an inclusive account of literary themes and motifs about Italy and the Italians in the modern English novel, defining the modem tradition of fiction about Italy established by James, E.M. Forster and D.H. Lawrence, and describing the continuities and discontinuities which extend to postmodern, international fiction in English about Italy and Italians.
No single theoretical model is employed. An eclectic approach is favoured in order to draw together cultural history, literary history, discourse analysis, literary criticism and biography. In addition, the aim has been to recapture and examine the sense of flux and the idea of selfrealisation through art which characterise the Italianate impulse in past and present English fiction. In terms of method and focus, the thesis converses with ideas about Italy and the Italians, literary tradition, recent theories about the representation of place, and the notion of Italy as a favoured site for the development of literary identity and style.
An introduction traces the early development of the Italian image and establishes themes which appear in the succeeding chapters: otherness cultural and self identity; the 'gaze'; 'seeing' as a metaphor for self-knowledge; the importance of place in the formation of identity; and the connections between artistic representation and place. The second chapter, on Henry James, defines some of the main terms of the recent tradition, including the relationship between Italy and the act of imaginative creation. The James chapter examines the influence of Romanticism on his Italian work; the 'Italian' contradictions in his fiction; and his search, expressed in traditional Italianate tropes, for a transcending equilibrium. James's Italian tales are given equal consideration with the novels, and both are discussed in relation to the travel essays collected as Italian Hours. The third chapter, on E.M. Forster, focuses on the conflict between chaos and order in Forster's Italian fiction, and his concern with further perennial 'Italian' themes, including paganism, the Edenic myth, and the importance of art in self-becoming. The Italian motifs in Forster's stories are compared with those in his Italian novels Where Angels Fear to Tread and A Room with a View. A shorter chapter on D.H. Lawrence outlines his problematic place in the tradition. The final section deals with Italianate postmodernism. A lengthy introduction raises general issues and is followed by closer readings of texts which demonstrate the relevance of 'Italy' to postmodern writing in English. The English, American and Australian
authors chosen for closer comment include Robert Coover, Robert Dessaix, Michael Dibdin, Ian McEwan, Michele Roberts, William Trevor and Jeanette Winterson. The final section illustrates
the continuity of the image of Italy, especially the way its reputation as artifice lends itself to elaborate, postmodern metafiction.
15
Hogan, Marina. « The fictional Savonarola and the creation of modern Italy ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with Girolamo Savonarola and with his place in the imagination and collective memory of Italians from the early nineteenth century to the present. It examines the works of a variety of Italian fictional authors who turned to Savonarola in the belief that he could help them pursue objectives which, in their opinion, Italy and Italians should strive to achieve. At first, he was called upon by nationalist writers of the Risorgimento to inspire a people and convince it of the need for a free, united Italy. Later, as the new nation began to consolidate and Italians came to realize that unification had not delivered all that it had promised, Savonarola was employed in a negative way to show that military action and force were necessary to ensure Italy's progress to the status of great power. As Italians became more aware of the grave social issues facing their nation, he was called upon, once again, to help change social policy and to remind the people of its civic responsibility to the less fortunate members of society. The extent of Savonarola's adaptability is also explored through the analysis of his manipulation by the writers of Fascist Italy. Remarkably, he was used to highlight to Italians their duty to stand by Mussolini and the Fascist Regime during their struggle with the Catholic Church and the Pope. At the same time, however, one writer daringly used Savonarola's apostolate to condemn the Regime and the people's blind adherence to its philosophies. As Fascism fell and Italy began to rebuild after the Second World War, there was no longer a need for Savonarola to be used for political or militaristic ends. In recent times, emphasis has been placed on the human side of the Friar and he has been employed solely to guide Italians in a civic, moral and spiritual sense. From the Risorgimento to the present, the various changes in Italian history have been foreshadowed in the treatment of Savonarola by Italian fictional authors who turned to him in difficult times to help define what it is to be Italian.
16
BRESSANELLI, RENATA GIOVANNA. « «L’INTRAPRESA ARDITA». GENESI E STORIA DEL PERIODICO D’INSEGNAMENTO «PRO INFANTIA» NEL SUO PRIMO VENTENNIO DI VITA (1913-1933) ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/97173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La ricerca ha inteso ripercorrere la storia di “Pro Infantia” nel suo primo ventennio di vita (1913-1933). Il lavoro ha preso avvio dall’analisi dei dibattiti politico-scolastici e dall’approfondimento del contesto pedagogico e culturale in cui si collocava la decisione dei vertici dell’editrice La Scuola di avviare una rivista per educatrici d’asilo. Il lavoro è entrato nel vivo con la messa a fuoco delle prese di posizione del periodico in merito alle novità introdotte dai provvedimenti legislativi coevi, quali, ad esempio, i Programmi per le istituzioni infantili emanati da Credaro nel 1914, la Riforma Gentile e i Programmi elaborati da Giuseppe Lombardo Radice nel 1923. Sono state altresì analizzate le valutazioni espresse circa le prassi didattiche e i metodi pedagogici adottati nelle istituzioni infantili del tempo, l’associazionismo di categoria, i percorsi formativi per le educatrici. Lo spoglio della rivista ha consentito inoltre di fare ulteriore luce sulle scelte dell’editrice La Scuola e sull’atteggiamento assunto dal periodico di fronte ad alcuni momenti chiave non solo della storia dell’educazione infantile in Italia, ma anche di quella politica e sociale, come ad esempio il primo conflitto mondiale, il dopoguerra, l’ascesa del fascismo e la successiva affermazione della dittatura.The aim of this research was to reconstruct the history of "Pro Infantia" over its initial twenty years of publication (1913-1933). The first step in the study was to analyse the political debate on education and the cultural and educational backdrop against which the publishing house, La Scuola, decided to set up a journal for infant school teachers. The core of the research work involved examining the journal’s positions on the legislation of the period – such as the programs for infant schools issued by Credaro in 1914, the Gentile reform and the programs drawn up by Giuseppe Lombardo Radice in 1923 – and its assessments of the teaching practices and educational methods adopted in contemporary infant schools, as well as of teachers’ associations, and infant teacher training courses. Finally, scrutiny of the journal’s content also shed light on the policies adopted by La Scuola and "Pro Infantia"’s stance concerning both key historical developments in Italian early childhood education and broader political and social events, such as World War One, the post-war period, the rise of fascism and the advent of the fascist dictatorship.
17
BRESSANELLI, RENATA GIOVANNA. « «L’INTRAPRESA ARDITA». GENESI E STORIA DEL PERIODICO D’INSEGNAMENTO «PRO INFANTIA» NEL SUO PRIMO VENTENNIO DI VITA (1913-1933) ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/97173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La ricerca ha inteso ripercorrere la storia di “Pro Infantia” nel suo primo ventennio di vita (1913-1933). Il lavoro ha preso avvio dall’analisi dei dibattiti politico-scolastici e dall’approfondimento del contesto pedagogico e culturale in cui si collocava la decisione dei vertici dell’editrice La Scuola di avviare una rivista per educatrici d’asilo. Il lavoro è entrato nel vivo con la messa a fuoco delle prese di posizione del periodico in merito alle novità introdotte dai provvedimenti legislativi coevi, quali, ad esempio, i Programmi per le istituzioni infantili emanati da Credaro nel 1914, la Riforma Gentile e i Programmi elaborati da Giuseppe Lombardo Radice nel 1923. Sono state altresì analizzate le valutazioni espresse circa le prassi didattiche e i metodi pedagogici adottati nelle istituzioni infantili del tempo, l’associazionismo di categoria, i percorsi formativi per le educatrici. Lo spoglio della rivista ha consentito inoltre di fare ulteriore luce sulle scelte dell’editrice La Scuola e sull’atteggiamento assunto dal periodico di fronte ad alcuni momenti chiave non solo della storia dell’educazione infantile in Italia, ma anche di quella politica e sociale, come ad esempio il primo conflitto mondiale, il dopoguerra, l’ascesa del fascismo e la successiva affermazione della dittatura.The aim of this research was to reconstruct the history of "Pro Infantia" over its initial twenty years of publication (1913-1933). The first step in the study was to analyse the political debate on education and the cultural and educational backdrop against which the publishing house, La Scuola, decided to set up a journal for infant school teachers. The core of the research work involved examining the journal’s positions on the legislation of the period – such as the programs for infant schools issued by Credaro in 1914, the Gentile reform and the programs drawn up by Giuseppe Lombardo Radice in 1923 – and its assessments of the teaching practices and educational methods adopted in contemporary infant schools, as well as of teachers’ associations, and infant teacher training courses. Finally, scrutiny of the journal’s content also shed light on the policies adopted by La Scuola and "Pro Infantia"’s stance concerning both key historical developments in Italian early childhood education and broader political and social events, such as World War One, the post-war period, the rise of fascism and the advent of the fascist dictatorship.
18
Maffioletti, Marco. « L'entreprise idéale entre usine et communauté : une biographie intellectuelle d'Adriano Olivetti ». Thesis, Grenoble, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013GRENL018/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Entrepreneur, urbaniste, homme politique, éditeur et intellectuel italien, Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) a proposé une lecture singulière de la modernité et a démontré qu'une voie alternative, complexe et désintéressée vers le bien collectif était praticable. S'appuyant sur des recherches peu connues, sur la consultation de la bibliothèque d'Olivetti et des fonds d'archives auparavant peu exploités, cette biographie intellectuelle reconstruit les parcours qu'Adriano Olivetti a tracé à travers son territoire, sa famille, l'organisation scientifique du travail, l'urbanisme, l'antifascisme, l'activité entrepreneuriale et la politique, permettant ainsi une interprétation globale et fondée historiquement de cet homme et de sa pensée. Adriano Olivetti est né à Ivrée, dans le Canavais. Entre Aoste et Turin, cette petite ville était peu industrialisée au début du XXème siècle, lorsque son père Camillo y a fondé une entreprise de machines à écrire. Etudiant en ingénierie, Adriano soutenait les principes de l'autonomie et du socialisme fédéraliste avant de se concentrer sur l'organisation scientifique du travail observée aux Etats-Unis. Au début des années 30 il a pris la direction de l'entreprise où il a inauguré une gestion rationnelle d'une production désormais de masse. Olivetti a ainsi observé que la modernisation de l'industrie, conçue comme le seul moyen pour généraliser le bien-être, créait de graves problèmes sociaux et urbanistiques. Ainsi, lorsque l'entreprise grandissait et conquérait les marchés internationaux, il a coordonné un plan urbanistique du Val d'Aoste. Antifasciste, il a conspiré avec les Alliés et a contribué à la chute de Mussolini. Pendant son exile en Suisse il a élaboré un plan de réforme des institutions italiennes qui aurait mis au centre de la chose publique les territoires, les «Communautés» qui auraient permis aux citoyens de participer de façon immédiate à la gestion de la vie politique, économique, urbanistique et sociale. Après son retour en Italie, en 1945 Olivetti a décidé de se consacrer à la politique et s'est inscrit au Parti Socialiste. Déçu par la partitocratie, il est rentré à Ivrée et a mis l'entreprise sur une voie où se rencontraient la préoccupation pour le bien-être matériel et spirituel des travailleurs, l'esthétique, la recherche technologique et le succès au niveau global. Entre 1946 et 1948 Olivetti a fondé la revue «Comunità», la maison d'édition Edizioni di Comunità et le Mouvement Comunità, qui dans les années 50 avait administré plusieurs communes du Canaveis et du Sud d'Italie par des pratiques de gestion du territoire inspirées par la rationalité scientifique à la base du dessein d'Olivetti. Un projet qui vers la fin des années 50 a dû se heurter à un insuccès double : celui du Mouvement, qui n'obtenait pas de consensus en dehors du Canaveis, et celui de l'entreprise, où l'alliance de succès et de redistribution des profits gênait les capitalistes italiens qui s'opposaient aux principes socialistes, keynésiens et fordistes d'Olivetti. Qui est mort en 1960, avant de terminer ses projets réformistes. Cette recherche reconstruit le contexte historique-culturel où Adriano Olivetti a développé et appliqué une conception innovante de la gestion de l'entreprise, de la culture et de la société, dont le centre était la personne et sa Communauté. Tout en évitant d'actualiser cet entrepreneur «modèle», cette thèse considère qu'Olivetti peut donner des réponses alternatives à des problématiques de la cohabitation sociale qui en Europe sont encore à l'ordre du jour, par son affirmation de la centralité du travail, de la valeur de la solidarité et de la liberté, par sa tension vers la juste reconnaissance de la personne au-delà des limites socio-économiques et vers des formes politiques qui prennent en compte la complexité sociale tout en permettant sa représentation dans les institutionsEntrepreneur, urban planner, politician, editor, the Italian intellectual Adriano Olivetti (1901-1960) proposed a novel reading view of modernity and demonstrated that an alternative way, one that was complex and disinterested in the common good, was possible. Relying on previously unexploited research drawn from Olivetti's library and various archives, this intellectual biography reconstructs the life of Adriano Olivetti looking through the lens of the specifics of his territory and his family, the scientific management, urban planning, anti-fascism, entrepreneurial activity and politics, thereby providing a global and historically-based interpretation of the man and his thought. Adriano Olivetti was born in Ivrea, in the Canavese. Situated between Aosta and Turin, this small rural town had little industry when, in the early twentieth century, his father Camillo Olivetti founded a typewriters' factory. Camillo was a socialist of Jewish origin, whose wife was Waldensian, and his son was educated in religious freedom and would become a Catholic. As an engineering student, Adriano Olivetti supported the principles of autonomy and of federalist socialism, before focusing on scientific management which he had observed in the USA. In the early '30s he became the director of the company, where he inaugurated the scientific management of mass production. He subsequently noticed that the modernization of industry, conceived as the only means to generalize the well-being, generated serious social and urban problems. As a result, as the company grew larger and conquered foreign markets, he coordinated an urban plan of the Val d'Aosta. An antifascist, he contributed to the fall of Mussolini by working with the Allies. While exiled in Switzerland, he developed a plan for the reform of Italian institutions which would set the territories at the center of politics, the "Communities" that would allow the citizens to participate more directly in the management of politics, economics, urban and social development. When in 1945 he returned in Italy, Olivetti decided to dedicate himself to politics and joined the Socialist Party and its Center for Socialist Studies. Disappointed by the party system, he returned to Ivrea and introduced a new direction for the company, one which combined a concern for the material and spiritual welfare of workers with aesthetics, technological research and global success. Between 1946 and 1948 Olivetti founded the magazine “Comunità”, the Edizioni di Comunità and the Community Movement, which in the '50s administered several municipalities in Canavese by management practices inspired by scientific rationality which was based on the Olivettian design, a project that in the late '50s collided with a double political failure: of the Movement, which could not achieve consensus out of the Canavese, and that of the company, where the idea of success equated with the redistribution of profits bothered Italian capitalists, who opposed the Socialist, Keynesian and Fordist principles of Olivetti. Olivetti died in 1960, before finishing his reformist projects. This thesis reconstructs the historical and cultural context in which Adriano Olivetti developed and applied his innovative concepts of company management, culture and society, centered on the person and his community. While avoiding to update this "model" entrepreneur, this thesis considers that Olivetti may provide alternative answers to some problems of social cohabitation that in Europe are still current, drawn from his affirmation of the centrality of work , the value of solidarity and freedom, its tension with the proper recognition of the person beyond the socio-economic boundaries, and with political forms that consider social complexity and allow its representation in the institutions
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Cuxac, Mario. « Journaux et journalistes au temps du fascisme : Turin 1929-1940 ». Thesis, Lyon 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO20022/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse a pour objectif d'étudier le monde journalistique turinois sous le régime fasciste, et en particulier lors de la deuxième décennie du régime. Cette période, coïncidant avec la montée et la consolidation du consensus (1929-1936) avant une remise en question progressive (1936-1940), est pour le journalisme italien celle de l'instauration progressive du contrôle de la profession par le régime. La répression, puis la mise au pas de la presse nationale et régionale, la création de structures de contrôle, particulièrement avec le Syndicat national fasciste des journalistes et son albo ou le ministère de la Culture populaire, l'uniformisation et l’institutionnalisation de la presse, notamment pour des usages propagandistes, bouleversent le monde journalistique et ses acteurs. Il s'agit dès lors de se focaliser sur les parcours collectifs et individuels de ces journalistes, en prenant comme laboratoire d'étude la ville de Turin. Les influences politiques, sociales et culturelles font en effet de cette ville un lieu particulier pour le fascisme, difficile à « normaliser ». Turin possède par ailleurs deux des plus importants journaux du pays (la Gazzetta del Popolo et La Stampa). L'étude prosopographique des 278 journalistes identifiés permet de mettre en perspective des caractéristiques sociales particulières, notamment en terme d'origine géographique ou de niveau d'instruction. De même, en s’intéressant aux liens avec le monde politique local et national, elle éclaire les frontières mouvantes entre politique et journalisme et permet de replacer la question du journalisme dans le cadre plus large du régime fasciste et particulièrement de ses ambiguïtés, entre contrôle, surveillance et répression d'un côté et les limites du totalitarisme de l'autre. L'étude prosopographique met également en évidence une continuité certaine, en terme de rédacteurs, entre le journalisme de l'époque libérale et celui de l'époque fasciste, remettant en question l'image d'une « épuration » sévère et totale de la profession. Dès lors, la question de la place nouvelle génération de journalistes, formés techniquement et imprégnés d'idéologie fasciste et dont la création était chère à certains hiérarques fascistes, Ermanno Amicucci en tête, prend tout son sens. Enfin, la seconde partie de la thèse s’intéresse à quelques parcours singuliers et itinéraires comparés, permettant d’illustrer une partie de la diversité des attitudes des journalistes turinois confrontés au régime fasciste et à sa volonté d'instituer un « nouveau modèle de journalisme ». Ces parcours se proposent ainsi d'éclairer plus spécifiquement certains aspects centraux de l'univers journalistique durant le régime, abordant notamment l'épuration des années 1927-1931 (avec par exemple Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto ou Santi Savarino), les liens avec le monde politique local (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) ou même la question des lois raciales (Deodato Foà). Entre relative résistance et renoncement, entre acceptation et tractations, entre illusions et pragmatisme, ces trajectoires biographiques mettent alors au jour des postures diverses dont les croisements, les stratégies, les contenus s'insèrent dans un cadre bien plus large, celui du ventennio fasciste et de ses tragédiesThis work studies the turinese journalistic world during fascist system, especially the second decade. This decade coincide with the rise of the consensus (1929-1936) before the first time of contestation (1936-1940). The italian journalism is more and more controlled by the political authorities. The repression of the national and regional papers, and then the organization, standardization and institutionalization of the press, change drastically the journalism background. In view of this, this work focuses on collective and individual trajectories, with Turin as study place. The political, social and cultural influences of Turin make this city a particular place for the fascism, hard to “normalize”, and which possess two of the principal papers of the country (the Gazzetta del Popolo and La Stampa). The prosopographical study of the 278 identify journalists allows to put in perspective social characteristics (geographical origins, level of schooling etc...). The national and regional political connections light up the moving mark between politic and journalism and allow to replace the journalism question in the ampler setting of fascist regime and his ambiguities (between control, surveillance and repression, on one hand, and limits of totalitarianism of the other hand). The prosopographical study shows also a clear continuity of journalist between liberal and fascist periods, which questions the image of a harsh and total “purge” of the profession. In this context, the question of the place of the new journalistic generation, technically formed and permeated of fascist ideology, like Ermanno Amicucci and other fascist figures wanted, is central. Finally, the second part of the study takes an interest in a few singular trajectories and compared itineraries, which allows to illustrate a part of the diversity of turinese journalist attitudes, confronted with a regime who wants to institute a “new journalism model”. This trajectories intend to light up more specifically some of central aspects of journalistic world during the regime, like the purge of the years 1927-1931 (with for example Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto or Santi Savarino),, the connections with local politic world (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) or the racial laws and their impact (Deodoato foà). Between opposition and resignation, acceptation and negotiation, illusions and pragmatism, this biographical trajectories expose some varied positions, insert into a ampler context, which is the fascist ventennio, and his tragedies
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Comberiati, Daniele. « Ecrire dans la langue de l'autre : la littérature des immigrés en Italie, 1989-2007 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210477.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dans ce travail on essaye de donner une définition et une historicisation de ce qu’on appelle « littérature italienne de la migration ». Il y a tout de suite une distinction à faire entre les écrivains étrangers qui écrivaient en italien avant le grand flux migratoire des années ’80 et ceux qui sont issus de cette vague, dont la thèse s’occupe dans une manière plus spécifique (années 1989-2007). Les changements sociaux et culturels que les nouveaux immigrés ont apporté, ont transformé l’Italie de pays d’émigration en pays d’immigration. Au niveau littéraire ces écrivains ont d’abord utilisé un langage standard, pour se faire comprendre du public et pour témoigner les difficultés du voyage migratoire et de l’intégration ;les dernières œuvres, pourtant, analysées dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, ont été écrites par des écrivains qui manipulent plus facilement la langue italienne, utilisant un plurilinguisme témoin d’un lien très stricte entre oralité et écriture, et entre langue d’origine et langue d’accueil. Enfin, les oeuvres des écrivains italophones postcoloniaux et de ceux issus de la deuxième génération peuvent rapporter la littérature italienne contemporaine avec des autres situation (France, Allemagne, Angleterre, Etats Unis) qui semblent très similaires.ENGLISH: On this work we want to give a definition about “Italian Migrant Literature”. There is a difference between writers came in Italy before or after the migration’s fluxes on the 80’s. With this social and cultural changes, Italy became immigration country. First, migrant writers used a standard language, to have a big public and to talk about migration. Last works are more interesting because they use a plurilingualism that can show the relationship between oral and write. Finally, Postcolonial Italian writers and Second Generation writers make a connection with the literary situation in the other countries (France, Germany, Britain, United States).
Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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RUTAR, Sabine. « Kulturelle praxis im multinationalen sozialdemokratischen Milieu in Triest vor dem ersten weltkrieg ». Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5963.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 9 July 2001Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Marina Cattaruzza, Universität Bern ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Höpken, Georg-Eckert-Institut für Schulbuchforschung Braunschweig / Universität Leipzig ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Kaschuba, Humboldt-Universität Berlin ; Prof. Dr. Bo Stråth, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut Florenz
First made available online on 4 May 2018
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SANTARELLI, Lidia. « Guerra e occupazione in Grecia 1940-1943 ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5970.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 March 2005Examining board: Antonis Liakos, U&niversity of Athens ; Anthony Molho, European University Institute ; Paolo Pezzino, Università degli Studi di Pisa ; Raffaele Romanelli, Università degli Studi di Roma "La Sapienza" (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BERTILOTTI, Teresa. « Il palcoscenico della nazione : 1909-1918 ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25194.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, IUE (Supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, IUE (Relatore IUE); Professor Martin Baumeister, Ludwig Maximilians Universität, München (Relatore esterno); Professor Catherine Brice, Université Paris-Est Créteil (Relatore esterno).Defence date: 7 November 2012
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation examines the forms and spaces of entertainment, such as theatres, cinemas and music halls, in Rome between 1911, when celebrations for the 50th anniversary of Italy’s unification took place, and the First World War. This was a time characterized by the emergence of popular and mass culture and by the spread of a specifically nationalist culture that changed dramatically after the war against Libya in 1911. By adopting a broad definition of "culture,” including both high and low culture, this dissertation explores the ways in which a specific theatrical tradition staged the nation’s history, in particular that of the Risorgimento, after Italian unification. It then broadens the analysis to other forms of entertainment. This dissertation argues that the 1909-1911 celebrations were marked by a renewed attention to the "patriotic” tradition, and spurred the emergence of new theatrical and cinematographic productions, which became particularly relevant in the context of the First World War, thus giving substance to the "culture de guerre”. I argue that theatre shows and movies avoided representing the violence and suffering that characterized the war, partly because of the existence of various forms of censorship. However, the presence of wounded bodies among the audience gave way to a dual representation, and transformed theatres, cinemas and music halls into privileged spaces where the war and the domestic front met. By taking into account the case-study of a girls’ school, I show the gendered dimension of civil society mobilization. Finally, this dissertation analyzes the role entertainment played in "building the enemy,” identified with Kultur, and the emergence of a moral discourse about entertainment, which coincided with the spread of popular culture - especially the cinema - and became even stronger and more complex with the outbreak of the First World War.
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ARVIDSSON, Adam. « The making of a consumer society : marketing and modernity in contemporary Italy ». Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5207.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 March 2000Examining board: Prof. Victoria de Grazia (Columbia University) ; Prof. Peppino Ortoleva (Università degli Studi di Siena) ; Prof. Luisa Passerini (EUI- co-supervisor) ; Prof. Gianfranco Poggi (EUI - Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
In this thesis, Adam Arvidsson traces the development of Italy's postmodern consumer culture from the 1920s to the present day. In so doing, Arvidsson argues that the culture of consumption we see in Italy today has its direct roots in the social vision articulated by the advertising industry in the years following the First World War. He then goes on to discuss how that vision was further elaborated by advertising's interaction with subsequent big discourses in Twentieth Century Italy: fascism, post-war mass political parties and the counter-culture of the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a wide range of primary sources, this fascinating book takes an innovative historical approach to the study of consumption.
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PICCIO, Daniela Romeé. « Party responses to social movements : a comparative analysis of Italy and The Netherlands in the 1970s and 1980s ». Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/20063.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 7 December 2011Examining Board: Examining Board: Prof. Donatella Della Porta, European University Institute (supervisor); Prof. László Bruszt, European University Institute; Prof. Rudy Andeweg, Leiden University; Prof. Thomas Poguntke, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf"
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The independent and spontaneous mobilization of social movements during the late 1970s challenged political parties in their very fundamental function of political linkage and has often been deemed a symptom of a crisis of political parties as representative agents. For the first time, it seemed that ‘the political’ extended to other spheres of civil society beyond the traditional party channels. This thesis examines the responses of political parties to social movements in Italy and the Netherlands from the 1970s to the 1980s. Because of their closeness in terms of political identity, social movement scholars have tended to concentrate on the responses of left-wing political parties to social movements. This thesis, which also incorporates this common inquiry, also examines the responses to the social movements of the more distant center-right parties. The major questions that it attempts to answer are: did the observed political parties actually respond to the emergence of social movements? What types of responses did they engage in? What factors explain the variation in the parties’ responses? Each empirical chapter examines the individual party responses to the two most numerically significant social movements that emerged in the Italian and the Dutch national contexts. Drawing on Gamson’s typology of social movements’ success (1975) and on further elaborations of different types of social movements’ ‘impact’, the analysis classifies different party responses by dimension (party discourse and party organization) and type (direct and indirect). Empirical results reveal how, despite the fact that party identity explains variation in the degree to which parties responded to social movements, with parties on the left showing greater responsiveness as compared to center parties, the latter did not remain unaffected by the emergence of social movements. Moreover, results show how also for the case of the leftwing parties, a total adherence to the social movements’ demands did not take place. A two-fold conclusion can be drawn. On the one hand, political parties do channel social movements’ demands, therefore satisfying their function of political representation. On the other hand though, the two worlds of political parties and social movements remain separate, as the inherent constraints of representative government only allow parties to bring forward the social movements’ demands in a mediated form, distant from the movements’ original demands.
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MULLER, Johannes U. « Il partito che non c'era : il partito giovanile liberale Italiano e l'organizzazione della politica borghese in Italia tra liberalismo, nazionalismo e fascismo ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6905.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 June 2006Examining board: Prof. Raffaele Romanelli (Istituto Universitario Europeo)-supervisore ; Prof. Dr. Bo Stråth (Istituto Universitario Europeo) ; Prof. Fulvio Cammarano (Università di Bologna) ; Prof. Dr. Lutz Klinkhammer (Istituto Storico Germanico)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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FRISONE, Anna. « Femminismo sindacale al di là dei confini : l’incontro tra politica sindacale e soggettività femminile, in Italia e in Francia, attraverso la ‘lunga stagione dei movimenti delle donne’ (1968-1983) ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45945.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 31 March 2017Examining Board: Professor Laura Lee Downs (Supervisor EUI); Professor Lucy Riall, EUI; Professor Michelle Zancarini-Fournel, Université Lyon 1; Dr. Maud Bracke, University of Glasgow
Dare una definizione o trovare una collocazione precisa al cosiddetto ‘femminismo sindacale’ è tutto fuorché un’impresa semplice. Come le due citazioni mostrano efficacemente, il suo stesso nome costituisce di per sé un elemento problematico. Il femminismo sindacale, infatti, si sviluppò tra gli anni Settanta ed Ottanta come esito - complesso e nient’affatto ‘risolto’ - all’incrocio tra la critica neofemminista al patriarcato e le lotte operaie che a partire dal decennio precedente avevano tentato di imprimere una svolta in senso progressista ed egualitario ai rapport di produzione tra capitale e lavoro. Le donne che negli anni Settanta si muovevano nello spazio sindacale, come delegate e militanti o semplicemente come lavoratrici, furono profondamente attraversate e coinvolte dalle riflessioni che il neofemminismo internazionale andava allora producendo e scelsero di utilizzarle per risignificare l’esperienza del lavoro dal punto di vista femminile. Il femminismo sindacale costituisce un oggetto di studio affascinante, collocato appunto all’incrocio tra due fenomeni internazionali di indiscussa rilevanza come il movimento delle donne ed il movimento dei lavoratori.
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TIEDTKE, Per. « Co-operation or rivalries at times of crisis ? : Germany, Italy and the international economy 1929-1936 ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40745.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 8 September 2015Examining Board: Professor Youssef Cassis, EUI; Professor Federico Romero, EUI; Professor Joachim Scholtyseck, University of Bonn; Professor Harold James, Princeton University.
When in 1929 the world economy went into crisis, a new approach to international trade and finance appeared on the scene. Characterised by bilateralism, protectionism and autarchy, this approach challenged the idea of liberal free trade. Its main proponents were Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. This thesis is about the role of economic factors in the German-Italian rapprochement under the banner of the fascism. The analysis looks with an institutional approach at three levels: the formulation of foreign economic policies, the implementation by governments, and the execution at the level of businesses. Not only is the bilateral German-Italian commercial relationship analysed, but also co-operation and rivalries between German and Italian government officials, economic experts and business representatives in third-party markets, as well as international organisations (especially the League of Nations) dealing with the crisis. The thesis shows that the "Rome-Berlin Axis", which plunged Europe and the world into the disaster of World War II, was built on economic foundations with serious cracks. Admittedly, Germany's and Italy's mutual economic importance increased notably, while they foreclosed their markets to former trade partners (especially the US). However, the analysis of the institutions governing the trade and its detailed structure indicate without question that this rapprochement followed no economic logic. Germany needed political support for its revisionist plans for Europe and was willing to pay for it. Nevertheless, in third-party markets no concessions were made. Especially in Southeastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean, Nazi Germany harvested what Fascist Italy had sown. To increase market shares, Berlin copied foreign economic policies, developed by the likewise financially strapped Italy. Opportunities for better economic collaboration were given away. Victims of the approach can be found in many areas (e.g., chemicals, cars, artificial fibres) and especially among cross-border business endeavours. The contradictions in the economic rapprochement of the interwar ultra-nationalistic regimes clearly demonstrate the limits of economic nationalism in a globalising world.
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SALVANTE, Martina. « La paternità durante il fascismo : modelli e ruoli del pater familias tra stato e società ». Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10392.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 October 2008Examining Board: Prof. Victoria de Grazia (Columbia University - EUI) - supervisor Prof. Gisela Bock (Freie Universität Berlin) Prof. Giulia Calvi (EUI) Prof. Paul Richard Corner (Università degli Studi di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
No abstract available
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BERTAUX, Sandrine. « Entre ordre social et ordre racial : constitution et développement de la démographie en France et en Italie, de la fin du XIXe siècle à la fin des années cinquante ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5725.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 September 2002Examining board: Victoria De Grazia, Columbia University ; Rémi Lenoir, Université Paris 1 ; Luisa Passerini, Institut Universitaire Européen (directrice de thèse) ; Peter Wagner, Institut Universitaire Européen
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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GOUSSOT, Alain. « Socialistes italiens et socialisme francais (1890-1914) :Etude de quelques aspects politiques et culturels ». Doctoral thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5822.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 9 April 1986Examining board: Prof. Peter Hertner, Directeur de thèse ; Prof. Franco Andreucci ; Robert Devleshouwer ; Prof. Peter Hertner ; Prof. Madeleine Reberioux
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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WILKING, Susanne. « Die Volksschullehrerinnen und ihre Organisationen in Italien von 1860 bis zum ersten Weltkrieg ». Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/26201.
Texte intégral
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PETRI, Rolf. « Autarchia, guerra, zone industriali : continuità e transizione dell'intervento 'straordinario' nell'industria italiana ». Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5938.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 23 March 1988Examining board: Prof. Peter Hertner ; Prof. alan S. Milward ; Prof. Gerd Hardach ; Prof. Silvio Lanaro ; Prof. Giorgio Mori
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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LE, CHENE Monique. « Famille et patrimoine dans un village de montagne d'Italie du Sud (19e et debut 20e siecles) : les successeurs-heritiers masculins a Greci (Campanie) ». Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5878.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 September 1997Examining board: Prof. George Augustins, Université Paris X ; Prof. Giovanni Levi, Université de Venise ; Prof. Gérard Delille, IUE ; Prof. Robert Rowland, ISCTE, Lisbonne (superviseur)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BOARELLI, Mauro. « Militanti comunisti a Bologna : autobiografie e percorsi di formazione tra il fascismo e il 1956 ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5721.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 February 1995Examining board: Prof. Nicola Gallerano, Università di Siena ; Prof. Paul Ginsborg, Università di Firenze ; Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, Martin-Luther Universität/Halle (Supervisore) ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Istituto Universitario Europeo ; Prof. Claudio Pavone, Università di Pisa
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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ALCALDE, Ángel. « War veterans and transnational fascism : from fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to Francoist Spain and Vichy France (1917-1940) ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40810.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 1 June 2015Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ángela Cenarro, Universidad de Zaragoza (External supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, European University Institute; Professor Sven Reichardt, Universität Konstanz.
2016 recipient of the Ivano Tognarini Prize in Contemporary History.
This dissertation explores, from a transnational viewpoint, the historical relationship between war veterans and fascism in interwar Europe. Until now, historians have been roughly divided between those who assume that 'brutalization' (George L. Mosse) led veterans to join fascist movements, and those who stress that most ex-soldiers of the Great War became committed pacifists and internationalists. This dissertation overcomes the inconclusive debates surrounding the 'brutalization' thesis, by proposing a new theoretical and methodological approach, and offering a wider perspective on the history of both fascism and veteran movements. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources in five different languages, this work focuses on the interrelated processes of fascistization and transnationalization of veteran politics in interwar Europe. Firstly, it explains the connection between Italian Fascism and war veterans as the result of a process of symbolic appropriation of the notion of the 'veteran'. Then, it demonstrates that the cross-border circulation of the stereotype of the 'fascist veteran', and the diffusion of the 'myth of the fascist veterans', originating in the March on Rome, were crucial factors in the transnationalization of fascism and the fascistization of veteran politics in the 1920s. Furthermore, in the 1930s, networks of fascist veterans point to the existence of a transnational fascism, while new wars in Ethiopia and Spain strengthened the symbolic connection between veterans and fascism. Finally, the dissertation demonstrates that by 1939-1940, the fascist model of veteran politics was transferred into the new Spanish and French dictatorships. It is not 'brutalization', therefore, but rather a combination of mythical constructs, transfers, political communication, encounters, and networks within a transnational space that explain the relationship between veterans and fascism. Thus, this dissertation offers new insights into the essential ties between fascism and war and contributes to the theorization and conceptualization of transnational fascism.
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VANNINI, Alessandra. « Fascist politics and autarkic economy in a compared perspective : the Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (I.R.I.) and the Instituto Nacional de Industria (I.N.I.), 1933-1959 ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45867.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 March 2017Examining Board: Professor Giovanni Federico, Università di Pisa (EUI Supervisor); Professor Youssef Cassis, European University Institute; Professor Elena San Román López, Universidad Complutense de Madrid; Professor Franco Amatori, Università Bocconi
The research project is centred on Spanish economic policies from 1937 to 1959, which guided the creation and development of the Instituto Nacional de Industria (the Spanish State-owned company, I.N.I. hereafter). Particular attention will be paid to the similarities, or differences, between these policies and those of Fascist Italy during the 1930s until the 1950s, especially as referred to the Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (the Italian State-owned company, I.R.I. hereafter). I aim to capture the analogies between the two public entities, I.N.I. and I.R.I., through the analysis of their financial ratios, statutes, sector investment and production. If it is true that, in Italy, different economic policies were applied all along from the thirties to the fifties, some of them were autarkic. I.R.I can be seen as a reflection of the regime’s will, mirroring, mirroring the evolution of Italian economic policies. Since the different roles of the I.R.I. and its adaptation to the decisionmaking process of the Italian regime have not been considered by the literature that dealt with the I.N.I., especially with respect to the classification of the autarkic models that the I.R.I. was called to apply, my research attempts to identify which of the I.R.I. roles were copied by the I.N.I., and in particular whether it was the ‘war autarkic’ model, adopted by the I.R.I. between 1939 and 1943. Particular attention will also be dedicated to explaining why the creation of the I.N.I. was inspired by the Italian model of the I.R.I. The ultimate purpose of my project will be to provide a new insight on the economic policies of the First Francoism by discussing whether postwar policy in Spain was a continuity of the ‘war autarkic’ policy of the Civil War, and not just a ‘normal autarkic’ policy.
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LEMMES, Fabian. « Arbeiten für das Reich : die Organisation Todt in Frankreich und Italien, 1940-1945 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12040.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defense Date: 10/06/2009Examining Board: Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) - supervisor Prof. Victoria de Grazia (Columbia University, EUI) Prof. Ulrich Herbert (Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg) Prof. Pieter Lagrou (Université Libre de Bruxelles, IHTP Paris)
First made available online: 20 December 2021
Zunächst geplant als Studie über Zwangsarbeit in Frankreich unter deutscher Besatzung, hat sich das Projekt zu einer vergleichenden Untersuchung der Besatzungssituationen in Frankreich und Italien am Beispiel der Organisation Todt entwickelt. Die Präzisierung und Eingrenzung, welche die Arbeit durch die Fokussierung auf die Organisation Todt erfuhr, ging einher mit einer Ausweitung auf drei Ebenen: geographisch, methodisch und in Teilen auch hinsichtlich der Fragestellung (durch die Berücksichtigung institutions- und unternehmensgeschichtlicher Aspekte). Dass ich die Möglichkeit hatte, das Promotionsvorhaben am Europäischen Hochschulinstitut in Florenz durchzuführen, war für diese Entwicklung von entscheidender Bedeutung, denn die Zeit in Florenz hat mir in vielerlei Hinsicht neue Horizonte eröffnet. Ich habe dies immer als Privileg empfunden.
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SPAGNOLO, Carlo. « The Marshall Plan and the stabilization of Western Europe : counterpart funds and corporatist trends in Italy, France and Western Germany (1947-1950) ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5982.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 4 May 1998Examining board: Prof. Werner Abelshauser, University of Bielefeld (external supervisor) ; Prof. Richard T. Griffiths, University of Leiden (supervisor) ; Prof. Charles S. Maier, Harvard University ; Prof. Alan S. Milward, EUI ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, EUI
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Sulla base di un'ampia ricognizione degli archivi americani, francesi, italiani e tedeschi, l'autore avanza un'innovativa interpretazione del piano Marshall e ricostruisce per la prima volta gli effetti sulla vita politica ed economica italiana, individuando i complessi fili che legarono la politica di De Gasperi, l'espansione dell'intervento pubblico, la nascita della Cassa per il Mezzogiorno e le origini dell'integrazione europea.
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TOSCANI, Gerd. « Integrazione europea e interesse nazionale : I repubblicani italiani nei confronti degli inizi del processo d'unificazione europea nel secondo dopoguerra ». Doctoral thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 October 1986Examining board: Prof. Ennio Di Nolfo, Università di Firenze ; Prof. Peter Hertner, Istituto Universitario Europeo ; Prof. Sergio Pistone, Università di Torino ; Prof. Pierre Guillen, Università di Grenoble II
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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GLYNN, Irial. « International trends and national differences in asylum policymaking : Australia, Italy and Ireland compared, 1989-2008 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13276.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 23 November 2009Examining Board: Prof. Jay Winter (Yale) [supervisor]; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI); Prof. Gil Loescher (University of Oxford); Prof. Leo Lucassen (Leiden)
First made available online 20 March 2019
The primary purpose of this interdisciplinary study is to show the value of history in investigating asylum policymaking from 1989 to 2008. Chapter 1 provides a short summary of asylum before 1989. It focuses especially on the power, influence and composition of actors who advocated for generous asylum policies and actors who proposed restrictive asylum policies at crucial times throughout the twentieth century. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 analyse the case studies of Australia, Italy and Ireland. By setting traditional emigration countries against a traditional immigration country, EU countries against a non-EU country, Catholic countries against a multidenominational country, islands against a peninsula, common law states against a civil law state, as well as countries where boat people drove asylum debates against one that lacked boat people, many divergences and convergences emerged. Every country had, to a certain degree, a unique asylum system based on its own history, identity and geography. The comparative Chapter 5 reveals that despite inherent national differences, noticeable international asylum trends also appeared during this period. In contrast to people who applied for asylum during the Cold War, asylum applicants in the 1990s provided limited political and economic returns for receiver states. Accordingly, governing political parties inclined towards the formation of more restrictive asylum policies. But secular and religious NGOs, INGOs and certain opposition political parties loudly protested by referencing humanitarian ideals, national commitments to human rights and the rule of law. Acknowledging the challenges posed by actors sympathetic to asylum seekers, governments in the 2000s attempted to securitize and externalise asylum, reduce the influence of the courts, and expedite the deportation of rejected asylum seekers. The conclusion suggests that governments in Europe, North America and Australasia are likely to build on advances made through the 2000s to restrict asylum even further in the next decade, especially in the wake of the economic crisis of 2008- 09.
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BIGARAN, Mariapia. « Il governo municipale a Trento tra '800 e '900 :ordinamenti, gruppi sociali, politiche ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5722.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 1 March 1996Examining board: Prof. Christof Dipper (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. Peter Hertner, supervisor (Universitaet Halle-Wittenberg) ; Prof. Brigitte Mazchl-Walling (Universitaet Innsbruck) ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, co-supervisor (IUE, Firenze) ; Prof. Fabio Rugge (Università di Pavia)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BULL, Martin J. « The 'Revolution from below' : the Italian Communist Party, the state and regional devolution (1944-1970) ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5232.
Texte intégral
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DEL, HIERRO Pablo. « Beyond bilateralism : Spanish-Italian relations and the influence of the major powers, 1943-1957 ». Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/18398.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 16 June 2011Examining Board: Prof. Kiran Klaus Patel (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Federico Romero (EUI); Prof. Fernando Guirao (University Pompeu Fabra); Prof. Andrew Rotter (Colgate University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this work is to study Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations in the period 1943-1957. However, and in spite of the fact that the question of Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations between 1943 and 1957 will remain at the heart of this research, this is not merely a history of bilateral relations. In fact, the present work contends that this bilateral relationship cannot be studied in isolation and that a broader context is key, in order to obtain a full understanding of it. In this way, this research will also focus on how these two countries responded to the challenges of the post-war period, and how they struggled to pursue a more independent foreign policy with respect to the major powers. Hence, it is clearly important to analyse the degree of influence which Great Britain first and the United States afterwards exerted both in Spain and Italy and over their relations. The role of France will also be scrutinised, although it will be under a different light, since France did not possess the material capabilities to display a hegemonic policy in Western Europe after 1943. However, the French role in Spanish- Italian relations cannot be ignored either, especially after 1950 when the diplomats at the ‘Quai D’Orsay’ began to intervene more actively in the affairs of the two neighbouring states. Therefore, this research will also address the question of how much room for manoeuvre the Spanish and the Italian Governments really had in the diplomatic field. By accomplishing these objectives, the present research will enrich the existing field of scholarship of both the Spanish and Italian foreign policies after the Second World War and, at the same time, it will contribute to obtaining a better understanding of international relations in Western Europe during the post-war period and, especially the role of the major powers.
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PELLITTERI, Paola. « Igea in colonia : biomedicina, istituzioni sanitarie e professioni mediche a Tripoli (1880-1940) ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12033.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 08/06/2009Examining Board: Prof. Ben Ghiat Ruth (New York University); Prof. Conrad Sebastian (EUI); Prof. Haupt Heinz-Gerhard (EUI-supervisor); Prof. Labanca Nicola (Università degli Studi di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Alcune domande, ad esempio, sorgono immediate: perché erano diffuse 'malattie tropicali' in quello spazio geografico, la Tripolitania, che l’immaginario comune italiano usava additare sin dalla guerra di Libia come un caldo, secco e torrido, nella definizione salveminiana, uno 'scatolone di sabbia'? Ma che cosa significava, in fin dei conti, l’espressione 'malattia tropicale'? Perché, ormai già in pieno regime fascista, a viaggiatori e coloni italiani erano consigliate prescrizioni mediche elaborate per il contesto imperiale britannico? Fu preponderante per i medici italiani in colonia l’esempio britannico? E valsero queste prescrizioni a mantenere lontani e distanti i coloni e i viaggiatori italiani dai nativi poveri? Si configurò l’azione sanitaria italiana come uno strumento per persuadere i nativi del 'bene comune' portato dalla colonizzazione italiana? Questa ricerca ha individuato alcune risposte a queste domande e, a sua volta, rilancia e propone altrettanti quesiti. Reinterpreta il progetto coloniale italiano alla luce dell’opera e politica sanitaria e delle istituzioni sanitarie messe in atto dalle autorità liberali e fasciste coloniali. Realizza questo adottando una principale prospettiva, potremmo dire, stato-centrica, incentrata sull’analisi critica di figure e istituzioni emanazione del potere coloniale. Un primo motivo dell’adozione di questa prospettiva analitica rimanda allo stato attuale degli studi esistenti su questo problema storiografico con i quali è stato possibile tracciare confronti, un secondo motivo rimanda alla problematica della reperibilità di documentazione storica alla quale si è potuto far riferimento. La scelta di questa prospettiva analitica potrà sembrare o, in altre parole, costituire, un limite di questo studio. Qualora è risultato possibile si ha avuto cura, però, di incorporare prospettive non statocentriche nella narrazione storica. Altri studiosi, ad esempio, hanno prestato attenzione alla comprensione di come la popolazione locale nativa organizzò proprie strutture di assistenza sanitaria. Si ritiene, d’altra parte, che per comprendere molti degli sforzi per rendere egemonica la biomedicina nella Quarta Sponda sia necessario guardare ai fallimenti, agli scarti ed alle fenditure interne che caratterizzarono la stessa biomedicina, all’implementazione di politiche sanitarie che ebbero come oggetto la 'malattia tropicale', all’operato dei medici italiani nelle strutture sanitarie ed ai processi di negoziazione in essa inscritti. A questo proposito, fin da ora, si vuole sottolineare che, nel corso di questa tesi, si sono seguite le tracce professionali e biografiche lasciate da molti medici attivi nel contesto della Tripoli coloniale. Non si è trattato, peraltro, di adottare un approccio prosopografico, quanto piuttosto di ricomporre degli elementi che individuino delle 'biografie collettive' che mettano in evidenza gli elementi di inerzia e non solo la razionalità presente nelle scelte degli attori storici.
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CATASTINI, Francesco. « Antifascismo, resistenza e scelta in due comunità toscane : Roccastrada e Calenzano, 1922-1944 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14696.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 20 September 2010Examining Board: Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt (EUI) – Supervisor; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI); Prof. Philippe Buton (Université de Reims); Prof. Simone Neri Serneri (Università di Siena)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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MARQUES, Tiago Pires. « Mussolini’s nose. A transnational history of the penal code of fascism ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7768.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 June 2007Examining Board: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute (EUI) ; Prof. Christian Joerges, (European University Institute); Prof. Dario Melossi, (University of Bologna); Prof. António M. Hespanha, (New University of Lisbon)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The analysis in the thesis unfold in three steps. It departs from a set of inquiries on the several discursive threads that intersected in the process of criminal codification in Italy, which, due to their eminently transnational nature, are rooted on a plane that goes beyond the strict Italian case (Part I). It then focuses on the process of criminal codification proper under fascism (Part II). Lastly, in Part III, the penal question is again addressed as a transnational theme, an operation that allows us to grasp the meaning of these juridico-penal institutions in terms of the political and social dimensions that underlie their fabric.
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ZAMPONI, Lorenzo. « Memory in action : mediatised public memory and the symbolic construction of conflict in student movements ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/36977.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 July 2015Examining Board: Professor Donatella Della Porta, EUI and Scuola Normale Superiore (Supervisor); Professor William A. Gamson, Boston College; Professor Ron Eyerman, Yale University; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI.
Cultural factors shape the symbolic environment in which contentious politics take place. Among these factors, collective memories are particularly relevant: they can help collective action by providing symbolic material from the past, but at the same time they can constrain people's ability to mobilise by imposing proscriptions and prescriptions. In my research I analyse the relationship between social movements and collective memories: how do social movement participate in the building of public memory? And how does public memory, and in particular the media representation of a contentious past, influence the social construction of identity in the contemporary movements? To answer these questions I focus on the student movements in Italy and Spain, analysing the content and format of media sources in order to draw a map of the different narrative representations of a contentious past, while I use qualitative interviews to investigate their influence on contemporary mobilisations. In particular, I focus on the evolution of the representation of specific events in the Italian and Spanish student movements of the 1960s and 1970s in the different public fields, identifying the role of terrorism and political transitions in shaping in the present the publicly discussed image of the past. The thesis draws on a qualitative content analysis of media material, tracing the phases of the commemoration, putting it in historical context, and attempting to reconstruct the different mechanisms of contentious remembrance. Furthermore, I refer to interviews conducted with contemporary student activists in order to assess the relationship between the public memory of a contentious past and the strategic choices of contemporary movements.
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NACCI, Michela. « La barbarie del confort : L'anti-americanismo in Francia e in Italia negli anni trenta ». Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5913.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 1 June 1988Examining board: Claude Fohlen ; Luigi Marino ; Pierre Milza ; Paolo Rossi ; Stuart J. Woolf (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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KLINGER, William. « Negotiating the nation : Fiume, from autonomism to state making (1848-1924) ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10434.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 23 November 2007Examining Board: Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, La Sapienza University, Rome ; Prof. Marina Cattaruzza, University of Bern ; Prof. Drago Roksandić, University of Zagred ; Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt, EUI-HEC
This thesis is made available in Open Access in October 2018 as requested and wanted by the family of the author who tragically was killed on 31 January 2015. It is his family’s desire that the author’s research is open and available to all.
no abstract available