Articles de revues : « Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004) »

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Kwiecień, Roman. « The Primacy of European Union Law over National Law Under the Constitutional Treaty ». German Law Journal 6, n^o 11 (1 novembre 2005) : 1479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014450.

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The primacy of Community law over national law of the EC/EU Member States was recognized as one of the constitutive principles of the Community legal order as early as before the signing of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe on 29 October 2004. The primacy principle together with the principles of direct effect and of uniform applicability are believed to constitute not only the foundation of effectiveness of the Community legal order but also play the role of the pillars of the unofficial European Constitution. The primacy principle is even seen as the embodiment of actual transfer of constitutional power to Europe.

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Vogel, Joachim. « The European Integrated Criminal Justice System and its Constitutional Framework ». Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 12, n^o 2 (juin 2005) : 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x0501200202.

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This article discusses the concept of the integrated European criminal justice system and its constitutional framework (as it stands now and as laid down in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome on 29 October 2004). It argues that European integration does not stop short of criminal justice. Integration does not mean that Member States and their legal systems, including their criminal justice systems, are being abolished or centralised or unified. Rather, they are being integrated through co-operation, co-ordination and harmonisation; centralisation, respectively unification, is a means of integration only in specific sectors such as the protection of the European Communities' financial interests. The article further argues that the integrated European criminal justice system is in need of a constitutional framework. The present framework suffers from major deficiencies. However, the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe will introduce a far better, all in all satisfactory, ‘criminal law constitution’.

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Dashwood, Alan. « The Draft EU Constitution—First Impressions ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 5 (2003) : 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802784270.

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The convention on the Future of Europe, which came together in the spring of 2002, completed its work in June 2003. In the event, the various tasks that were set for the Convention by the Laeken Declaration of December 2001 on the Future of the European Union came to be subsumed in the overall task of devising a Constitution for the Union. A sufficient degree of consensus was achieved by the Convention to enable its President, Mr Valery Giscard d’Estaing, to present the outcome of the deliberations of the past 15 months, in the form of a Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, to the European Council of Thessaloniki. So it is through the proposed Constitutional Treaty (referred to hereinafter as ‘the Convention text’) that the specific objectives identified in the Nice and Laeken Declarations, such as those of re-legitimating the Union order and rendering the primary law of the Union more comprehensible to its subjects, now fall to be achieved.

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Dashwood, Alan. « The Draft EU Constitution—First Impressions ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 5 (2003) : 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000004407.

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The convention on the Future of Europe, which came together in the spring of 2002, completed its work in June 2003. In the event, the various tasks that were set for the Convention by the Laeken Declaration of December 2001 on the Future of the European Union came to be subsumed in the overall task of devising a Constitution for the Union. A sufficient degree of consensus was achieved by the Convention to enable its President, Mr Valery Giscard d’Estaing, to present the outcome of the deliberations of the past 15 months, in the form of a Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, to the European Council of Thessaloniki. So it is through the proposed Constitutional Treaty (referred to hereinafter as ‘the Convention text’) that the specific objectives identified in the Nice and Laeken Declarations, such as those of re-legitimating the Union order and rendering the primary law of the Union more comprehensible to its subjects, now fall to be achieved.

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Yataganas, Xenophon, et George Tsebelis. « The Treaty of Nice, the Convention Draft and the Constitution for Europe Under a Veto Players Analysis ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, n^o 3 (octobre 2005) : 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605004293.

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Triple majority for changing the status quo in Treaty of Nice (2001): qualified majority of weighted votes, majority of countries, qualified majority of the population. Convention proposal (2003): requirements from three to two by dropping the qualified majority of weighted votes and reducing the qualified majority threshold of the population from 62% to 60%. Important consequences for the political institutions of the Union: 1) facilitates political decision-making; 2) reduces relative weight of governments participating in the Council and increases the importance of the European Parliament; 3) reduces the role of the judiciary and bureaucracies in the Union in favor of the political process. Consequences of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome 29 October 2004. Exactly in the middle between Nice and the European Convention.

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VAN GERVEN, WALTER. « The European Union institutions in the draft Constitution for Europe ». European Review 12, n^o 4 (octobre 2004) : 465–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000419.

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This paper deals with the Institutions of the European Union in the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (hereinafter: ‘the draft Constitution’) submitted to the European Council meeting in Thessaloniki on 20 June 2003. It describes these institutions and their task from a perspective of the Union's democratic legitimacy. The paper is based on a book entitled The European Union: a Polity of States and Peoples, which will be published by Stanford University Press and Hart Publishing, Oxford. In this book, I examine the democratic legitimacy of the European Union as a whole. The book parts from the proposition that the Union is a ‘body politic’ which develops into a federal system, however not a State, with a parliamentary consensual (non-majoritarian) form of government. In the meantime, the draft Treaty has been amended by the Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC) held in Brussels on 17/18 June 2004. In so far as the amendments relate to the subject of this paper, they are mentioned below in the text or the endnotes.

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Arnull, Anthony. « A Constitutional Court for Europe ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004) : 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802759502.

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The purpose of this article is to consider the effect of the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe on the European Court of Justice (ECJ). At the time of writing, the future of the draft Constitution is somewhat uncertain. Having been finalised by the Convention on the Future of Europe in the summer of 2003 and submitted to the then President of the European Council, it formed the basis for discussion at an intergovernmental conference (IGC) which opened in October 2003. Hopes that the text might be finalised by the end of the year were dashed when a meeting of the IGC in Brussels in December 2003 ended prematurely amid disagreement over the weighting of votes in the Council. However, it seems likely that a treaty equipping the European Union with a Constitution based on the Convention’s draft will in due course be adopted and that the provisions of the draft dealing with the ECJ will not be changed significantly. Even if either assumption proves misplaced, those provisions will remain of interest as reflecting one view of the position the ECJ might occupy in a constitutional order of the Union.

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Arnull, Anthony. « A Constitutional Court for Europe ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004) : 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003554.

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The purpose of this article is to consider the effect of the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe on the European Court of Justice (ECJ). At the time of writing, the future of the draft Constitution is somewhat uncertain. Having been finalised by the Convention on the Future of Europe in the summer of 2003 and submitted to the then President of the European Council, it formed the basis for discussion at an intergovernmental conference (IGC) which opened in October 2003. Hopes that the text might be finalised by the end of the year were dashed when a meeting of the IGC in Brussels in December 2003 ended prematurely amid disagreement over the weighting of votes in the Council. However, it seems likely that a treaty equipping the European Union with a Constitution based on the Convention’s draft will in due course be adopted and that the provisions of the draft dealing with the ECJ will not be changed significantly. Even if either assumption proves misplaced, those provisions will remain of interest as reflecting one view of the position the ECJ might occupy in a constitutional order of the Union.

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Benz, Arthur. « The European Union’s Trap of Constitutional Politics : From the Convention Towards the Failure of the Treaty of Lisbon ». Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, n^o 1, 2 & 3 (11 juillet 2011) : 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c92h3w.

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In a national referendum held on 12 June 2008, 53.4 percent of Irish citizens voted “no” to the Treaty of Lisbon. As its provisions require ratification by all member states, the Irish vote marks a further setback for attempts at consti- tutional reform of the European Union (EU). The Lisbon reform treaty, officially entitled the Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on Euro- pean Union and the Treaty establishing the Eu- ropean Community,1 was signed by the prime ministers and presidents of EU member states in December 2007. It was the result of a pro- cess set in motion by the European Council in a meeting held in Laeken, Belgium in December 2001. Intended to make the “ever closer union” more democratic, and to facilitate the adjust- ment of European institutions to the new po- litical situation brought on by the accession to the EU of Central and Eastern European states, the “Laeken Council” issued a declaration trig- gering efforts to constitutionalize the European Union. To this end, a reform process was ini- tiated involving a body called the Convention on the Future of Europe (Convention), made up of European and member state government representatives and parliamentarians.2 This re- form process resulted in the recommendation in 2003 of a draft Treaty Establishing a Constitu- tion for Europe (Constitutional Treaty),3 which was subsequently approved by the Intergovern- mental Conference and the European Council in Rome in October 2004. Despite several mem- ber states ratifying the Constitutional Treaty, it was rejected by popular referenda in France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2005. At that time, and in view of the obvious risks to ratifi- cation in some other member states, the process of constitutionalization ground to a halt.

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JÁUREGUI BERECIARTU, GURUTZ, et JUAN IGNACIO UGARTEMENDIA ECEIZABARRENA. « EUROPA EN EL LECHO DE PROCUSTO : DE LA CONSTITUCIÓN EUROPEA AL TRATADO DE LISBOA ». Revista Vasca de Administración Pública / Herri-Arduralaritzarako Euskal Aldizkaria, n^o 79 (1 décembre 2007) : 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.79.2007.1.04.

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Estas páginas están dedicadas a realizar un análisis de las principales características del «Tratado por el que se modifican el Tratado de la Unión Europea y el Tratado Constitutivo de la Comunidad Europea», texto aprobado en Lisboa, el 13 de diciembre de 2007, por los Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de los veintisiete Estados miembros de la Unión Europea con la intención de que, una vez sea ratificado, entre en vigor a principios de 2009. Se trata, en cualquier caso, de un análisis de carácter general, que se articula comparando dicho Tratado de reforma con el texto de la non nata «Constitución Europea» (2004), texto, este último, del que asume o mimetiza gran parte del contenido aunque no así su formulación y carácter constitucional. Orri hauetan «Europar Batasunaren Ituna eta Europako Erkidegoa Eratzeko Ituna aldatzeko Ituna» delako dokumentuaren bereizgarri nagusiak aztertuko ditugu. Erreforma-dokumentu hori 2007ko abenduaren 13an onetsi zuten Lisboan, Europar Batasuneko hogeita zazpi estatu kideetako estatuburuek eta gobernuburuek sinatuta, berrespena lortu ondoren, 2009. urte hasieran indarrean jartzeko asmoz. Edonola ere, azterketa orokorra izango da gurea, eta erreforma-ituna eta «Europar Batasuneko Konstituzio (2004)» sortugabea alderatuz egingo dugu. Izan ere, erreforma-ituna hein handi batean Europar Batasunaren konstituzio-dokumentu horren edukian oinarritzen bada ere, ezberdina da formulazioari edo izaera konstituzionalari dagokionez. These pages are devoted to analyze the main characteristics of the «Treaty amending the Treaty of the European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community» signed in Lisbon on 13 December 2007 by the Heads of State and Government from the twenty seven Member states with the aim, once ratified, of entering into force by the beginning of 2009. It is in any case a general analysis built on the basis of comparing that aforementioned Treaty of amendment with the provisions of the non nata «European Constitution» (2004). And from this later text takes or copies in a large extent the contents although not its formulation and constitutional nature.

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Castillo de la Torre, Fernando. « Tribunal Constitucional (Spanish Constitutional Court), Opinion 1/2004 of 13 December 2004, on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Common Market Law Review 42, Issue 4 (1 août 2005) : 1169–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2005033.

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Patrono, Mario. « The Political Unity of Europe : A Dream or a Reality in the Making ? » Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 35, n^o 2 (1 août 2004) : 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v35i2.5646.

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The political unity of Europe is something that most people today see as purely hypothetical, or at the very least, remote: the future appearance on the world stage of a Europe unified politically as well as economically; a Europe that will at last have become a unitary political entity. Many (but not the author) exclude it from the ambit of current political possibility. For some, it is desirable; for others, frightening. This paper considers the "when", and the "if", of European unification – questions to which the eventual coming into force of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, the text of which was agreed toon 18 June 2004, does not provide an answer.

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Dufour, Pascale. « The Mobilization Against the 2005 Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe : AFrenchMobilization for Another Europe ». Social Movement Studies 9, n^o 4 (novembre 2010) : 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2010.522310.

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Ronkes Agerbeek, Felix, et Loïc Azoulai. « Conseil constitutionnel (French Constitutional Court), Decision No. 2004-505 DC of 19 November 2004, on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Common Market Law Review 42, Issue 3 (1 juin 2005) : 871–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2005018.

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Eklof, Tony. « The Coming together of the Nations of Europe : Sources of Information ». International Journal of Legal Information 29, n^o 2 (2001) : 355–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073112650000946x.

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The title of this paper comes from the famous ‘Schuman Declaration’ of 1950, which signaled the placing of Franco-German production of coal and steel under a single High Authority. It is quite astonishing that from this humble beginning, evolved the European Union of today. The phrase takes on new relevance as the Treaty of Nice paves the way for the biggest single enlargement of the European Union. The current Treaty, completes the Intergovernmental Conference which began in February, 2000. The founding treaties, signed in Paris and Rome in 1951 and 1957 respectively, and the amending treaties, most notably the Treaty on European Union, (Maastricht), and the Treaty of Amsterdam, form the Constitution of the European Union. It is important to note that while the earlier treaties concentrated on economic integration, the later treaties have shifted towards political questions. Bibliographic references to the various treaties have become quite complicated because the Treaty of Amsterdam brought about a renumbering of the articles to both the Treaty on European Union (EU) and the Treaty establishing the European Community (EC).

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Homa, Tomasz. « Dobro wspólne czy interesy ? » Politeja 17, n^o 1(64) (26 février 2020) : 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.64.11.

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The Common Good or the Interest? In Search for the Founding Stones of the Modern Society: Case Study – European Union The philosophical reflection on the common good, as one of the primary normative principles, and in this sense also the “founding stones” of a well-structured social life, has a multifaceted, diverse range of proposed approaches and solutions and a well-documented output. Bearing in mind the centuries-long theoretical and practical importance and validity of this concept in the European thought and practice of socially and politically organized collective life, the subject of my reflections is to raise the question of the cognitive and normative importance and validity of this concept for today’s Europe in the context of the European Union project contained in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, signed on October 29, 2004 in Rome.

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DURLINGER, Eva. « Understanding Dutch Attitudes to European Integration in the Early 2000s Through the Referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty ». Journal of European Integration History 25, n^o 2 (2019) : 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-2-225.

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On 1st June 2005, Dutch citizens rejected the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (ECT) in a referendum. Reasons for this rejection have been explored in previous studies on media framing. In these studies, scholars contend that the media influence citizens’ voting behaviour through the manner in which the news is depicted. This article aims at uncovering qualitatively what frames two Dutch newspapers, NRC Handelsblad and de Volkskrant, used to report on the referendum and why. In this manner, it adds to the existing understanding of the influence of the media coverage on the Dutch electorate. The results show that the responsibility frame is the most salient frame in the news coverage on the referendum on the ECT, indicating that newspapers discussed the referendum on the ECT in terms of the invisibility of debate on Europe in general and the incumbent government’s failure to provide sufficient and reliable information on the ECT. This is striking with regard to the fact that most authors attribute the rejection to a rise in Euroscepticism or discontent with the speed and direction of the integration process.

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Rosentau, Mario. « The General Data Protection Regulation and its Violation of EU Treaties ». Juridica International 27 (30 septembre 2018) : 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/ji.2018.27.03.

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While the EU General Data Protection Regulation, which entered force on 25 May, is generally good and necessary in its vigorous protection of the fundamental rights of self‑determination and identity of European people, the article identifies a core issue that has gone unnoticed: the GDPR violates EU treaties. It is, at base, a ‘European law’, yet European laws are banned under the TEU and TFEU. The article examines the background for this conflict. The ambitious plan for ratification of 2003’s draft treaty establishing a constitution for Europe fell at the first hurdle in 2005. The draft Constitution envisaged a legislative innovation: the European law and European framework law, directly applicable in the Member States and superior to them. These legal instruments, envisaged as replacing EU regulations, could readily be cited as a major federalist pillar of the draft. Yet there would be no European laws – they were rejected with the draft constitution in the 2005 referenda, and the current treaties do not foresee any law-like European legislation. The author outlines the GDPR’s nature as a European law thus: the regulation 1) potentially concerns all residents of Europe, albeit by adding to the rights of individuals and protecting their freedoms; 2) addresses virtually all legal entities and undertakings acting, physically or through a network, in the European judicial area; 3) addresses the Member States and the EU itself; 4) and has cross-border applicability and covers the whole EU. Furthermore, its reach extends to service providers outside the EU if their service targets EU data subjects. There are substantial impacts on subjects on whom obligations are substantial. Hence, the author concludes that the GDPR’s scope, depth, and impacts exceed all the limits that the EU treaties permit for regulations. Furthermore, the treaties do not even know the term ‘general regulation’. Since the GDPR possesses the characteristics of a ‘European law’ – and even is ‘seamlessly’ positioned in a place reserved by the draft EU Constitution for the ‘European law on data protection’ – while such laws have been rejected, a key issue is highlighted: how deep an EU-level political integration and relinquishment of the individual European nations’ sovereignty do the Member States actually want? For instance, most analyses of the causes of Brexit cite loss of sovereignty of the UK as one of the main factors in the decision. The author concludes that, since the GDPR is with us to stay, amendment of the EU treaties can no longer be avoided. Noble objectives cannot justify infringements of the present ‘European Constitution’ and the constitutions of the Member States.

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Council of the European Union. « Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Journal of Democracy 14, n^o 4 (2003) : 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2003.0089.

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Auer, Andreas. « Adoption, Ratification and Entry Into Force ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, n^o 1 (12 octobre 2004) : 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605001318.

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The provision relating to the adoption, ratification and entry into force of the Treaty establishing the Constitution for Europe is probably one of the most difficult ones, both in legal and political terms. It is supposed to define the legal nature and quality of the entire EU process in its present and future phase. There is an inherent ambiguity about the legal nature of the treaty, which is already apparent in the title, and there are profound political implications as well. Is the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe a treaty or a constitution? Can it be both or neither? These are hard questions indeed.

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Closa, Carlos. « Constitution and Democracy in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». European Public Law 11, Issue 1 (1 mars 2005) : 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2005010.

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Klabbers, Jan, et Päivi Leino. « Death by Constitution ? The Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». German Law Journal 4, n^o 12 (1 décembre 2003) : 1293–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220001213x.

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It has been argued that the best possible constitution is a short constitution. If so, then the Draft treaty establishing a constitution for Europe is a spectacular failure: at more than 250 pages, comprising some 450 articles and a handful of protocols and declarations, the Draft constitution is anything but short.

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Dashwood, Alan. « The EU Constitution—What Will Really Change ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 7 (2005) : 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802730855.

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So much disinformation about the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe—‘the Constitutional Treaty’, as I shall call it—has been disseminated by the media in this country (and not only here) that there is an urgent need to put the record straight. I am going to tackle the problem in two ways: first, by trying to assuage some false and exaggerated fears of changes that are either fictional or minor; and, secondly, by evaluating what seem to me to be the main changes the Constitutional Treaty is designed genuinely to bring about.

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Dashwood, Alan. « The EU Constitution—What Will Really Change ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 7 (2005) : 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000004493.

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So much disinformation about the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe—‘the Constitutional Treaty’, as I shall call it—has been disseminated by the media in this country (and not only here) that there is an urgent need to put the record straight. I am going to tackle the problem in two ways: first, by trying to assuage some false and exaggerated fears of changes that are either fictional or minor; and, secondly, by evaluating what seem to me to be the main changes the Constitutional Treaty is designed genuinely to bring about.

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Schwarze, Jürgen. « Guest Editorial : The Convention’s Draft Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe ». Common Market Law Review 40, Issue 5 (1 octobre 2003) : 1037–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2003057.

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Skeet, Charlotte. « Gender and 'modern' constitutionalism : the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 58, n^o 2 (11 août 2020) : 142–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v58i2.860.

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Fabio, Udo Di. « The European Constitutional Treaty : An Analysis ». German Law Journal 5, n^o 8 (1 août 2004) : 945–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012980.

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The European Union takes on a new look. The Constitutional Treaty, which was agreed by the heads of State or Government on 18 June 2004, will, admittedly, not reinvent Europe, but it will establish a new foundation for Europe. It is true that originally the Constitutional Treaty was only supposed to improve Europe's legal bases and to make the European idea and the institutions of the European Union more accessible to the citizens. However, through the concept of a Constitution alone, the Constitutional Treaty has created a vigorous political impulse, and has marked a new level of Europe's identity. The use of the term “Constitution,” however, also gives rise to ideas, hopes and fears that in some cases need to be corrected.

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Kornobis-Romanowska, Dagmara. « Developments in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice brought about by the Constitutional Treaty ». German Law Journal 6, n^o 11 (1 novembre 2005) : 1623–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014565.

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The main purpose of this paper is to consider the impact of the Treaty establishing the Constitution for Europe (hereinafter: the Constitutional Treaty or CT) on the realization of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (hereinafter: the Area or AFSJ). The paper has two parts. The first part deals with the Area in current law, whereas the second part focuses on the provisions of the Constitutional Treaty concerning the Area.

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Rojewska, Marta. « Geneza Europejskiej Służby Działań Zewnętrznych – główne koncepcje i debata od uchwalenia traktatu z Lizbony do zakończenia procesu prawodawczego (listopad 2010 r.) ». Przegląd Europejski, n^o 2-2014 (28 septembre 2014) : 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.14.3.

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This article examines the genesis of the European External Action Service (EEAS) between 2007 and 2010. The idea of the creation of the EU diplomacy appeared during the works of the European Convention in 2002. However, the process of creation of the EEAS had been suspended for more than two years as a result of the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty. In 2007, the debate was re-opened because of the Treaty of Lisbon adoption. This article analyses the most important documents and events between the adoption of the Treaty and 2010 when the secondary legislation establishing the organisation and functioning of the European External Action Service was adopted by the Council.

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Türk, Alexander. « The Concept of the “Legislative” Act in the Constitutional Treaty ». German Law Journal 6, n^o 11 (1 novembre 2005) : 1555–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014504.

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The constitutionalism of the Community legal order as an evolutionary process of transforming an international organisation into a constitutional legal order has found its latest expression in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe. This document evokes the language of the constitutional state when it refers to “this Constitution” in Article I-1 and expresses its gratitude to the “European Convention for having prepared the draft of this Constitution on behalf of the citizens and States of Europe.” However, ambiguity is not far behind. The length of the document resembles a carefully drafted prenuptial agreement rather than a constitutional text. Moreover, the reference to the Constitution cannot disguise the fact that it has been adopted as an international treaty in the usual procedure of an Intergovernmental Conference and will have to be ratified by each and every Member State to enter into force.

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Shaw, Jo. « Legal and political sources of the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe ». Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 55, n^o 3 (6 août 2020) : 214–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v55i3.771.

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Law, John. « Right Product, Wrong Packaging : Not 'Constitution', but 'Constitutional Charter' ». Journal of Contemporary European Research 3, n^o 1 (26 avril 2007) : 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v3i1.29.

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The article seeks to locate the principal cause of Europe’s prevailing ratification crisis in the inappropriate title arrived at in the European Convention, Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe. This over-ambitious styling led the media to characterise the text as simply an ‘EU Constitution’. Yet, the text was not a Constitution as we traditionally understand the term, i.e. the founding document of a State: scholars are agreed that the EU is not, and will not become upon ratification, a State. In terms of substance, whilst the text certainly strengthened some emerging constitutional aspects, it was not a major departure from the status quo like the Single European Act and Treaty on European Union had been; and it remained technically a treaty like all its predecessors. Arguably, therefore, it did not require referenda to ratify. However, confusion over the scale and importance of what was proposed, stemming from ambiguity in the title, pushed politicians down this unfortunate path. The article identifies a high level of consensus among commentators as to the true nature of the text: most are happy designating it a treaty (noun) with constitutional (adjective) aspects. The early proposed title Constitutional Treaty for Europe was arguably, therefore, the correct one; but it is now too late to choose this option, as the terms Constitution and Constitutional Treaty have already been muddled in debate. A more distinctive change is required. One idea could be to follow the principle employed elsewhere in the text of codifying the generally accepted but presently unwritten legal concepts of the European Court of Justice, as was done for example for ‘primacy’ and ‘direct effect’. The Court has characterised the EU treaties as a ‘constitutional charter’ for over twenty years now, and on this basis a modified title could read Treaty Establishing a Constitutional Charter for Europe. Importantly, the term ‘charter’ is recognised in international law to be of the order of a treaty between States. The critical failing first time round was the mixing of concepts in the title, which misled and confused the public as to the location of Statehood and sovereignty, and secured a negative reception. It is therefore the title, not the substance of the document, that politicians should presently be seeking to correct.

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Bast, Jürgen. « The Constitutional Treaty as a Reflexive Constitution ». German Law Journal 6, n^o 11 (1 novembre 2005) : 1433–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014425.

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The “Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe” elicits divergent scholarly responses. An apologetic view holds that it is the best of all possible constitutions, given the current constellations of political forces. Such a viewpoint is countered by a mixed choir of critics for whom the document is simply another treaty, a “nostalgic project,” or a merely “semantic constitution.” Some even believe that the recourse to constitutional rhetoric endangers the rational substance of the European status quo; others fear that this very conceptuality could be damaged. The present chapter endeavors to find a third approach. It offers a critical stance as regards the unfortunate, phraseological, sometimes even ideological language of the Constitutional Treaty. Simultaneously, the constitutional text is taken seriously in its normative statements. This approach aims to reconstruct the document from a point of view which depicts it, despite its contradictions, as a project with a rightful place in the tradition of Western constitutionalism.

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Adamski, Dariusz. « Europes (misguided) constitution of economic prosperity ». Common Market Law Review 50, Issue 1 (1 février 2013) : 47–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2013004.

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The article discusses the institutional framework for three important economic policies - macroeconomic governance, cohesion policy and innovation policy - and examines their relationship with the generally inauspicious economic outlook of the European Union. It explains in particular how the newly established excessive imbalance procedure has been practicallydisabled by political forces, why the regions benefitting from the cohesion policy for a long time have seriously contributed to the ongoing economic crisis, and why the EU innovation policy finds it very difficult to support a harmonious development of the Union.The article also pays attention to thosedevelopmentswhich are particularly important for economic growth in the EU but still remain outside the mainstream economic policies. Necessary adjustments establishing a more credible framework of economic prosperity - the contribution argues - are primarily hindered by domestic politics and democratic dynamics rather than by Treaty constraints.Economic prospects of the EU will remain gloomy unless this political constitution is properly altered.

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von Bogdandy, Armin. « The European constitution and European identity : Text and subtext of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe ». International Journal of Constitutional Law 3, n^o 2-3 (1 mai 2005) : 295–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moi021.

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Saunders, Cheryl. « Democracy, Transparency and the Apparent Demise of the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 8 (2006) : 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802731214.

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The failure of any constitution-making process is deeply disappointing for some and a source of satisfaction for others. The satisfaction of the latter may be short, or at least not long-lived, however, if it subsequently turns out that the changes were necessary, or even demonstrably useful. Initial failure in a constitutional project is relatively common, for reasons that range from the difficulty of the process to the novelty and perceived significance of the issues at stake. Experience suggests, however, that, at least where the rationale for the constitutional proposals was sufficiently soundly based, failure may not be the end of the story. It follows that it makes sense to take stock after such an event: to identify what is lost that was of value; to determine what, if anything, might be improved, if another constitutional moment presents itself; and to consider whether constitutionalisation should be attempted again, or whether other mechanisms can be used instead.

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Saunders, Cheryl. « Democracy, Transparency and the Apparent Demise of the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 8 (2006) : 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s152888700000464x.

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The failure of any constitution-making process is deeply disappointing for some and a source of satisfaction for others. The satisfaction of the latter may be short, or at least not long-lived, however, if it subsequently turns out that the changes were necessary, or even demonstrably useful. Initial failure in a constitutional project is relatively common, for reasons that range from the difficulty of the process to the novelty and perceived significance of the issues at stake. Experience suggests, however, that, at least where the rationale for the constitutional proposals was sufficiently soundly based, failure may not be the end of the story. It follows that it makes sense to take stock after such an event: to identify what is lost that was of value; to determine what, if anything, might be improved, if another constitutional moment presents itself; and to consider whether constitutionalisation should be attempted again, or whether other mechanisms can be used instead.

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Hable, Angelika. « Reflections on the reform of competences in the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe ». Regional & ; Federal Studies 15, n^o 2 (juin 2005) : 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560500115402.

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Pernice, Ingolf. « European v. National Constitutions ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, n^o 1 (12 octobre 2004) : 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605000994.

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In federal systems public authority is established by the people and exercised for the people at two levels. The treaties establishing the European Union may be conceptualised as the constitution of a supranational public authority, part of a federal system. And what the European Convention has submitted to the European Council to agree upon is an attempt to give this constitution a more coherent, more complete and more appealing form. The new ‘Constitution for Europe’ will be concluded, formally, by an international treaty. But governments and national parliaments will do this on behalf of the citizens of the Union, and insofar as national Constitutions provide for a referendum, the citizens will directly be involved. This Constitution will, therefore, like national constitutions, draw its legitimacy from the people, citizens of the polity, through their constitutional representatives. Legitimacy obtained is similar to that sought for a regular treaty but specific due to the contents and the explicit constitutional claim of the instrument.

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Zoller, Elisabeth. « The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe and the Democratic Legitimacy of the European Union ». Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 12, n^o 2 (2005) : 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gls.2005.0029.

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Zoller. « The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe and the Democratic Legitimacy of the European Union ». Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 12, n^o 2 (2005) : 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/gls.2005.12.2.391.

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Nastic, Maja. « Human rights in the European Union constitution ». Medjunarodni problemi 58, n^o 1-2 (2006) : 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0602104n.

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The paper deals with the innovations the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe brings into the field of human rights. One of them is incorporation of the Charter of Fundamental Rights into the very Constitution. In this way, a political declaration adopted in Nice has become a legal document, achieving also constituionalisation of fundamental rights at the Union level. Secondly, there is an explicit possibility for the EU to accede the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Within that context the author considers the relationship between the Charter of Human Rights and the European Convention, as well as the relationship between the two courts: the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice.

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Roobol, W. H. « Federalism, Sovereignty, etc. » European Constitutional Law Review 1, n^o 1 (12 octobre 2004) : 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605000878.

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For the first time in history, the aspiration to ‘an ever closer union’ between European peoples (not states) was laid down in the Treaty of Rome of 1957. The same idea has now found expression in the preamble to the Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe: ‘Convinced that, while remaining proud of their own national identities and history, the peoples of Europe are determined to transcend their ancient divisions and, united ever more closely, to forge a common destiny’. However, as is usual in politics, the precise meaning of this formula is left unclear. Can pride of national identity and history go together with the forging of a common destiny? Without trying to answer this question, this short article looks at whether (a) European history, (b) the wording of the proposed treaty itself and (c) the international context can give some clues as to where forging a common destiny between the peoples of Europe might lead in a constitutional sense. Will the Union develop into a more or less centralised entity that resembles a state or will it remain the rather loose and open conglomeration of states it presently is?

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Theil, Stefan. « What Red Lines, If Any, Do the Lisbon Judgments of European Constitutional Courts Draw for Future EU Integration ? » German Law Journal 15, n^o 4 (1 juillet 2014) : 599–635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019064.

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The lingering European financial crisis continues to threaten the Eurozone and, in the opinion of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, the very survival of the European idea. With this apocalyptic rhetoric, it is easily forgotten that only nine years earlier Europe overcame a predicament that was, at the time, equally described as the most challenging in its history. Two failed referendums in Member States of the European Union (Member States)—namely, in France and the Netherlands—stopped the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (Constitutional Treaty) in its tracks and led to an extended “period of reflection” for Europe's leaders. From this emerged a reboot of the Constitutional Treaty, now dubbed the Treaty of Lisbon, with few substantial changes, but more success throughout the ratification procedures. The final hurdle presented itself in the form of institutionally strong Constitutional Courts (CC) and Tribunals (CT) of the European Member States. Of these, the following were at one time or another seized with complaints against the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty: The AustrianVerfassungsgerichtshof(Austrian CC), the Belgian CC, theÚstavní soud České republiky(Czech CC), the FrenchConseil Constitutionnel(French CC), the GermanBundesverfassungsgericht(German CC), the Hungarian CC, theLatvijas Republikas Satversmes tiesa(Latvian CC), the PolishTrybunał Konstytucyjny(Polish CT), and theTribunal Constitucional de España(Spanish CT).

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Altay, İclal Kaya, et Shqiprim Ahmeti. « Considering Territorial Agendas of the EU in context of Rising of Territorial Dimension of Cohesion Policy ». Journal of Business and Economics 10, n^o 3 (20 mars 2019) : 244–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/03.10.2019/006.

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The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe ads territorial cohesion as Union’s third goal, beside economic and social cohesion and lists it as a shared competence. In the other hand, the Lisbon Strategy aims to turn Europe into the most competitive area of sustainable growth in the world and it is considered that the Territorial cohesion policy should contribute to it. This paper is structured by a descriptive language while deduction method is used. It refers to official documents, strategies, agendas and reports, as well as books, articles and assessments related to topic. This paper covers all of two Territorial Agendas as well as the background of territorial cohesion thinking and setting process of territorial cohesion policy.

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Vörös, Imre. « The likely effects of the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe (TCE) on the Hungarian legal order ». Acta Juridica Hungarica 48, n^o 4 (décembre 2007) : 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/ajur.48.2007.4.1.

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Rynkowski, Michał. « Remarks on Art. I-52 of the Constitutional Treaty : New Aspects of the European Ecclesiastical Law ? » German Law Journal 6, n^o 11 (1 novembre 2005) : 1719–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014644.

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The question of churches and religious communities in the EU/EC law arose for the first time in 1997, when Declaration No. 11 on the status of churches and non-confessional organisations was attached to the Amsterdam Treaty. According to this Declaration, “The European Union will respect and does not prejudice the status under national law of churches and religious associations or communities in the Member States. The European Union will equally respect the status of philosophical and non-confessional organisations.” The content of this Declaration was commented on many times by distinguished experts of the European ecclesiastical law. Art. I-52 of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (Constitutional Treaty/CT) repeats in paragraph one and two Declaration No. 11, and introduces in paragraph three a provision on dialogue between the EU and religious bodies: “Recognising their identity and their specific contribution, the Union shall maintain an open, transparent and regular dialogue with these churches and organisations.”

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Villalgordo Pujalte, Borja, et Manuel Hernández Pedreño. « El rol de Europa del Este en el principio de cohesión de la Unión Europea. Hacia una incompleta integración ». Áreas. Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales, n^o 40 (30 décembre 2020) : 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/areas.409421.

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La Unión Europea viene promoviendo la consecución de la cohesión social y económica desde sus Tratados Constitutivos. El alcance de este objetivo se ha visto ralentizado por varios motivos, como la entrada de los países de Europa del Este que ha supuesto un aumento de la heterogeneidad en la Unión; o por el diferente impacto de la reciente crisis económica en los distintos países. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar el proceso de convergencia/divergencia de los países de Europa del Este en los parámetros socioeconómicos de la Unión Europea que fomentan la cohesión social y económica. La hipótesis de partida es que estos países han mantenido diferentes ritmos de convergencia con la Unión Europea por conformar un bloque heterogéneo, explicado por varios factores: el tiempo de permanencia en la Unión, la influencia de la Unión Soviética, el impacto de la Estrategia Europa 2020 o la situación de la que partían antes de entrar en la Unión. La metodología empleada es mixta, combinando la entrevista a profesionales con el análisis estadístico de los diferentes comportamientos sociales, económicos y políticos en los países de Europa del Este desde el estallido de la crisis hasta ahora. En la comparativa se consideran tres ámbitos de actuación, correspondientes a las principales áreas que conforman la política social y que se integran como objetivos dentro de la Estrategia Europa 2020 (ingresos, trabajo y educación), al tiempo que se incluye la respuesta institucional ofrecida por los diferentes países. European Union has been promoting the achievement of social and economic cohesion since the Treaty Establishing the European Community. A true embodiment of this goal has been slowed down by several reasons, such as the attachment of Eastern Europe countries that increased the heterogeneity in the European Union; or how European countries dealt with the latest economic recession that took place in 2008. The aim of this paper is to analyse the process of convergence/divergence among Eastern Europe countries and European Union based in a few parameters that foster the economic and social cohesion. The hypothesis is that countries from East of Europe have kept different rates of convergence with the European Union because they shape a heterogeneous group of countries due to several factors: accession year of each country to the European Union, influence of the former Soviet Union, Europe 2020 Strategy’s repercussion or the previous situation where these countries come from before being full members of the European Union. In this paper, a mixed methodology was applied, combining interviews with professionals in different fields of knowledge with the statistical analysis of social, economic and political behaviours in the Eastern European Union countries since the outbreak of the crisis until now. In this comparative, three fields of action have been considered as the main areas that compose social policy and are also integrated in the European 2020 Strategy (incomes, work and education), combined with the institutional response offered by these countries.

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Yusran, Afri Asnelly et Elistania. « Mengkaji Neoliberal Institusionalisme Uni Eropa dalam Problematika Implementasi Kebijakan Migrasi Pada Traktat Lisbon [Assessing the Neoliberal Institutionalism of the European Union through the Problematic Implementation of the Libson Treaty Migration Policy] ». Verity : International Relations Journal 8, n^o 16 (21 novembre 2017) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v8i16.722.

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<p>As a neoliberal institution, European Union has succeded in integrating. However, after the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe was failed to be ratified, European Union is experiencing setback of legitimacy. European Union later imposed Lisbon Treaty that was arranged right after the failure of constitution treaty. Still, the implementation of Lisbon Treaty triggered some new issues due to its content that is more or less similar to the previous unratified treaty. One of the issues came from the migration policy. The rejection from some of the member countries explained the legitimacy crisis on the institution of European Union. This legitimacy crisis is surely a negative precedent for European Union as a neoliberal institution. As in neoliberal institutionalism, an institution is supposed to be an independent variable when a state decides to cooperate and integrate itself in an institution. This writing is aimed to review the neoliberal institutionalism of European Union in the problems of the migration policy implementation upon Lisbon Treaty.</p><p>This research used qualitative method, with neoliberal institutionalism as its core theory. This research found that European Union as an institution lacks of consideration towards the condition of its member states in making regulations. This can be seen on how the migration regulation on Lisbon Treaty still could not be implemented uniformly on all the member states. Besides, the refusal of Estonia, Hungary and Slovakia upon this migration regulation strengthen the crisis of legitimacy in European Union as a neoliberal institutionalism.. The spesific finding upon this migration issues on Lisbon Treaty brought us to a conclusion that the neoliberal institutionalism in European Union needs to be examined due to the decadence of the institution’s legitimacy.</p>

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Schwarze, Jürgen. « The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe – Some General Reflections on its Character and its Chances of Realisation ». European Public Law 12, Issue 2 (1 juin 2006) : 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2006013.

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