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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004) »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004)"

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Kwiecień, Roman. « The Primacy of European Union Law over National Law Under the Constitutional Treaty ». German Law Journal 6, no 11 (1 novembre 2005) : 1479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014450.

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The primacy of Community law over national law of the EC/EU Member States was recognized as one of the constitutive principles of the Community legal order as early as before the signing of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe on 29 October 2004. The primacy principle together with the principles of direct effect and of uniform applicability are believed to constitute not only the foundation of effectiveness of the Community legal order but also play the role of the pillars of the unofficial European Constitution. The primacy principle is even seen as the embodiment of actual transfer of constitutional power to Europe.
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Vogel, Joachim. « The European Integrated Criminal Justice System and its Constitutional Framework ». Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 12, no 2 (juin 2005) : 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x0501200202.

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This article discusses the concept of the integrated European criminal justice system and its constitutional framework (as it stands now and as laid down in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome on 29 October 2004). It argues that European integration does not stop short of criminal justice. Integration does not mean that Member States and their legal systems, including their criminal justice systems, are being abolished or centralised or unified. Rather, they are being integrated through co-operation, co-ordination and harmonisation; centralisation, respectively unification, is a means of integration only in specific sectors such as the protection of the European Communities' financial interests. The article further argues that the integrated European criminal justice system is in need of a constitutional framework. The present framework suffers from major deficiencies. However, the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe will introduce a far better, all in all satisfactory, ‘criminal law constitution’.
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Dashwood, Alan. « The Draft EU Constitution—First Impressions ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 5 (2003) : 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802784270.

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The convention on the Future of Europe, which came together in the spring of 2002, completed its work in June 2003. In the event, the various tasks that were set for the Convention by the Laeken Declaration of December 2001 on the Future of the European Union came to be subsumed in the overall task of devising a Constitution for the Union. A sufficient degree of consensus was achieved by the Convention to enable its President, Mr Valery Giscard d’Estaing, to present the outcome of the deliberations of the past 15 months, in the form of a Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, to the European Council of Thessaloniki. So it is through the proposed Constitutional Treaty (referred to hereinafter as ‘the Convention text’) that the specific objectives identified in the Nice and Laeken Declarations, such as those of re-legitimating the Union order and rendering the primary law of the Union more comprehensible to its subjects, now fall to be achieved.
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Dashwood, Alan. « The Draft EU Constitution—First Impressions ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 5 (2003) : 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000004407.

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The convention on the Future of Europe, which came together in the spring of 2002, completed its work in June 2003. In the event, the various tasks that were set for the Convention by the Laeken Declaration of December 2001 on the Future of the European Union came to be subsumed in the overall task of devising a Constitution for the Union. A sufficient degree of consensus was achieved by the Convention to enable its President, Mr Valery Giscard d’Estaing, to present the outcome of the deliberations of the past 15 months, in the form of a Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, to the European Council of Thessaloniki. So it is through the proposed Constitutional Treaty (referred to hereinafter as ‘the Convention text’) that the specific objectives identified in the Nice and Laeken Declarations, such as those of re-legitimating the Union order and rendering the primary law of the Union more comprehensible to its subjects, now fall to be achieved.
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Yataganas, Xenophon, et George Tsebelis. « The Treaty of Nice, the Convention Draft and the Constitution for Europe Under a Veto Players Analysis ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, no 3 (octobre 2005) : 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605004293.

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Triple majority for changing the status quo in Treaty of Nice (2001): qualified majority of weighted votes, majority of countries, qualified majority of the population. Convention proposal (2003): requirements from three to two by dropping the qualified majority of weighted votes and reducing the qualified majority threshold of the population from 62% to 60%. Important consequences for the political institutions of the Union: 1) facilitates political decision-making; 2) reduces relative weight of governments participating in the Council and increases the importance of the European Parliament; 3) reduces the role of the judiciary and bureaucracies in the Union in favor of the political process. Consequences of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome 29 October 2004. Exactly in the middle between Nice and the European Convention.
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VAN GERVEN, WALTER. « The European Union institutions in the draft Constitution for Europe ». European Review 12, no 4 (octobre 2004) : 465–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000419.

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This paper deals with the Institutions of the European Union in the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (hereinafter: ‘the draft Constitution’) submitted to the European Council meeting in Thessaloniki on 20 June 2003. It describes these institutions and their task from a perspective of the Union's democratic legitimacy. The paper is based on a book entitled The European Union: a Polity of States and Peoples, which will be published by Stanford University Press and Hart Publishing, Oxford. In this book, I examine the democratic legitimacy of the European Union as a whole. The book parts from the proposition that the Union is a ‘body politic’ which develops into a federal system, however not a State, with a parliamentary consensual (non-majoritarian) form of government. In the meantime, the draft Treaty has been amended by the Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC) held in Brussels on 17/18 June 2004. In so far as the amendments relate to the subject of this paper, they are mentioned below in the text or the endnotes.
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Arnull, Anthony. « A Constitutional Court for Europe ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004) : 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802759502.

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The purpose of this article is to consider the effect of the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe on the European Court of Justice (ECJ). At the time of writing, the future of the draft Constitution is somewhat uncertain. Having been finalised by the Convention on the Future of Europe in the summer of 2003 and submitted to the then President of the European Council, it formed the basis for discussion at an intergovernmental conference (IGC) which opened in October 2003. Hopes that the text might be finalised by the end of the year were dashed when a meeting of the IGC in Brussels in December 2003 ended prematurely amid disagreement over the weighting of votes in the Council. However, it seems likely that a treaty equipping the European Union with a Constitution based on the Convention’s draft will in due course be adopted and that the provisions of the draft dealing with the ECJ will not be changed significantly. Even if either assumption proves misplaced, those provisions will remain of interest as reflecting one view of the position the ECJ might occupy in a constitutional order of the Union.
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Arnull, Anthony. « A Constitutional Court for Europe ? » Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004) : 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003554.

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The purpose of this article is to consider the effect of the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe on the European Court of Justice (ECJ). At the time of writing, the future of the draft Constitution is somewhat uncertain. Having been finalised by the Convention on the Future of Europe in the summer of 2003 and submitted to the then President of the European Council, it formed the basis for discussion at an intergovernmental conference (IGC) which opened in October 2003. Hopes that the text might be finalised by the end of the year were dashed when a meeting of the IGC in Brussels in December 2003 ended prematurely amid disagreement over the weighting of votes in the Council. However, it seems likely that a treaty equipping the European Union with a Constitution based on the Convention’s draft will in due course be adopted and that the provisions of the draft dealing with the ECJ will not be changed significantly. Even if either assumption proves misplaced, those provisions will remain of interest as reflecting one view of the position the ECJ might occupy in a constitutional order of the Union.
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Benz, Arthur. « The European Union’s Trap of Constitutional Politics : From the Convention Towards the Failure of the Treaty of Lisbon ». Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no 1, 2 & 3 (11 juillet 2011) : 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c92h3w.

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In a national referendum held on 12 June 2008, 53.4 percent of Irish citizens voted “no” to the Treaty of Lisbon. As its provisions require ratification by all member states, the Irish vote marks a further setback for attempts at consti- tutional reform of the European Union (EU). The Lisbon reform treaty, officially entitled the Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on Euro- pean Union and the Treaty establishing the Eu- ropean Community,1 was signed by the prime ministers and presidents of EU member states in December 2007. It was the result of a pro- cess set in motion by the European Council in a meeting held in Laeken, Belgium in December 2001. Intended to make the “ever closer union” more democratic, and to facilitate the adjust- ment of European institutions to the new po- litical situation brought on by the accession to the EU of Central and Eastern European states, the “Laeken Council” issued a declaration trig- gering efforts to constitutionalize the European Union. To this end, a reform process was ini- tiated involving a body called the Convention on the Future of Europe (Convention), made up of European and member state government representatives and parliamentarians.2 This re- form process resulted in the recommendation in 2003 of a draft Treaty Establishing a Constitu- tion for Europe (Constitutional Treaty),3 which was subsequently approved by the Intergovern- mental Conference and the European Council in Rome in October 2004. Despite several mem- ber states ratifying the Constitutional Treaty, it was rejected by popular referenda in France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2005. At that time, and in view of the obvious risks to ratifi- cation in some other member states, the process of constitutionalization ground to a halt.
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JÁUREGUI BERECIARTU, GURUTZ, et JUAN IGNACIO UGARTEMENDIA ECEIZABARRENA. « EUROPA EN EL LECHO DE PROCUSTO : DE LA CONSTITUCIÓN EUROPEA AL TRATADO DE LISBOA ». Revista Vasca de Administración Pública / Herri-Arduralaritzarako Euskal Aldizkaria, no 79 (1 décembre 2007) : 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.79.2007.1.04.

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Estas páginas están dedicadas a realizar un análisis de las principales características del «Tratado por el que se modifican el Tratado de la Unión Europea y el Tratado Constitutivo de la Comunidad Europea», texto aprobado en Lisboa, el 13 de diciembre de 2007, por los Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de los veintisiete Estados miembros de la Unión Europea con la intención de que, una vez sea ratificado, entre en vigor a principios de 2009. Se trata, en cualquier caso, de un análisis de carácter general, que se articula comparando dicho Tratado de reforma con el texto de la non nata «Constitución Europea» (2004), texto, este último, del que asume o mimetiza gran parte del contenido aunque no así su formulación y carácter constitucional. Orri hauetan «Europar Batasunaren Ituna eta Europako Erkidegoa Eratzeko Ituna aldatzeko Ituna» delako dokumentuaren bereizgarri nagusiak aztertuko ditugu. Erreforma-dokumentu hori 2007ko abenduaren 13an onetsi zuten Lisboan, Europar Batasuneko hogeita zazpi estatu kideetako estatuburuek eta gobernuburuek sinatuta, berrespena lortu ondoren, 2009. urte hasieran indarrean jartzeko asmoz. Edonola ere, azterketa orokorra izango da gurea, eta erreforma-ituna eta «Europar Batasuneko Konstituzio (2004)» sortugabea alderatuz egingo dugu. Izan ere, erreforma-ituna hein handi batean Europar Batasunaren konstituzio-dokumentu horren edukian oinarritzen bada ere, ezberdina da formulazioari edo izaera konstituzionalari dagokionez. These pages are devoted to analyze the main characteristics of the «Treaty amending the Treaty of the European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community» signed in Lisbon on 13 December 2007 by the Heads of State and Government from the twenty seven Member states with the aim, once ratified, of entering into force by the beginning of 2009. It is in any case a general analysis built on the basis of comparing that aforementioned Treaty of amendment with the provisions of the non nata «European Constitution» (2004). And from this later text takes or copies in a large extent the contents although not its formulation and constitutional nature.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004)"

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LEHTONEN, Tiia. « Small States – Big Negotiations Decision-Making Rules and Small State Influence in EU Treaty Negotiations ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/11148.

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Defense Date: 27/03/2009
Examining Board: Derek Beach (University of Aarhus), Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS) (Supervisor), Jonas Tallberg (University of Stockholm), Jacques Ziller (University of Pavia, formerly EUI, Law Department)
This study examines the impact of the decision-making rules, procedures and practices of the European Union on the ability of small Member States to influence Treaty negotiation outcomes, and assesses the causality of this influence in Treaty-revision. Within Treatymaking processes, actor influence is here expected to vary according to the institutional preconditions, and small states are presumed to benefit from particular type of decisionmaking rules to the disadvantage of others. The fundamental aim of the study is therefore to investigate the conditions under which small state influence increases in European Union Treaty-negotiations. To explain this puzzle, a distinction is made between two types of Treaty-making processes, those of the Intergovernmental Conferences and the Convention, which allows for subsequent comparisons between the decision-making rules of unanimity and restricted consensus. In order to empirically test the underlying hypotheses, explicit units of observation are chosen from the IGCs of Amsterdam, Nice and 2003-04, and the Convention on the Future of the EU. In-depth comparisons are made between four small Member States – Belgium, Denmark, Finland and Ireland – and their de facto influence is process-traced through three substantial issues of the institutional reform: the composition of the Commission, the extension of qualified majority voting and the reform of Council Presidency. The empirical analysis focuses on both informal and formal levels of decisionmaking dynamics, and a further analytical distinction is made between bargaining and deliberation modes of conflict-resolution. Drawing initially on theories of rational choice institutionalism (RCI) and liberal intergovernmentalism (LI), the unanimity rule as applied in the IGCs is expected to strengthen the formal position of an individual small state by providing, respectively, a veto-right for each negotiator and promoting asymmetric interdependency. The empirical findings confirm the major underlying hypothesis concerning the correlation between the adopted decision-making rules and the small states’ impact on distributional outcomes in the EU Treaty-amending negotiations on the one hand, and the superiority of the unanimity rule for small states on the other. Yet, a couple of additional key success factors – other than can be explained exclusively along the conjectures of RCI or LI schools – are also identified in the study.
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Chi, Pei-Fen, et 紀佩汾. « The forming process of the “Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe” and its evaluation ». Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/24036852553501855759.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
95
After 50 years of integration experience, the European Union member states, in 2004, have developed the “Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe,” from which the past treaties are compiled together and EU institutions and national roles are enumerated. Samuel Huntington used to emphasize that, if EU could integrate successfully in political sphere, the world would be led by EU in the 21st century. However, the denial of the initial text of “the Constitution” in France and Netherlands in 2005 makes the development of the EU constitution all the more uncertain. So, the thesis is intended to explore and evaluate the forming process of the European milestone in the early 21st century, “Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe.” In the first chapter, the preface would illustrate the main idea of this thesis and the neo-institutionalism approach. In the second chapter, we will provide an overview of the EU constitution, including its history and institution designation. In the third chapter, the internal and external factors for developing the EU constitution will be explained. Then in the forth chapter, we will discuss how each individual state proposed their opinions, debated, and finally compromised in the “inter-governmental conventions.” In the following fifth chapter, the domestic ratification status quo in each country and the reason why they pass or do not pass it will be demonstrated. In the sixth chapter, we will review the development of the EU constitution, its dilemma and possible influences included. Lastly, we come to our conclusion on the EU constitution: EU, with its past experience of supra-nationalism and inter-governmentalism, will inevitably face many difficulties in its integration process, yet we believe it still is the right direction most European countries are heading for.
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Chen, Chiu-Tung, et 陳秋同. « A Study of Multilevel Constitutionalism in the "Treaty in Establishing a Constitution for Europe" ». Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/12052573892494755348.

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碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
政治學研究所
97
This study aims to focus on “Multilevel Constitutionalism,” which derived from the special model of governance in a process of dynamic development of European integration. In the basis of defining the European Union and European community are constitutional sovereignties. This thesis tries to explain Multilevel Constitutionalism’s development and application with the “Treaty in Establishing a Constitution for Europe” and changes in several integration treaties, and explain political constitutionalism developments across two, or more than two levels. Furthermore, this thesis tries to collect the possible influences of Multilevel Constitutionalism in the area of international relation and international law.
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Cheng, Chun-Yuan, et 鄭鈞元. « The Evolution of the Common Foreign and Security Policy in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/71007477641639698096.

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碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
94
This thesis examines the influence of the Constitutional Treaty on the evolution of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The analysis here starts from the process establishing the constitutional Treaty. From the institutional aspect, this paper then analyzes the evolution of the institutional architecture under the newly reformed structure, especially in the sphere of CFSP. The third part of this paper concerns the flexibility of political instruments in the CFSP. The fourth part follows with the analysis of executive capacity and failures and successes of CFSP in the past decades. Finally, this thesis puts focus on the process of ratification of Constitutional Treaty and the future of the Constitutional Treaty after the “NO” vote in France and Netherlands. The development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy and its forerunner European Political Cooperation (EPC) over the last four decades is of high political and academic relevance. The European Union (EU) is increasingly perceived by third states and international organizations as an important actor in the international system. The policy of enlargement has made the need for institutional reform inescapable where was previously simply pressing. Over the past 20 years the founding treaty of Rome has been revised four times, yet each time the institutional set-up became more, not less complex. Decision-making procedures are too complicated. Policies are often ineffective. This treaty revision can be regarded as an historic milestone, a history making decision at a critical juncture, or as a choice for Europe. Even if the Constitutional Treaty does not enter into force, it will continue to serve to describe a certain state in the evolution of the EU system, as well as to identify options for shaping the constitutional architecture. As regards to the CFSP, it does, however, make certain that the Union may in the foreseeable future remain a participant in the international scene with a noticeably fragmented profile or – put more positively – with a multifaceted profile.
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Feichtinger, Jiří. « Ústava pro Evropu ». Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311385.

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of Content and Conclusions of Dissertation Constitution for Europe JUDr. Jiří Feichtinger The central subject-matter of the dissertation is the assessment of the Treaty establishing the Constitution for Europe ("constitutional treaty") and the co called founding treaties, i.e. the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union ("founding treaties") from the viewpoint of the constitutional law and the general theory of state. From the same viewpoints I also examine the nature of the European Union itself. When choosing this topic of my dissertation I was inspired by ever growing discussions on the extent of the European integration and its purpose, whether it is at all necessary, and whether the European Union is becoming a state or rather remains an international organization sui generis. I am trying to answer, to what extent the content of the constitutional treaty corresponded to its name and whether this document could at all be called a constitution; the same question is being answered with regards to the founding treaties. I further examine, whether the constitutional and/or the founding treaties lead to the united Europe as perceived not only within the notion of the European integration, but also by the general theory of state, i.e. whether these treaties...
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Kubiš, Vojtěch. « Osobitý přínos Římsko-katolické církve k evropské integrace podle článku 17(3) SFEU : vnímání dialogu s COMECE Evropskou unií ». Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-434759.

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The aim of the thesis is to analyse how the EU perceives the specific contribution of Churches to the European integration as stated in the Article 17.3 of the TFEU. The specific contribution is analysed on the case of Roman Catholic Church (RCC) which predominates in the dialogue under the Article 17.3. There are two time periods addressed in the thesis. Firstly, the specific contribution is addressed in the context of the debate on the EU constitution. It is examined, based on the analysis of politicians' speeches and MEPs amendments, whether the specificity is rooted in the area of values. Second period is marked by the year 2009 when the TFEU entered into force, and 2014 when the dialogue with Churches was somewhat degraded. In fact, the new body responsible for the interaction became DG JUST, thereby replacing BEPA, i.e. organization directly reporting to the President of the Commission. Based on the analysis of the speeches and other relevant documents regard all the official meetings, I examine what the EU politicians expected from the Church and what was Her specificity according to them. Against this background is also analysed the fact that the dialogue with Churches was separated from the civil society organizations. It results from the research that the EU perceived the specific...
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Livres sur le sujet "Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004)"

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Triantafyllou, Dimitris. La constitution de l'Union européenne : Selon le Traité de Rome de 2004 : les choix clés de la Convention et de la Conférence intergouvernementale. 2e éd. Bruxelles : Bruylant, 2005.

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Sens et conséquences du "non" français : Manuel critique du parfait Européen, la suite ! Paris : Éditions du Seuil, 2005.

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G, Xuereb Peter, dir. The constitution for Europe : An evaluation : EDRC conference 2005. [Malta] : European Documentation and Research Centre, University of Malta, 2005.

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Walker, Neil. Europa : Il momento costituzionale. Padova : CEDAM, 2005.

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Andrew, Cowgill, et British Management Data Foundation, dir. The European Constitution in perspective : Analysis and review of 'The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe' including the complete text of the Treaty with all Protocols and Declarations as signed in Rome on 29 October 2004. Stroud, Gloucestershire : British Management Data Foundation, 2004.

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Le vertige social-nationaliste : La gauche du non et le referendum de 2005. Paris : Table ronde, 2005.

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Reynié, Dominique. Le vertige social-nationaliste : La gauche du Non et le référendum de 2005. Paris : Table ronde, 2005.

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20 anos de integração europeia (1986-2006) : O testemunho português. Chamusca : Edições Cosmos, 2007.

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1939-, Mantl Wolfgang, Puntscher Riekmann Sonja et Schweitzer Michael, dir. Der Konvent zur Zukunft der Europäischen Union. Wien : Böhlau, 2005.

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Treaty establishing a constitution for Europe : Including the protocols and annexes, and final act with declarations, Rome, 29 October 2004 : Presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by Command of Her Majesty, December 2004. London : Stationery Office, 2004.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004)"

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Shaw, Jo. « Flexibility and the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Dans The EU Constitution : The Best Way Forward ?, 59–70. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-543-8_4.

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Di Salvatore, Enzo. « The Supremacy of European law in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe in the light of Community experience ». Dans Governing Europe under a Constitution, 375–99. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/3-540-31291-9_23.

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Álvarez, Milagros. « Common Security and Defence Policy in the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe ». Dans The Changing Politics of European Security, 87–109. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230801349_5.

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König, Thomas, et Daniel Finke. « In the Aftermath of the Negative Referendums : The Irish Resistance ». Dans Reforming the European Union. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0008.

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This chapter analyzes the last stage of the reform process: the role of the German Presidency in managing the reform crisis by proposing the Treaty of Lisbon and the subsequent reaction by the Irish government and voters. On 21 June 2007 the political leaders met in Brussels and agreed on a reform proposal replacing the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, which had been rejected by the Dutch and French voters two years earlier. The deal brokered by the German Presidency maintained the overwhelming majority of the reform issues proposed under the compromised Constitutional Treaty. The chapter examines why the Presidency favored such an encompassing reform while knowing that its ratification would be far more uncertain compared to the less ambitious proposal called a “mini-treaty” that had been circulating at the time. This is the last episode of the trial-and-error story in which a strategic, risk-taking leader finally managed to turn failure into success.
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König, Thomas, et Daniel Finke. « Why (Unpopular) Leaders Announce Popular Votes ». Dans Reforming the European Union. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on political leaders' responses to the European Convention's proposal of revising the Treaty of Nice via the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in spring 2003. To understand the announcements of popular votes by political leaders, it investigates their choice of ratification paths from a strategic perspective, which considers the interactions among political leaders, political parties in the domestic parliaments, and voters. It argues that when choosing a ratification path, political leaders attempted to anticipate the reactions of parliaments and voters. The empirical analysis reveals that these leaders not only considered their expected gains from each ratification path—that is, their gains from the revision of the Treaty of Nice and the likelihood for successful ratification—but also recognized the strategic implications of a referendum announcement for both European and domestic politics.
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Lenaerts, Koen, Piet Van Nuffel et Tim Corthaut. « The Treaty of Lisbon and the Current Treaties ». Dans EU Constitutional Law, 40–49. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851592.003.0002.

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This chapter explains how successive Treaty amendments, most recently the Lisbon Treaty, have led to the current Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The Brussels European Council of 21 and 22 June 2007, agreed to convene an Intergovernmental Conference, which was to draft a Reform Treaty amending the EU and EC Treaties and merging the Community and the EU into one European Union with legal personality, but without conferring on the Treaties a constitutional nature. The resulting treaty text—the Treaty of Lisbon—forms the basis for the current framework of the European Union. Unlike what the EU Constitution set out to do, the Treaty of Lisbon did not replace the existing Treaties by one single Treaty. Union action continues to be based on the amended Treaty on European Union (TEU), on the one hand, and the amended Treaty establishing the European Community—renamed the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU)—on the other hand.
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Loveland, Ian. « 24. Conclusion ». Dans Constitutional Law, Administrative Law, and Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198804680.003.0024.

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This chapter addresses the question of whether it is legally possible to entrench legislation in a way that safeguards it from repeal by the traditional ‘simple majority in Commons and Lords plus Royal Assent’ formula; and, if so, under what political circumstances it might legitimately be employed. It argues that the Blair government’s commitment to establishing a pluralist political culture is head and shoulders above any of their twentieth-century predecessors. This is most evident in its devolution legislation as well as in its embrace of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the provisions of the Amsterdam Treaty. The same observation may be made about the Blair government’s promotion of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Yet these initiatives, desirable though they may be, can hardly be seen as engineering a constituent reformation of the political system.
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Loveland, Ian. « 23. Conclusion ». Dans Constitutional Law, Administrative Law, and Human Rights, 649–60. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198860129.003.0023.

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This chapter addresses the question of whether it is legally possible to entrench legislation in a way that safeguards it from repeal by the traditional ‘simple majority in Commons and Lords plus Royal Assent’ formula; and, if so, under what political circumstances it might legitimately be employed. It argues that the Blair government’s commitment to establishing a pluralist political culture is head and shoulders above any of their twentieth-century predecessors. This is most evident in its devolution legislation as well as in its embrace of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the provisions of the Amsterdam Treaty. The same observation may be made about the Blair government’s promotion of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Yet these initiatives, desirable though they may be, can hardly be seen as engineering a constituent reformation of the political system.
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« The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe and Challenges for Criminal Law at the Commencement of 21st Century ». Dans Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice in Europe, 181–210. Brill | Nijhoff, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004250789_009.

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König, Thomas, et Daniel Finke. « Principals and Agents : From the Convention’s Proposal to the Constitutional Treaty ». Dans Reforming the European Union. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153926.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the transformation of the Convention's proposal on the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Lisbon Treaty in the aftermath of the two negative referendums from a principal-agent perspective. It shows that the common view of unitary member states, in which principals and agents share interests in the revision of treaties, can only partially—if not wrongly—explain the Treaty of Lisbon. The principal-agent analysis reveals that the political leaders delegated power to negotiating agents who worked out compromise solutions by partially revising the initial interests of their first order principals, the political leaders. Governmental agents from smaller countries were able to focus the negotiations on a few central reform issues, such as the number of Commissioners and the voting rules of the Council, and they also successfully influenced the final outcome of these issues. A major reason for their success was their credibility, which they could increase by pointing to integration-skeptic voters—particularly in countries that had announced a referendum. Hence, governmental agents increased their bargaining efficiency by referring to voters as their second-order principals.
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