Articles de revues : « Transkei (South Africa). Defence Force »

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Wood, Geoffrey, et Greg Mills. « The present and future role of the Transkei defence force in a changing South Africa ». Journal of Contemporary African Studies 11, n^o 2 (janvier 1992) : 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589009208729541.

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de Klerk, Vivian, et Gary P. Barkhuizen. « English in the South African Defence Force ». English World-Wide 19, n^o 1 (1 janvier 1998) : 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.19.1.04dek.

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The article reports on research carried out at an army camp in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa in 1996; it aimed to examine language use at the camp across all levels and in all contexts, in order to assess the degree to which South Africa's new multilingual language policy of 1994 has taken root, and in particular to ascertain the extent to which English was being used, and what troops and staff felt about its use. Questionnaires, interviews and observation techniques were used to provide a full description of linguistic practices, views and attitudes at all levels and in a wide range of activities in the camp. Results suggest that despite the national language policy, and despite a very low number of L1 English speakers in the camp, English is playing a very significant role across all levels as lingua franca for efficient communication, and this is matched with a pervasively positive view about its continued use.

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Willemot, Yves. « De Gaulles “Communaute”. Een Brug van Kolonialisme Naar Paternalisme in Afrika ». Afrika Focus 4, n^o 3-4 (15 janvier 1988) : 119–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0040304004.

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De Gaulles “Communaute”. A Bridge from Colonialism to Paternalism in Afrika. The importance of the French-African Communauté is more than just historical. Indeed, the present French-African relationship is not completely understandable without a knowledge of the Community, which was created by the constitution of the fifth French Republic (1958). President de Gaulle, who was its inspirator, realised that in the changing world the relationship between France and its colonial territories had to be adapted. The French-African Community was a federal structure in which the French-speaking territories south of the Sahara became autonomous republics. Yet their autonomy was substantially restricted: foreign affairs, defense, the economic and financial policy, justice, higher education, the policy concerning raw materials (e.g. uranium and oil), and the organisation of international transport and telecommunication were reserved for the federal institutions. Although four institutions were created within the Community (the Presidency, the Executive Board, the Senate and the Court of Arbitration), only the Presidency had real power: the exclusive legislative and executive competence in all Community matters. The function of Community President was reserved for the French President. Therefore it can undoubtedly be said that the French-African Community was not a genuine federal structure, but merely a constitutional arrangement which ensured France the exclusive control over its former African colonies. The African political leaders were also aware of this and claimed the abolition of the French-African Community. Using the possibility for change, provided by the 78th article of the constitution, they demanded independence by the transfer of all reserved competences (1960). In order to avoid any rupture, France accepted on the condition that bilateral cooperation agreements would be signed simultaneously. These agreements, which were revised halfway the seventies and which are still in force today, provide France with an unique position in Africa. No former metropole has a comparable influence in Africa. Besides, the French-African Conference, which is organised anually since 1973, gives France an excellent forum to influence and control the policy of African states. At this Conference almost every former French colonie in Africa is present, some Belgian, British, Spanish and Portuguese territories participate as well. Moreover, the cooperation agreements explicitly allow France to maintain large troups in Africa and to give support by military intervention whenever it is necessary. France's strict control over one of the most important attributes of state sovereignity, namely defense, increases largely the already acuted dependency on Paris. Yet, the economic position of most of the former French colonies and territories in Africa is the best illustration of their present dependence. Still today more than 40% of their trade is realised with the former metropole (export: raw materials; import: finished goods). Moreover, most of them are members of the so-called “zone franc”, a monetary zone which is completely controlled by the French authorities. The good relationship between France and Africa remained as a result of which extensive bilateral cooperation agreements could be signed within the framework of the French-African Community. This continuity has always been one of the main characteristics of the French policy in Africa.

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Symons, Stephen. « ‘Casting Shadows’ : Militarised boyhoods in apartheid South Africa during the 1980s ». Childhood 27, n^o 4 (23 juin 2020) : 514–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568220922877.

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This article provides a series of insights into the structures and scaffolding of militarising White South African adolescents during the 1980s, including the processes of militarisation from childhood up until induction into the former South African Defence Force. Although this article traces the process and presents personal accounts of militarised childhoods, it ultimately questions how these indeterminate memories attempt to navigate a contested present, namely, a post-apartheid space.

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Samson, Anne. « Duty to Empire ? South Africa's Invasion of German South West Africa, 1914-1918 ». African Research & ; Documentation 128 (2015) : 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00023475.

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Before war broke out in August 1914, the Union of South Africa had determined to include the German colony of South West Africa in the Union fold if ever an opportunity arose. So, when Britain went to war on 4 August 1914, the British War Cabinet request that South Africa put the German wireless stations in the South West African territory out of action was likely to be met with favourable response. It was, but not by all as this paper will set out.In 1914, South Africa as a country was only four years old and was still trying to heal the wounds caused by the Anglo-Boer or South African War of 1899-1902. The Union Defence Force (UDF) was even younger, having been approved in 1912. Where the Union had already had a number of years to develop, the UDF was in effect starting from zero.

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Samson, Anne. « Duty to Empire ? South Africa's Invasion of German South West Africa, 1914-1918 ». African Research & ; Documentation 128 (2015) : 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00023475.

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Before war broke out in August 1914, the Union of South Africa had determined to include the German colony of South West Africa in the Union fold if ever an opportunity arose. So, when Britain went to war on 4 August 1914, the British War Cabinet request that South Africa put the German wireless stations in the South West African territory out of action was likely to be met with favourable response. It was, but not by all as this paper will set out.In 1914, South Africa as a country was only four years old and was still trying to heal the wounds caused by the Anglo-Boer or South African War of 1899-1902. The Union Defence Force (UDF) was even younger, having been approved in 1912. Where the Union had already had a number of years to develop, the UDF was in effect starting from zero.

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Booley, Ashraf. « SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE (SANDF) DROPS CHARGES AGAINST HIJAB-WEARING OFFICER : CASE IN POINT SOUTH AFRICA ». Jurnal Syariah 29, n^o 2 (31 août 2021) : 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/js.vol29no2.2.

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Over the last few decades, a piece of fabric has become a powerful and divisive symbol worldwide. Since the tragic events of 9/11, this piece of fabric has become a topic of great debate, at local, national, regional and international level. The veil as worn by some Muslim women has assumed iconic proportions around the globe. To some it symbolizes piety to others, oppression. To some it is a rejection of Western morality to others, a rejection of modernity. To some, it is a religious statement supporting Islam as a way of living; to others, a political statement supporting violent Islamists. These disparate attributions exemplify the power of nonverbal communication and support the maxim that words and objects contain no inherent meaning; only people assigned meaning. This article discusses the status of religious rights and freedoms under the South African Constitution. One aspect of this change is the change that has affected the various religions, cultures, and customs in South Africa. It is therefore, viewed by many as a constitution for the people of South Africa which includes a Bill of Rights. Historically speaking, for the very first time since colonialism, all religions were guaranteed the of religion. Furthermore, religions, cultures and languages are deep-rooted in the various constitutional provisions, namely, sections 9(3), 15(1) to (3), 30, 31, 185 and 234 respectively. These constitutional provisions are solidified by section 7 which obliges the state to respect, protect, promote and fulfil the provisions set forth in the Bill of Rights. The article concludes with an argument for the recognition of plurality of religions and religious legal systems in South Africa.

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Bekker, D., et DP Van Velden. « Alcohol misuse in patients attending a defence force general medical clinic ». South African Family Practice 45, n^o 2 (31 mai 2003) : 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/safp.v45i2.1994.

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Aim: To determine the prevalence of alcohol misuse in adult patients attending a defence force general practice clinic.Design: Descriptive cross-sectional survey.Methods: The setting is a military sickbay situated in the Cape Town metropolitan area, South Africa. Participants included all adult patients (≥ 18 years) attending the clinic during a three-week period midyear. The Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT) questionnaire was completed by patients. Two direct alcohol consumption questions were added determining the total drinks per week as well as the maximum number of drinks per occasion.Results: Of the 958 patients approached, 40 (6%) declined to fill in the questionnaire. 42% of the 618 patients surveyed were female and 58% were male with an average age of 41 years. The group consisted of 44% current defence force members, 25% retired defence force members, 22% medical dependents and 7% civilians. The overall rate of alcohol misuse according to the AUDIT-questionnaire was 13.27%. Among male patients, 20,6% scored as misusers of alcohol, compared with 2.7% among females. A much higher level of misuse was also found under younger age groups, 38.1% of male apprentices at the technical college and 40.0% of male current defence force members staying on the base scored 8 or more on the AUDIT. In the group scoring less than 8 on the AUDIT-questionnaire a further 9 patients reported drinking on average more than 14 drinks per week for males and more than 9 drinks per week for females. In this group (AUDIT-score 8) 76 patients reported maximum number of drinks per occasion of more than 4 for men and more than 3 for women. If these two questions are included the overall rate of alcohol misuse found was 26.05%.Conclusion: The rate of alcohol misuse found in this group of patients is need for concern. The overall rate of alcohol misuse was not found to be higher than what was found in other studies in South Africa as well as other countries. This study supports the implementation of screening and intervention strategies in general medical clinics in the defence force.

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Southall, Roger. « An unlikely success : South Africa and Lesotho's election of 2002 ». Journal of Modern African Studies 41, n^o 2 (20 mai 2003) : 269–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004233.

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The Mbeki government's failure to take action against the blatantly undemocratic behaviour of the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe, despite its commitment to the peer review mechanism proposed under the New Partnership for African Development, is highlighted by South Africa's armed intervention into Lesotho to quell post-electoral disturbances in 1998. Although initially accompanied by immense controversy, the South African military and diplomatic involvement was to prove crucial to a restructuring of Lesotho's previously recalcitrant Defence Force, and to the promotion of inter-party negotiations that led to the adoption of a new and more appropriate electoral system. Alongside other international pressures, these initiatives led to a further election in 2002, whose undoubtedly legitimate outcome appears to have laid firm foundations for democratic consolidation and stability. Despite this ‘unlikely success’, and despite its formal commitment to an idealist foreign policy, the South African government has consciously downplayed its role in promoting democracy in Lesotho. The article argues that this is because of the exceptionality of that country, and South Africa's reluctance to have the use of force used as a precedent by its critics for cajoling it into adopting a more activist stance for dealing with the more complex situation in Zimbabwe.

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De Ridder, Mornay, et Kambidima Wotela. « Conceptualising a research interrogating of management functions in the South African National Defence Force ». International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 12, n^o 10 (25 décembre 2023) : 228–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v12i10.3119.

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South African Defence Review 2015 found that the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) is in significant decline and will lose important military capabilities in the long term if nothing is done. In a shrinking defense budget, general rhetoric blames aging equipment and staff for the decline. However, managerial issues in the SANDF may be to blame for the decline. We examined academic and other literature to find the origin of this problem and found that the SANDF does not use any systems management methodology to manage tasks. This peculiarity hinders SANDF management and prevents it from providing credible defense to South Africa. We found that empirical studies on SANDF management are scarce and failed to explain this oddity. To understand why the SANDF's application inherent management functions fail to provide a genuine defense capacity, this paper proposes a cognitive technique to conceptualize an empirical investigation beyond a literature review. We propose a systems management approach based on the Administrative Theory of Management, Neoclassical Theory of Management, and General Systems Theory frameworks in management education. We believe that empirical public and management research may create defence capabilities management understanding. This premise guides our study conceptualization by outlining the research context and then doing a research problem analysis to find the knowledge gap. To examine the literature, we use thematic summative content analysis. The research conceptualisation—problem statement, purpose statement, research questions, strategy, design, process, and methods, and interpretative frameworks—is based on this analysis. On the latter, we expect to write later.

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Miller, Jamie. « Yes, Minister : Reassessing South Africa's Intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975–1976 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 15, n^o 3 (juillet 2013) : 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00368.

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In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagonists, the article shows that the South African Defence Force and Defence Minister P. W. Botha pushed vigorously and successfully for deeper engagement to cope with security threats perceived through the prism of the emerging doctrine of “total onslaught.” South Africa's intervention in Angola was first and foremost the product of strategic calculations derived from a sense of threat perception expressed and experienced in Cold War terms, but applied and developed in a localized southern African context.

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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. « South Africaâ€™s Military and Peacekeeping Efforts : A new paradigm shift in its foreign policy since 1994 ». Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 9, n^o 5 (21 octobre 2017) : 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v9i5.1920.

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One of the South Africa's great soft power attributes has been the attraction and power of its transition to inclusive democratic governance after a long period of apartheid rule. This gave South Africa a certain moral authority and prestige to play very significant roles in conflict resolution and mediation through peacekeeping operations. Every government in an ever-changing and dynamic geopolitical environment ensure that its defence force cum foreign policy conform to the international environment while aiming at the defence and protection of its national interests. Using interpretive approach; this work argues that; fundamentally, there are three basic factors that reinforce South Africaâ€™s participation in peacekeeping which are politics, economy and security. By extension these three elements is considered a transformational agent of South Africaâ€™s economy. SANDF is, therefore, considered a dynamic and exceptional foreign policy tool that complements and at same time enhances South Africaâ€™s diplomatic manoeuvrings and influence within the wider international developments. It is concluded that South Africaâ€™s multilateral and foreign policy agendas have been driven by the pursuit of its national interest while trying to ensure peace in other African states.

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Langa, Malose, Adele Kirsten, Brett Bowman, Gill Eagle et Peace Kiguwa. « Black Masculinities on Trial in Absentia : The Case of Oscar Pistorius in South Africa ». Men and Masculinities 23, n^o 3-4 (14 mars 2018) : 499–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x18762523.

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This article explores the social representation of black masculinities as violent in the globally publicized case of the murder by Oscar Pistorius of his girlfriend, Reeva Steenkamp. This murder and the subsequent media interest it generated highlighted the manner in which fear of crime in South Africa, particularly amongst certain sectors of the population such as white, male gun owners and gun lobbyists, (including Pistorius and his family members) contributed to assertions about their right to own guns to defend their families and possessions against this perceived threat. Such claims were made despite statistical evidence showing that black South Africans are more likely to be victims of violent crime than white South Africans. Drawing upon media coverage of the trial, this article critically discusses the intersection between masculinity and racial identity with a particular focus on gun ownership as a symbol of hegemonic white manhood, and the parallel construction of black masculinities as violent and dangerous. The Oscar Pistorius trial offers rich material for this analysis: his entire defence was based on the view that the intruder he feared was almost certainly a black man who, as a legitimate target for the use of lethal force in self-defence, deserved to die from the four bullets fired through a closed door. It is argued that in his absence, the black man was ever-present at the Oscar Pistorius trial as a threatening figure whose calling into being was revealing of how black masculinities continue to be represented, relayed and received in particular ways in post-apartheid South Africa.

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Mocheregwa, Bafumiki. « The Police Mobile Unit ». Journal of African Military History 3, n^o 2 (19 décembre 2019) : 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00302001.

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Abstract This article examines the local and regional contexts surrounding the creation and evolution of the Police Mobile Unit (PMU), Bechuanaland’s (Botswana today) paramilitary unit that was created in 1963 to contain internal riots. After Botswana’s independence in 1966, the PMU acted as a quasi-military because the country had no armed force to preform those duties. This was because from the mid-1960s, Southern Africa was marred with bloodshed due to armed struggles in Rhodesia, South Africa among others. Botswana then became a safe haven for fleeing guerrillas who would enter the country illegally. Being the only line of defence, the PMU was quickly militarised and tasked with patrolling Botswana’s borders in order to arrest those guerrillas and possibly avoid being attacked by security forces of both Rhodesia and South Africa. This however did not work as planned because the PMU was simply too small and ill equipped for the task.

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Kynoch, Gary. « The ‘Transformation’ of the South African Military ». Journal of Modern African Studies 34, n^o 3 (septembre 1996) : 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055543.

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SouthernAfrica has been at war since the 1960s. Following the capitulation of Ian Smith's Rhodesian Front and the acceptance of majority rule in Zimbabwe in 1980, the widely acknowledged root of most of the regional conflict has been South Africa. In defendingapartheid, the régime in Pretoria engaged in a systematic campaign of destabilisation designed to bring its neighbours to heel. Military invasions, raids, sabotage, support of dissident groups, and assassinations were all part of the National Party (NP) Government's ‘total strategy’ that employed violence as a key element in its regional policy to achieve economic, military, and political hegemony. P. W. Botha during his tenure as Prime Minister and President, 1978–89, ‘politically modified the role’ of the South African Defence Force (SADF), as explained by Herbert Howe, and ‘created the military-dominated State Security Council, which effectively replaced the Cabinet and became the centre of national decision-making and official power in the 1980s’.1The result was the militarisation of South African society and a swath of destruction across the southern part of the continent.

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Lulu Mmakola, Knightingale, et Sello Levy Sithole. « Institutional Culture and The Military : A Narrative of Women’s Experiences in The South African National Defence Force : The Case of Limpopo Province, South Africa ». African Journal of Gender, Society and Development (formerly Journal of Gender, Information and Development in Africa) 12, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2023) : 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3622/2023/v12n4a4.

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Gewald, Jan-Bart. « Mbadamassi of Lagos : A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa ». African Diaspora 2, n^o 1 (2009) : 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.

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Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.

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GRUNDLINGH, ALBERT. « THE KING'S AFRIKANERS ? ENLISTMENT AND ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA'S DEFENCE FORCE DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939–45 ». Journal of African History 40, n^o 3 (novembre 1999) : 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007537.

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In contrast to the situation in Commonwealth countries such as Canada and Australia, South Africa's participation in the Second World War has not been accorded a particularly significant place in the country's historiography. In part at least, this is the result of historiographical traditions which, although divergent in many ways, have a common denominator in that their various compelling imperatives have despatched the Second World War to the periphery of their respective scholarly discourses.Afrikaner historians have concentrated on wars on their ‘own’ soil – the South African War of 1899–1902 in particular – and beyond that through detailed analyses of white politics have been at pains to demonstrate the inexorable march of Afrikanerdom to power. The Second World War only featured insofar as it related to internal Afrikaner political developments. Neither was the war per se of much concern to English-speaking academic historians, either of the so-called liberal or radical persuasion. For more than two decades, the interests of English-speaking professional historians have been dominated by issues of race and class, social structure, consciousness and the social effects of capitalism. While the South African War did receive some attention in terms of capitalist imperialist expansion, the Second World War was left mostly to historians of the ‘drum-and-trumpet’ variety. In general, the First and Second World Wars did not appear a likely context in which to investigate wider societal issues in South Africa.

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Rakubu, Kholofelo, Siyanda Dlamini et Mmakwena Modipa. « Ramifications of the lockdown on community police relations during the Covid-19 pandemic in South Africa ». International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 12, n^o 1 (13 février 2023) : 233–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v12i1.2224.

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Societies` views concerning the Criminal Justice System institutions are shaped not only by opportunities to interact with such institutions during normal work but also in part by efforts due to the larger mission (of these institutions) of encouraging and supporting such attitudes. Due to the global COVID 19 pandemic, most countries have implemented a lockdown as an initiative to control the spread of the virus. South Africa is no exception as the country joined most countries and announced the national lockdown in March 2020. With the national lockdown, Criminal Justice agencies such as the South African Police Service (SAPS) and the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) were deployed across the country to ensure compliance with the lockdown regulations. The police are the most visible and powerful arm of the state, the nature of the state and the way it is perceived has a profound impact on police-community relations and vice versa. With South Africa’s pronouncement of the national lockdown and state of emergency due to the pandemic, more inquiries and investigations into police practice during the national lockdown will be made. It is precisely in this context that this study aims to reflect on police-community relations during the national lockdown. A criminological analysis on the ramifications of the dented police-community relations due to the national lockdown will be explored. With the national lockdown regulations, clearly gazetted, this study will also employ criminological theories to further interrogate the regulations that impacted on the dented police-community relations.

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Ferreira, Rialize. « SOUTH AFRICAâ€™S PARTICIPATION IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO PEACE MISS IONS : A COMPARISON ». Politeia 33, n^o 2 (20 octobre 2016) : 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1776.

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After the peacekeeping tragedy in the Central African Republic (CAR) in March 2013, South Africaâ€™s participation in peacekeeping missions on the African continent is under investigation. Military personnel of the South African National Defence Force recently took part in both conventional and unconventional, asymmetric warfare in two peace missions, one in the CAR and one in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the CAR a unilateral military agreement between states existed, while in the DRC a United Nations (UN) mandate for multilateral offensive peacekeeping was authorised. The rationale for South Africaâ€™s participation in African missions is important while the country is serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Its role as one of the leading nations in Africa to deploy peacekeepers is central to its foreign policy. The article focuses on contrasting operations, and diverse challenges such as the authorisation of mandates, funding, logistics and shortcomings in asymmetric training for irregular â€œnew warsâ€ where peacekeepers are required to protect civilians in countries to which they owe little allegiance. Lessons learnt from the widely differing operational experiences in these recent peace missions are discussed.

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Stapleton, Timothy. « TThe Creation and Early Development of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) 1980-93 ». Revista Tempo e Argumento 13, n^o 32 (30 avril 2021) : e0104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180313322021e0104.

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Given the 2017 coup in Zimbabwe, a rare event in Southern Africa but sadly common in the rest of the continent, this paper discusses the beginnings of the politicization of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) during the 1980s. At the end of the country’s war for independence in 1980, the ZDF formed as an amalgamation of former Rhodesian state military personnel and insurgents from the liberation movements of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Personnel from ZANU came to dominate Zimbabwe’s new military given the lack of a specific agreement over the integration process, their numerical superiority, and ZANU’s electoral success that gave it political power. During the ZDF integration exercise of the early 1980s, British advisors attempted to create a Western-style force but acted pragmatically while North Korean instructors helped create an overtly ZANU affiliated brigade and party militia. In addition, South African destabilization and the rapid departure of former Rhodesian officers gave way to the accelerated promotion of former insurgents mostly affiliated with the ZANU government. Lastly, the further ZANU-ization of the ZDF occurred within the context of operations in southwestern Zimbabwe where it eliminated ZAPU as an opposition political movement and committed atrocities, and in Mozambique where Zimbabwean troops cooperated with allies from overtly politicized armies of neighboring states

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Louwrens, Jan Gerhardus, Audrey Jansen van Rensburg, Carel T. Viljoen, Sharief Hendricks, Tanita Botha et Dina C. (Christa) Janse van Rensburg. « Epidemiology and Time-Loss Shoulder Injuries in Professional South African Rugby Players : A Prospective Study That Focuses on Real-Time Collision Data during a Tackle ». Applied Sciences 13, n^o 19 (3 octobre 2023) : 10944. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app131910944.

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Background: In rugby, the shoulder contributes to attack/defence during collisions, tackling, falling, scrummaging, and mauling. We investigated the frequency, tissue, and pathology type of shoulder injuries per player position among professional South African rugby players, and compared injury severity in the context of momentum, intensity, and collision variables. Methods: A prospective study collecting shoulder injury data of 80 male Super Rugby players (>18 years) over 4 seasons (2018–2021). Players wore a Catapult Evo GPS unit during training and match-play, recording performance variables and collision forces during injury. We collected tissue and pathology types of injury from players’ medical files, clinical examinations, and special investigations. Results: Shoulder injuries contributed to 17% of all injuries, ranging from 2 to 34% per year. Forwards (63%) sustained most shoulder injuries, specifically locks (30%). Acromioclavicular (AC) joint (47%) was mostly involved, and ligament/joint capsule (65%) was the most common tissue type injured. Injuries with the highest average momentum resulted in players suffering minimal to mild severity injuries (1–7 days time-loss). Backs (631.15 kg.m/s) required less momentum than forwards (816.00 kg.m/s) to suffer injuries resulting in >28 days time-loss (p = 0.008). Backs encountered higher match intensity (67.76 m/min, p = 0.031) and highest average collisions (0.28/min) without suffering more severe (>28 days time-loss) injuries. Match intensity of >60 m/min resulted in more than 55% of shoulder injuries. Conclusion: One in six injuries in this cohort was shoulder-related. Forwards, specifically locks, sustained most shoulder injuries. The AC joint was the tissue type that mainly contributed. Backline players were involved in higher velocity contact, game intensity, and collision frequency but suffered fewer injuries. However, they required less momentum to sustain more severe injuries.

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Abdulwadud, Omar, Sailas Nyareza, Justina Phiri Mthoniswa, Linda Nonde, Floyd Malasha et Eda Lifuka. « Knowledge of Cochrane, evidence-based medicine and the Cochrane Library at Defence Force Medical Services : a baseline cross-sectional survey among military health personnel in Zambia ». Medical Journal of Zambia 46, n^o 1 (21 mai 2019) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.55320/mjz.46.1.212.

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Objectives: Evidence-based medicine (EBM) is a core competency for all healthcare professions including military healthcare personnel. We surveyed military health personnel knowledge and experience with Cochrane, EBM and the Cochrane Library at Defence Force Medical Services in Zambia. Materials and Methods: During May 2013 and March 2014, we used a pretested self-administered survey to collect data from the study participants. Categorical associations was tested by Chi-squared or Fisher's exact test. The strength of association between categorical variables was expressed using odds ratio (OR) with 95% confidence interval (CI). Results: The overall participation rate was 92% (57/62). The sample consisted of doctors, nurses, clinical officers, medical licentiates and other professions. Nearly 44% worked in military clinics, 28% hospitals, 23% head office and 5% in training schools. Most (79%) of respondents have heard of EBM, but 84% had low knowledge and 88% lacked EBM training. Nearly 77% agreed that EBM was useful in clinical practice, 98% showed interest in EBM training and 46% declared workplace EBM promotion. Awareness about Cochrane was 53% and only two recognized Cochrane South Africa as their reference centre. Awareness and usage of the Cochrane Library was generally very poor and only one knew the database. Medical doctors were roughly five times more likely to cite organizational barriers to the Cochrane Library compared to nurses and clinical officers (Adjusted OR=5.19, 95% CI, 1.15–23.52, P=0.03). Conclusions: Military medical personnel encounter considerable barriers to adopt EBM in clinical practice. Addressing their multifaceted barriers would facilitate the delivery of evidence-based healthcare and improve patient outcomes.

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Merron, James Lawrence, et Luregn Lenggenhager. « Left Button Picture, Right Button Bomb : Nature, Warfare and Technology in a Southern African Border Region ». Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 7, n^o 1 (5 octobre 2021) : 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2021.653.

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In this paper, we argue that the relationship between nature conservation and warfare was and continues to be actualized through socio-technical relationships and shared infrastructures. We historicize “green militari zation”—defined as the use of military techniques, technologies and partnerships in the pursuit of conservation (Lunstrum 2014)—showing that the partnership between military and nature conservation in Southern Africa has a long and violent history. Our paper accounts for the entanglements of war and nature through a shared technological infrastructure used in north-eastern Namibia during the Namibian War of Liberation (1966–1989). In particular, we focus on the Mirage IIIR2Z, an aerial reconnaissance and ground-attack supersonic jet which provided both the South African Defence Force and the civil administration’s nature conservationists with aerial photography and remote sensing data. The spatial information produced jointly by the military and the civil nature conservation department was used to produce strategic maps, but also to fight invasive plants and protect wildlife. Our reading of green militarization against this background sheds light on the long-lasting connections between warfare, conservation and ecology along Southern African border regions and contributes to a novel understanding of the contemporary “war on poachers” through a study of the techno-scientific networks that made it possible. Since there is nothing inevitable about the way technologies emerge or change over time (Bijker and Law 1992), this paper develops an empirically grounded and sustained analysis of technological change in the domain of green militarization through three interlinked concepts: “multiple” (Law 2002), “shifting down” (Latour 1994; 1999), and “firming up” (Bijker and Law 1992).

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Assan Ninson, Enoch, et Heather Morgan. « The Recruitment, Enlistment, and Deployment of HIV-Positive Military Service Members : An Evaluation of South African and U.S. National, Alongside International, Policies ». Military Medicine 186, n^o 9-10 (28 août 2021) : 897–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usab167.

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ABSTRACT Introduction Since its detection in the early 1980s, HIV and AIDS have claimed 32.7 million lives. The HIV epidemic continues to plague the world with its most devastating effects felt in Eastern and Southern Africa. The exposure, vulnerability, and impact of HIV have been prominent among military personnel due to environmental, demographic, and socioeconomic characteristics. Policies have been developed to mitigate its exposure, vulnerability, and impact on the military. However, there are disparities across these policies, especially on recruitment, enlistment, and deployment. These contentions inspired this evaluation, which was designed to provide vital information and insights for militaries developing new HIV policies, for example, the Ghana Armed Forces (GAF). Materials and Methods Content analyses of key documents and secondary resources from South Africa (SA), the USA, and the United Nations and International Labour Organizations were undertaken. The key documents evaluated included HIV and AIDS policies of the SA National Defence Force (SANDF), the U.S. DoD, UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and International Labour Organization (ILO); national HIV and AIDS policies; and legislations of SA and the USA. Results The SANDF policy permits the recruitment of HIV-positive applicants while the U.S. DoD policy does not. Mandatory pre-employment health assessments including HIV testing is conducted for prospective applicants. Again, discrimination against persons living with HIV (PLHIV) is discouraged by national policies and legislations of both countries and the ILO policy. At the same time, the SA national policy permits discrimination based on requirement of the job.On deployment, the SANDF policy explicitly permits deployment of HIV-positive service members, while the U.S. DoD policy cautiously does so. Both policies support mandatory pre-deployment health assessments in line with the UN peacekeeping policy and medical standards even though voluntary confidential HIV counseling and testing is recommended by the UN. All HIV-positive service members are retained and offered treatment and care services; however, the U.S. DoD policy retires unfit service members after 12 months of consecutive non-deployment. Further, the UN policy repatriates service members with pre-existing medical conditions and pays no compensation for death, injury, or illness, which is due to pre-existing medical conditions or not mission-related. Conclusions First, the contents of the military policies are not very diverse since most militaries do not enlist or deploy PLHIV except few countries including SA. Implementation and interpretation is however inconsistent. Some militaries continue to exclude PLHIV despite the existence of policies that permit their inclusion. Second, discrepancies exist among the military policies, national legislations, and international policies. The UN policy is not coherent and empowers the military to exclude PLHIV. Also, potential costs to be incurred, in the form of compensation and repatriation, seem to be a major factor in the decision to deploy HIV-positive service members. Harmonization of military HIV policies to ensure uniform standards, interpretation, and implementation and the coherence of the UN policy are essential to guide countries developing new policies, for example, GAF.

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Tsvetkov, Tsvetan, et Anna-Maria Nikolaeva Markova. « PERSPECTIVE FROM THE WESTERN BALKANS AND STRENGTHENING THE NATO’S EASTERN FLANK ». KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 47, n^o 1 (16 août 2021) : 263–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij4701263t.

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A reflection process shall be launched to see if the NATO is ready to face the challenges of tomorrow. The main aim of this paper will be to outline what are the perspectives and challenges according to the Balkan countries and what is the role of NATO in the Eastern Flank. Collecting of views from the region will give some ideas and propositions how to make the Alliance stronger and more effective politically and militarily. The western Balkans is one of the longest lasting and largest investments that NATO has made throughout time. The Western Balkans is the most articulate because of the complexity of the region. As the WB is so articulate and complex and the relationships since the 1990s between NATO and the region of the WB have evolved. The three main pillars of the NATO strategic concept are deterrence and defence crisis management and cooperative security. Now we have two new NATO tools that are helping the region - capacity building to the civil military team (NATO advisory team which support the set up of security force in Kosovo) and enhanced interaction which is a basket of tailored activities (it is not a partnership because there are some of the Allies that do not the declaration of independence of Kosovo) that have been revised by the North Atlantic Council- building integrity and civil emergency planning. The common point between all the countries of the WB which have joined the partnership of peace is the contribution that they give to the security and stability of the region and to this idea of projecting stability. When NATO’s neighbours are stable the Alliance itself will be more stable. The open door policy a cornerstone of the Washington treaty– for many countries of the WB it is a cornerstone for becoming members and to assume the responsibilities and the obligations (and the willingness and ability to assume them) that come with this membership. Political dialogue and practical cooperation are crucial for the countries especially from the region of the Western Balkans to foster the regional understanding and to share common expertise. Speaking about the Geopolitics in the Balkans and in South Eastern Europe, my first point is about the current geopolitical dynamics. SE Europe and even The Balkans are not anymore in the centre of world politics in the role of the trouble maker in the region, like it was in the late 90s of the last and in the beginning of this century. But they continue to be a field for political manoeuvring of the geopolitical players dominated by the desire to confer spheres of interest and to mutually deter each other. We shall not forget that precisely democracy is the element that binds all members and the liberal economic principles are the cornerstone of this common identity. A more equitable burden sharing and ascending defense spending (2% or less currently) is an important benchmark for the future preparedness of the Alliance. The transatlantic relation was a point discussed largely in reflection process. A future goal for the Alliance shall be defining a mutually beneficial strategic and burden sharing equilibrium between North American and European members. An advance in the foreign and security policy objectives of Washington in Asia will be a good addition to this. What can be more is that NATO must continue to deepen and strengthen the already existing relationship. This mainly can be conducted through expanding its roster of partnerships, gaining actionable intelligence, strengthening early warning systems and improving crisis management to be nimbler politically and operationally. B9 Alliances members need to leave their operational comfort zones and look to further their contributions in zones of instability in Africa and Middle East that could spill over to Europe.

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Garman, Anthea. « Guerrillas and Combative Mothers : Women and the Armed Struggle in South Africa ». African Journal on Conflict Resolution 23, n^o 1 (4 septembre 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/ajcr.v23i1.16788.

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Siphokazi Magadla's Guerrillas and Combative Mothers rests on 40 life histories of women who joined armed struggles of many kinds to fight apartheid. The book is a result of her doctorate which in turn rests on work she did while being a research consultant at the Institute for Security Studies. In 2010, on the tenth anniversary of the United Nations' (UN's) adoption of Resolution 1325, Magadla and Chery Hendricks produced the documentary Women and Security Sector Transformation in South Africa (2010). Magadla interviewed Major General Ntsiki Memela-Motumi, then chief director of transformation management in the South African National Defence Force (SANDF); Thandi Modise, a previous chair of the Portfolio Committee on Defence in the National Assembly and; Mala Singh, former deputy national commissioner of the South African Police Service (SAPS). Memela-Motumi and Modise are both former combatants in Umkhonto weSizwe (MK). They provided rich accounts of how their experiences as women in MK informed their later roles in transforming the SANDF. However, the study also has a prior genesis in Magadla's own experience of being the daughter of a soldier in the Transkei Defence Force. He ended his military career at 40 after that force was integrated into the SANDF. Her mother, a psychiatric nurse, also made her aware of the unstable mental conditions of many soldiers who were demobilised from the various armed forces in the period around 1994. This personal knowledge plus the experience of working with the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) gives the impetus for an important study. It is a study arising out of the complicated and turbulent moment in time when seven armies were integrated. These seven armies include the South African Defence Force (SADF), MK, the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA) and the four 'homeland' armies. This was a period in which those who had chosen to fight apartheid were faced with the question of whether they were career soldiers or not; and whether a return to civilian life was possible now that there was no longer a war.

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DS Koyana. « LEGAL PLURALISM IN SOUTH AFRICA : THE RESILIENCE OF TRANSKEI’S SEPARATE LEGAL STATUS IN THE FIELD OF CRIMINAL LAW ». Obiter 26, n^o 1 (19 septembre 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v26i1.14804.

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The Transkei Penal Code was enacted by the parliament of the Cape of Good Hope as Act 24 of 1886. It was part of the mechanisms devised for governance of the area between the Kei River in the west and the Mtamvuma river on the Natal border, and to which the name Transkei was given. It was drawn up by lawyers trained in English law and it therefore watered down the influence of Roman-Dutch law in the Transkei region of South Africa.The code exerted enormous influence on South African law itself. As a result the judges of the Supreme Court of South Africa (as it then was) in numerous cases heard in different parts of South Africa, repeatedly said that the South African law on a point in issue was as laid down in the Transkei Penal Code. The power of the Penal Code continued to be evident in Appellate Division decisions as recently as 1988. When Transkei became independent (in 1976) she revised the code and passed the Transkei Penal Code Act 9 of 1983. More than ten years after the reincorporation of Transkei into the new South Africa this Code remains of full force and effect. In 2004 an effort by the National Directorate of Public Prosecutions to have criminal charges in Transkei framed under the common law and no longer under the Code, was thwarted by the Transkei High Court which ruled that only an Act of Parliament could alter the position.

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Szabo, Janet. « South African Responses to New Soviet Air Defence Systems in Angola in the 1980s ». Scientia Militaria 52, n^o 1 (juin 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/52-1-1449.

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Because of its air superiority during the counter-insurgency conflict against the South West Africa People’s Organisation, the South African Air Force had neglected to build up modern air and counter-air defences. When Soviet air defence systems were therefore deployed in Angola in the 1980s, they were forced to reconsider their tactics and responses to the war. The Soviet systems included early warning networks, surface-to-air missiles and anti-aircraft guns to cover troops advancing in the field, and fighter aircraft. While this build-up was also observed in the neighbouring Southern African countries and had the appearance of a purely defensive stance, given Soviet air defence doctrine, South Africa viewed this as the first steps to offensive actions in Angola and possibly Namibia (then South West Africa) and the start of a dangerous escalation in the military situation. In response, the SADF adopted a strong defensive stance and improved its own air defence capabilities to ensure that it was not outclassed. The South African Air Force also introduced new tactics. These included the introduction of toss-bombing, making greater use of precision-guided missiles and bombs, and investing more in research in terms of missiles and new technology for their aircraft.

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Swift, M. « THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE ENTERTAINMENT GROUP IN SOUTH AFRICA (WORLD WAR II) ». Scientia Militaria - South African Journal of Military Studies 4, n^o 2 (28 février 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/4-2-935.

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Mongwaketse, Thuso Benton. « THE SANDF AS A HUMAN SECURITY INSTRUMENT POST-1994 ». Strategic Review for Southern Africa 38, n^o 2 (22 décembre 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v38i2.222.

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South Africa adopted a human security orientation at the start of its democratic epoch in 1994, but its operationalisation by the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) proved difficult to implement. Human security is an approach to security which prioritises the protection of the people over security of the state. One of its central tenets is that security is best achieved through development as opposed to arms. Against this backdrop, the principal objective of this article is to critically analyse and understand South Africa's official human security orientation. Two indicators, the functions performed by the SANDF as well as South Africa's strategic defence posture, were assessed to achieve the objective. The securitisation model associated with Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver was used as a theoretical framework to understand South Africa's official conception and utilisation of human security. It was found that the SANDF's operational functioning was compromised by having to perform its primary responsibilities along with secondary developmental tasks demanded by the broad mandate of human security. Furthermore, while South Africa lexically took human security and state security to be equally important, in practice the SANDF tended to prioritise state security ahead of human security both at home and abroad. Some analysts detected lack of strategic coherence in South Africa's security engagements in Africa while ignoring extensive efforts of the SANDF to bring peace, and not destabilisation, on the continent as part of the strategic defence posture. Ultimately, this article argues that the competency with which the SANDF ensures Strategic Review for Southern Africa, Vol 38, No 2 Thuso Benton Mongwaketse 29 state security must be cascaded down to the human level by taking up more secondary functions with some provisos. Alignment of defence policy and adequate resources as well as the involvement of the people will be indispensable towards realisation of true human security.

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Willemot, Yves. « De Gaulle's 'Communauté'. A Bridge from Colonialism to Paternalism in Afrika ». Afrika Focus 4, n^o 3-4 (26 septembre 1988). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v4i3-4.6487.

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The importance of the French-African Communauté is more than just historical. Indeed, the present French-African relationship is not completely understandable without a knowledge of the Community, which was created by the constitution of the fifth French Republic (1958). President de Gaulle, who was its inspirator, realised that in the changing world the relation- ship between France and its colonial territories had to be adapted. The French-African Community was a federal structure in which the French-speaking territories south of the Sahara became autonomous republics. Yet their autonomy was substantially restricted: foreign affairs, defense, the economic and financial policy, justice, higher education, the policy concerning raw materials (e.g. uranium and oil), and the organisation of international transport and telecommunication were reserved for the federal institutions. Although four institutions were created within the Community (the Presidency, the Executive Board, the Senate and the Court of Arbitration), only the Presidency had real power: the ex- clusive legislative and executive competence in all Community matters. The function of Community President was reserved for the French President. Therefore it can undoubtedly be said that the French-African Community was not a genuine federal structure, but merely a constitutional arrangement which ensured France the exclusive control over its former African colonies.The African political leaders were also aware of this and claimed the abolition of the. French-African Community. Using the possibility for change, provided by the 78th article of the constitution, they demanded independence by the transfer of all reserved competences (1960). In order to avoid any rupture, France accepted on the condition that bilateral cooperation agreements would be signed simultaneously. These agreements, which were revised halfway the seventies and which are still in force today, provide France with an unique position in Africa. No former métropole has a comparable influence in Africa. Besides, the French-African Conference, which is organised anually since 1973, gives France an excellent forum to influence and control the policy of African states. At this Conference almost every former French colonie in Africa is present, some Belgian, British, Spanish and Portuguese territories participate as well. Moreover, the cooperation agreements explicitly allow France to maintain large troups in Africa and to give support by military intervention whenever it is necessary. France's strict control over one of the most important attributes of state sovereignity, namely defense, increases largely the already acuted dependency on Paris. Yet, the economic position of most of the former French colonies and territories in Africa is the best illustration of their present dependence. Still today more than 40% of their trade is realised with the former métropole (export: raw materials; import: finished goods). Moreover, most of them are members of the so-called "zone franc", a monetary zone which is completely controlled by the French authorities. The good relationship between France and Africa remained as a result of which extensive bilateral cooperation agreements could be signed within the framework of the French-African Community. This continuity has always been one of the main characteristics of the French policy in Africa. KEYWORDS:-Decolonisation -Francophone Africa-the French-African Community - French policy in Africa - 'La Communauté'

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Gordon, Will. « Examining support of South African Defence Force conscription by the mainstream Afrikaans sister churches (1968–1991) ». Scientia Militaria 50, n^o 03 (19 décembre 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/50-3-1380.

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From the 1950s to the 1990s, white men were conscripted to serve in the South African Defence Force (SADF). Although it varied in its application and duration, conscription was an undeniable, and often unavoidable, part of life for white South Africa. While it was not universally accepted, and certainly not universally popular, resistance was largely confined to English-speaking citizens. Objection was often seen as cowardly or treacherous. Conscription had an influence on the psyche of white South Africa and was viewed in a serious light by various religious denominations. Ecclesiastical positions varied and often changed over the course of time. In the main, Afrikaans churches were sympathetic towards conscription, while English churches were likely to oppose it. The latter position has been extensively documented, but the former remains neglected. This article analyses the role that mainstream Afrikaans sister churches played in supporting the National Party policies of conscription and ensuring their congregants’ compliance. It also presents a discussion on the relationship between those churches and the SADF, inter alia by referring to changes in conscription legislation and the reaction of the churches to those changes.

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Esterhuyse, Abel. « HUMAN SECURITY AND THE CONCEPTUALISATION OF SOUTH AFRICAN DEFENCE : TIME FOR A REAPPRAISAL ». Strategic Review for Southern Africa 38, n^o 1 (22 décembre 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v38i1.276.

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The article traces the unfolding of the human security agenda as the primary organising framework for constructing the security outlook of the South African military. Questions are raised about the utility of human security as a conceptual basis for thinking about and the construction of defence. Human security is historically contextualised within the security conceptualisations of the 1990s. Since then, however, various geo-strategic changes in the world necessitated a return to a more traditional outlook on security and strategy. This reality was also increasingly visible in South Africa's foreign policy approaches and, more specifically, the employment of its armed forces in Africa. The article concludes by arguing, firstly, that the South African armed forces did not at any time critically question how a military should be organised, trained, and equipped for human security operations and, secondly, that the South African National Defence Force never questioned its own operational deployments through the human security perspective.

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« Interview with General Sir Rupert Smith ». International Review of the Red Cross 88, n^o 864 (décembre 2006) : 719–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383107000859.

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AbstractGeneral Sir Rupert Smith served in the British Army in East and South Africa, Arabia, the Caribbean, Europe and Malaysia before commanding, as a major-general, the British 1st Armoured Division during the Gulf War. As the first Assistant Chief of Defence Operations and Security at the United Kingdom Ministry of Defence in 1992, he was intimately involved in the United Kingdom's development of the strategy in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In 1995 he was Commander UNPROFOR in Sarajevo and in 1996–8 was the Officer Commanding in Northern Ireland. His final assignment was as Deputy Supreme Commander Allied Powers Europe in 1998–2001, covering the NATO operation “Allied Force” during the Kosovo conflict and the development of the European Security and Defence Identity. He retired from the army in 2002. Since 2006 he has been international advisor to the ICRC. His experience is shared to some extent through the words of his treatise on modern warfare, The Utility of Force: The Art of War in the Modern World (Penguin, London, 2005).

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Visser, Lieutenant Colonel GE, et F. L. Monama. « Black workers, typhoid fever and the construction of the Berg River – Saldanha military water pipeline, 1942 – 1943 ». Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa 4, n^o 1 (11 avril 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/td.v4i1.169.

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War creates a huge need for labour to support the war efforts of the belligerent parties. In South Africa tens of thousands of ‘non-white’ workers were mobilised during the Second World War to satisfy the Union Defence Force’s (UDF’s) labour needs at home and abroad. This article, firstly, outlines the role of ‘non-white people’, particularly black Africans, in the UDF with special reference to those employed within the Union of South Africa. Secondly, it briefly delineates typhoid fever as an historical thorn in the flesh of military forces up to the early 20th century. It then looks briefly into the incidence of and perceptions on typhoid fever as a killer disease in South Africa on the eve of the Second World War. Against that background, the article investigates the employment of black workers on the construction of the Berg River-Saldanha Bay military water pipeline and the UDF’s response to the threat and subsequent outbreak of typhoid fever amongst the workers at the Berg River intake site in 1943. The article concludes that the public health authorities and UDF were aware of the threat of typhoid fever with regard to the Berg River water scheme, but did not take sufficient precautionary measures, which could have had serious repercussions for the Allied war effort. This incident should serve as a warning to the South African National Defence Force when deploying on peace support operations on the African continent where typhoid fever remains a serious threat next to Hiv/Aids.

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Eugene van der Berg et Avinash Govindjee. « VULTURES BEFORE THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT : THE CHEQUE IS IN THE MAIL Khohliso v S [2014] ZACC 33 ». Obiter 37, n^o 2 (1 août 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v37i2.11544.

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The legislative protection of wildlife in the Eastern Cape is not in what one would describe as a state of orderliness. Considering merely provincial or other regional legislation, one finds that there are at least three (four, if one includes the Problem Animal Control Ordinance 26 of 1957) such pieces of legislation operating simultaneously, or in parallel, depending upon where one finds oneself in the Eastern Cape, regulating the same subject matter. In the first place there is Decree 9 of 1992 which applies to what was once the independent homeland of Transkei before Transkei once again became part of the “new” South Africa, following the constitutional developments since 1993. Decree 9 was issued by presidential decree upon the recommendation of a Military Council, following a military coup which soon replaced the “democratic” government of the Transkei. Similarly there is the Nature Conservation Act 10 of 1987 (Ciskei) which applies to what was the independent homeland of Ciskei, which also became part of South Africa following the same constitutional developments since 1993. (The Ciskei too suffered a military coup soon after attaining independence.) As for the remainder of the Eastern Cape, the subject matter is regulated by the (Cape) Nature and Environmental Conservation Ordinance 19 of 1974, a creation of the Cape Provincial Council then in existence. The Provincial Councils were ultimately abolished by the Provincial Government Act 69 of 1986, and their law-making powers were transferred to the Executive.The result of this farrago of legislation is that the status of each piece is unclear. Do they constitute original legislation or delegated legislation, or did they constitute legislative acts as opposed to executive acts? As if the matter is not complicated enough, Parliament has adopted (national) legislation which overlaps with the subject matter regulated by the aforementioned provincial or regional legislation, namely the National Environmental Management: Biodiversity Act 10 of 2004 in terms of which the relevant Minister adopted the Threatened or Protected Species Regulations (GNR150 / GG29657 / 20070223). A new draft set of such Regulations has been published for comment (GN255 and 256 / GG38600 / 20150331). In 1994 the sovereignty of Parliament gave way to the rule of law and the supremacy of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution). The validity of legislation could now be challenged before the courts on the grounds that it was in conflict with the Constitution. In this regard section 167(5) of the Constitution provides that the Constitutional Court had to confirm an order of invalidity made by a High Court in respect of an Act of Parliament, a provincial Act or conduct of the President. In terms of section 172(2)(a), the declaration of invalidity had no force unless confirmed by the Constitutional Court.On 20 February 2010 Ms Nokhanjo Khohliso (“the Appellant”) ran afoul of the Transkei Decree 9 of 1992, having had in her possession two vulture feet in contravention of the Decree. The Appellant was a traditional healer and intended to use the feet as ingredients to a remedy designed to protect her clients against theft. For her troubles, the magistrate’s court handed her a sentence of a fine of R4000.00, or twelve months imprisonment. The Appellant appealed to the Eastern Cape High Court, Mthatha, against her conviction, essentially challenging the constitutionality of the provisions of the Decree in terms whereof she was convicted. The key question that is examined in this note is whether a declaration of such unconstitutionality is subject to confirmation by the Constitutional Court in terms of section 167(5) and 172(2)(a) of the Constitution (see above). Reduced to its essence, the issue is whether legislation of the nature of Decree 9 is subject to the abovementioned two sections.

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Kotze, M. E. « The application of supers theory in the military : culture and gender in the life roles of young professional officers ». SA Journal of Industrial Psychology 27, n^o 1 (5 janvier 2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajip.v27i1.775.

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Political and societal changes in South Africa have resulted in the fundamental transformation of amongst others the personnel composition of the National Defence Force in order to be more representative of the South African population as a whole. As a corollary to this process, the South African Military Academy is making a determined effort to increase the number of black and female students within its student population. Opsomming Politieke en samelewingsveranderinge in Suid-Afrika het aanleiding gegee tot die fundamentele transformasie van ondermeer die personeelsamestelling van die Nasionale Weermag om sodoende verteenwoordigend te wees van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking as geheel. Bykomend tot hierdie proses wend die Suid-Afrikaanse Militere Akademie ook n daadwerklike poging aan om die aantal swart en vroulike studente in die studentepopulasie te verhoog.

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Curlewis, Llewelyn, et Thabang Sepuru. « POLICE BODY-WORN CAMERAS : A FOURTH INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION DEMAND FOR SOUTH AFRICA ? » Pretoria Student Law Review 16, n^o 1 (13 mars 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.29053/pslr.v16i1.4503.

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Incidents of police brutality are increasing around the world. South Africa faces its own excessive use of force by police as exemplified by the case(s) of Khosa v Minister of Defence and Military Veterans, as well as that of Nathaniel Julies. Countries such as the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States of America (US) have seen positive results from leveraging advancements in technology to provide detailed, first-hand accounts of what happens during a police encounter. In light of the fourth industrial revolution, which brings with it advancements in data processing and storage, the purpose of this article is to investigate what value such advancements in technology might hold for the South African criminal justice system. Possible barriers to its implementation will also be investigated. The article further analyses the effects of body-worn cameras in the UK and US jurisdictions on improved police-citizen encounters and overall quality of policing. Body-worn cameras have been found to have value in improving police-citizen encounters. However, its adoption may be slow because of budgetary constraints related to Information Technology (IT) infrastructure.

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Eckardt, Michael. « Manganyi, Calvin/Liebenberg, Ian/Potgieter, Thean (eds), South Africa and Romania : transition to democracy and changing security paradigms. Durban : Just Done Productions 2013, 376 pp. » Strategic Review for Southern Africa 38, n^o 2 (22 décembre 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.35293/srsa.v38i2.261.

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This volume is based on NRF-funded research cooperation between the Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History in Bucharest and the Faculty of Military Science at Stellenbosch University, dealing with the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy. It discusses the transition to multi-party democracy, the consequent changes in the security environment and the current role and defensive posture of these countries in their respective regions. All contributions are abstracted separately in the introductory chapter (pp 1-11). The specific chapters discuss the joint experiences and challenges in facing the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy (1. Liebenberg, I: "Transition from Authoritarian Rule to Democracy": 13-36; 2. Sasz, P V: "Transition to Democracy in Romania": 37-57; 4. Mangayani, C: "The Role of Youth in South Africa's Transition": 87-121), the reform of the armies (3. Ionesco, M: "Transition, Alliances and Military Reform in Romania in the post-Cold War Period": 59-86; 5. Ferreira, R: "South Africa: From Apartheid Army to a Post-Apartheid Defence Force": 123-135; 7. Mangayani, C: "Structures for Political Oversight of the Military": 171-204; 8. Otu, P: "Military Reform in Romania": 205-231) as well as the repositioning of Romania's security strategy (6. Cioculescu, S: "Romania's National Security Strategy in the Post-Cold War Period": 137-170). South Africa's change in strategy concerning its interests in the Indian Ocean is the main focus of T Potgieter in chapter 10 (pp 267-305)and Romania's status within the Euro-Atlantic security architecture after the end of the Cold War and its entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the European Union (EU) has been dealt with by Carmen Rijnoveanu in chapter 11 (pp307-340). Worthy of special attention is chapter 9 (Liebenberg, I: "The Arms Industry, Reform and Civil-Military Relations in South Africa": 233-266), bridging the purchase of arms and ammunition during the inter-war years (1919-1939) to the period of World War II (1939-1945) and even further to the establishment of South Africa's own defence industry under apartheid rule (1948-1989), emphasising the enormous cost of maintaining a military superiority in southern Africa paving the way for South Africa's economic decline by the end of the 1980s and leading to the political demise of apartheid in the 1994 elections. In chapter 12 ("Waves of Change, Military-Political Reorientation, Economic Alliances and Uncertain Futures": 341-357), the editors make a comparison Strategic Review for Southern Africa, Vol 38, No 2 Book Reviews 181 of the different starting positions of both countries and the national security strategies that emerged from it.

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Fortuin, Bernard Nolen. « The Perpetuation of Gender Norms and White Hegemonic Patriarchy in the South African Defence Force as Represented in André van der Merwe’s Moffie (2006) ». Gender Questions 8, n^o 2 (6 novembre 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/7240.

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With the institution of compulsory military service in South Africa in 1948 the National Party government effected a tool well shaped for the construction of hegemonic masculinities. Through this, and other structures like schools and families, white children were shaped into submissive abiding citizens. Due to the brutal nature of a militarised society, gender roles become strictly defined and perpetuated. As such, white men’s time served on the border also “toughened” them up and shaped them into hegemonic copies of each other, ready to enforce patriarchal and racist ideologies. In this article, I look at how the novel Moffie by André Carl van der Merwe (2006) illustrates hegemonic white masculinity in South Africa and how it has long been strictly regulated to perpetuate the well-being of the white family as representative of the capitalist state. I discuss the novel by looking at the ways in which the narrator is marked by service in the military, which functions as a socialising agent, but as importantly by the looming threat of the application of the term “moffie” to himself, by self or others.

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Mtshayisa, Velile E., et Rantoa Letsosa. « Practical guidelines to ameliorate the effects of internal and external deployments on the marriages of soldiers ». HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 75, n^o 4 (4 novembre 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v75i4.5641.

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This article critically looks at the challenges that are incumbent in the deployment of married soldiers who work for the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). The SANDF previously deployed soldiers outside the borders of South Africa for a period of 6 months or less. But currently, the SANDF has a deployment period of 12 months. This period is twice that of the earlier period, which means that soldiers and their families have to spend 12 months apart from one another. This has an adverse effect on the marriages of soldiers and makes the SANDF appear as an uncaring institute because its military operations tend to impact family lives. Using a qualitative research approach, this article explores the emic experiences of married soldiers who were deployed, and concludes by suggesting some pastoral guidelines that may prove useful for a multi-professional team handling the issues of deployment.

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Masuku, Mnyalaza T. « A relevant ministry for the armed forces : An agenda for the South African National Defence Force chaplains praxis ». Verbum et Ecclesia 41, n^o 1 (7 septembre 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v41i1.2071.

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Chaplaincy in South Africa (SA) recently became an attractive ministry and research fields for both ministers and theologians, respectively, more especially since the dawn of democracy in 1994. The military chaplaincy has been flooded with applications and enquiries from ministers and leaders from religions other than Christianity who want to secure their space in the ministry to the SA armed forces. Individual churches are also joining the queue for enquiries. As SA is a multireligious nation, religions other than Christianity are also knocking at the door of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), claiming their right to be accommodated. For this reason, it is important for churches, other religious organisations, leaders, ministers and theological institutions or faculties to have knowledge of this unique world and its context, as well as the ministry dynamics and challenges involved. This will assist them in order to prepare appropriately in terms of shaping the curricula and qualifications of their ministers for effective ministry to the armed forces with special reference to the SANDF. This article investigates the dynamics of the military chaplaincy in relation to historical developments along similar chaplaincies globally, the nature of its ministry to the SA armed forces and the challenges posed by the ministry context (SANDF environment), and finally, it crafts and proposes a suitable curriculum for a relevant and effective ministry in the SANDF and the world.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This article is located in the field of Missiology. However, it has interdisciplinary implications that affect disciplines such as Military Science, Sociology, Practical Theology and Church History, which all assist as building blocks towards a relevant ministry for the armed forces.

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Agbedahin, Adesuwa Vanessa, et Komlan Agbedahin. « Viewpoint : Prospect of Military Educational Roles during Public Health Crises - Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic in South Africa ». Southern African Journal of Environmental Education 36 (17 juin 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/sajee.v36i1.15.

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This viewpoint paper examines the prospect of an effective educational role for the military during public health crises. Reflecting a broad understanding of environmental education as education to protect the public space, the authors argue that the military could provide this during times of crises. The response to the COVID-19 pandemic in South Africa included the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), thus offering a unique opportunity to inquire into this contentious possibility. At the outset of the outbreak, some scholars deemed the SANDF unfit to make any meaningful contribution to the fight against the novel coronavirus. Leadership and coordination hurdles, a longstanding legitimacy crisis and inadequate training, may justify this pessimistic view. Based on available literature and document analysis, the authors propose the viewpoint that the military can play a progressive environmental educational role during crises if (1) its educational programmes such as green soldiering are intensified, widened and adequately informed by training; (2) if more is made of the experience, cultural insights and personnel gain during peacekeeping missions; (3) if healthy civil-military relations are prioritised, along with (4) military professionalism, supported by a deeper understanding in society of the diversity of roles and skills the military could offer. The military itself needs to recognise this and not train all personnel as if they are about to enter combat with an enemy. Should these elements be present, the security forces could indeed be a force for good during times of public health crises.Keywords: COVID-19, civil-military relations, environmental education, pandemics, SANDF

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Jumat, Jennifer D., Marthie C. Bezuidenhout et Theodor G. Neethling. « Pre-deployment preparation of military nurses of the South African National Defence Force for participation in peace support operations ». Curationis 37, n^o 1 (24 février 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/curationis.v37i1.75.

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Background: South Africa has dedicated itself to participate in peace support operations (PSOs). The concept of ‘jointness’, involving different arms of services, was adopted within the South African National Defence Force, thus involving nurses in PSOs.Problem statement: Combat-readiness being a prerequisite for those involved in PSOs raised questions as to the readiness of forces to participate in these missions. There is a need for specific nursing care during PSOs, but the role and functions of nurses during such operations were not clearly defined; thus their preparation for these missions had very little scientific grounding.Objectives: These were to explore the pre-deployment preparation needs of military professional nurses during PSOs, and to describe the experience of these nurses whilst being deployed.Method: A quantitative exploratory, descriptive and contextual approach was used. Questionnaires were distributed to 99 professional nurses who had deployment experience, and 72 participated (73% response rate). Relevant peace mission concepts are the environment, jointness, behaviour and mission readiness, which served as the conceptual bases for the study.Results: Findings indicated that the nurses were not fully informed of their responsibilities during deployment or the circumstances under which they would have to work and live. Their preparation is not fully integrated with that of the other armed forces, and deficiencies in their training and development were identified which negatively impact on their mission readiness.Conclusion: Recommendations were made in terms of human resource requirements, psychological training, better integration of jointness training, and content of training and development to ensure mission readiness of nurses.

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Jolandi Le Roux-Bouwer. « PUTATIVE PRIVATE DEFENCE IN CRIMINAL LAW Tuta v The State 2023 (2) BCLR 179 (CC) ». Obiter 44, n^o 4 (12 janvier 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v44i4.17598.

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In a country like South Africa, plagued as it is by violent contact crime, it is not surprising that the defences of private defence and putative private defence are often raised by accused in criminal trials. It is trite that, for a conviction in a criminal court, the prosecution is tasked with proving the accused’s liability beyond reasonable doubt. As an element of a crime, unlawfulness does not simply lie in fulfilment of the definitional elements of a crime. There are instances where, notwithstanding fulfilment of the definitional elements of a crime, the conduct is justified or legally regarded as objectively reasonable. These instances are known as grounds of justification and technically serve to exclude unlawfulness. A ground of justification, if successfully raised, is therefore a complete defence to any criminal charge. There is not a numerus clausus of valid grounds of justification in South African criminal law; the test remains whether the accused’s conduct was objectively reasonable in the particular situation. One such ground of justification is private defence. A person acts in private defence, and therefore lawfully, if they use the minimum force necessary to ward off an unlawful human attack that has commenced, or is imminently threatening, upon their or somebody else’s protected legal interests such as life, physical integrity, property, reputation or dignity. The defensive act in private defence must be: necessary to protect the threatened interest; directed at the attacker; reasonably proportionate to the attack; and perpetrated with the knowledge that it is performed in private defence. Unlike private defence, putative private defence is not a ground of justification that excludes unlawfulness. Putative private defence exists where an accused is under the mistaken belief that they are conducting themselves in private defence whereas there is no such ground of justification in the circumstances. If an accused labours under the genuine but erroneous belief in the existence of a ground of justification, their conduct remains unlawful. The accused lacks the knowledge that they are, in reality, acting unlawfully. While the accused’s conduct remains unlawful, the absence of knowledge of unlawfulness results in a lack of intention, since knowledge of unlawfulness is an integral part of intention. The accused’s mistaken belief that they are acting lawfully in private defence must be honest and genuine but need not be rational or reasonable. If, on the facts, there could be no honest and genuine belief on the accused’s part in the lawfulness of their defensive act, putative private defence cannot exist. It is trite that, for private defence to succeed as a ground of justification, the test is objective in the sense that the attack and the defensive action must meet certain objective requirements. The accused’s subjective belief, whatever it may be, has no impact on the validity of private defence as a ground of justification. The Constitutional Court in Tuta v The State (2023 (2) BCLR 179 (CC)) was recently tasked with making a finding on the correct legal test to be applied to the existence of the defence of putative private defence. In this contribution, the Constitutional Court’s decision is analysed.

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Visagie, Nicolette, Renier Armand du Toit, Didi Zungu, David Schoeman et Stephanie Joubert. « Comparing deployment experiences of South African National Defence Force personnel during peace support missions : Sudan vs Democratic Republic of Congo ». Scientia Militaria 50, n^o 2 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/50-2-1375.

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The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has operational responsibilities in Africa regarding peace support operations. These deployments are the bread and butter of the SANDF and members are therefore frequently deployed for extended periods. These deployments are unique environments with taxing circumstances, which place various psychological demands on the soldier. The psychological impact of these demands originates not only from combat and the consequent clinical effect thereof, but also from organisational factors and the contribution of family stressors. The study reported here endeavoured to examine the positive and negative subjective deployment experiences of soldiers in two different mission areas. The data compared and further utilised to provide a framework of two proposed matrices, namely booster and stressor matrices, which may affect the optimal psychological functioning of soldiers. The study adopted a survey design utilising qualitative data focusing on retrospective data. The data stems from the Psychological Demobilisation Questionnaire developed by psychologists in the SANDF and amended by the authors. Data were collected from both combat service support and combat forces, from two different missions in different countries, both missions were one year in duration. Data revealed both positive and negative experiences correlating with the context of operations. These themes were categorised in terms of the sphere of functioning (organisational, family and clinical) from the deployment experience. The booster and stressor matrices provide a practical and accessible framework to military commanders on how to ‘boost’ or mitigate some of the experiences of their deployed force, as the commanders play a key role in the deployed soldier’s experience and the impact of such experiences in the theatre of operation.

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Arendse, Danille. « Safe and optimistic : Experiences of military members after the first repatriation of South Africans during the Covid-19 pandemic ». Scientia Militaria 50, n^o 2 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/50-2-1370.

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The Covid-19 pandemic presented a period of unprecedented uncertainty. The repatriation of South African citizens from Wuhan was a first for the South African government. These special circumstances of risk presented a unique opportunity to explore experiences of military members who were at the frontline. The primary aim of this study was to investigate the experiences of South African National Defence Force (SANDF) members involved in the first South African repatriation of its citizens due to the Covid-19 crisis. This included aspects such as possible stigma, perceptions and emotions towards Covid-19, repatriation, and quarantine experienced by the SANDF members. A quantitative research approach was adopted for this study. The exploratory study used purposive sampling to include only military members involved in the first South African repatriation and quarantine procedure for the Covid-19 pandemic. The research sample comprised 13 SANDF regular force members of whom 85% had tertiary qualifications. These military members were asked to complete informed consent forms and a newly created questionnaire, the Stigma and Related Matters Questionnaire. A reliability, correlation and frequency analysis was performed through SPSS. Cronbach’s alpha indicated high reliability and several strong relationships among the statements. The findings indicated that the military members involved in the return and quarantine of repatriated South Africans, were mostly positive and supportive of virus containment measures and lockdown practices. Military members did not report holding any stigmatising or discriminatory beliefs around Covid-19. These responses are in contrast with literature from other countries where people reported experiencing severe discrimination. The current responses however also support literature that reports positive perceptions on virus containment measures. More research is recommended as the Covid-19 pandemic persists in South Africa.

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Bain, Edwin G., et Jan Venter. « Public health policy in a time of change and disaster in South Africa : 1910–1920 ». Jàmbá : Journal of Disaster Risk Studies 8, n^o 1 (17 mars 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v8i1.215.

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With the establishment of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the central focus of the newly appointed government was to alter and consolidate the policies of the pre-Union colonies that differed materially in many respects and to substitute them with uniform policies that had to be implemented as a consolidated whole for the Union. This central focus was applied to a number of policies, notably those for the black people, immigration, education, labour, national defence and the development and implementation of railway, mining and agricultural policies. However, an omission occurred with regard to the consideration of a comprehensive public health policy by the political parties and the Union Parliament, consisting of white people only. This article examines this omission during the first 10 years of the Union of South Africa (1910–1920), during the three 5-yearly general elections (on 15 September 1910, 20 October 1915 and 10 March 1920), and argues that this lack of consideration of a comprehensive public health policy can be found in the theory of party political responsible government during unification, which was further developed by Kavanagh, that party political manifestos act as the guiding force behind the policy matters that are discussed and decided upon in Parliament. The article confirms that the reason for not establishing a comprehensive public health policy prior to the outbreak of the influenza epidemic in 1918 was the incidental and piecemeal fashion in which expressions on public health appeared in the published party political manifestos, which in turn influenced the proceedings of Parliament. This political negligence was, however, quickly overturned by Parliament immediately after the epidemic, showing the influence of this demographic disaster on political thinking and action.

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Bester, Kyle John, et Danille Arendse. « Measuring Cybersecurity Awareness in a South African Military Sample ». Scientia Militaria 52, n^o 1 (juin 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/52-1-1445.

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Cyberspace has been identified as a new domain of warfare; awareness of cyber threats is therefore crucial for members of the military because it allows for greater insight into potential cyber threats and attacks. Furthermore, developing cybersecurity awareness may assist in the detection of cyber threats in the workplace, and may further assist members of the military to be cognisant of their own vulnerability in cyberspace. In South Africa, cybersecurity is a topic of interest, and the South African National Defence Force has highlighted the need to enhance its cybersecurity capacity. The Cybersecurity Orientation Questionnaire was developed for members of the South African military with the fundamental objective of assessing their cybersecurity awareness as part of a larger study. The purpose of the study on which this article is based, was to explore the initial validation of the Questionnaire using a South African military sample. The study design was quantitative, and the reliability and factor structure of the Questionnaire were analysed by means of the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. The sample size consisted of 182 military participants who were based at two military educational institutions. The Questionnaire showed acceptable reliability for research purposes (r = .79; p = .000) and the prominent three-factor structure was in line with the theorised factors envisioned during the development of the Questionnaire. Initial validation of the Questionnaire showed promising results for assessing cybersecurity awareness in the South African military sample. This study therefore emphasises the importance of developing instruments specifically for the South African military context.

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