Articles de revues : « Titulus »

1

Henderson, A. A. R., et L. J. F. Keppie. « Titulus or Titulum ? » Britannia 18 (1987) : 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526456.

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Förster, Niclas. « Der titulus crucis ». Novum Testamentum 56, n^o 2 (18 mars 2014) : 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341454.

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AbstractThe historical reliability of the titulus crucis as quoted in the Gospel of Mark is substantiated by its unique position in the practice of executions in pagan und Jewish tradition. With its inscription, Pontius Pilate sought to dash messianic expectations for the Jewish kingdom. The threat posed by messianic pretenders to Roman rule is demonstrated by Simon and Athronges, two self-appointed Jewish kings entering into the public sphere around Passover in 4 bce. It is therefore likely that these events coloured Pontius Pilate’s interpretation of Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem as being along the lines of the uprising of the two messianic kings Simon and Athronges.

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Pool, Eric H. « II. Causa und titulus ». Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte : Romanistische Abteilung 138, n^o 1 (1 juin 2021) : 83–179. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2021-0002.

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Abstract Causa and titulus. Qualifications of possession and a change of terminology in Ulp. D. 5,3,13,1. – In D. 5,3,13,1, Ulpian states that every title to possession (like pro emptore, pro donato etc.) could be accompanied by a general title pro possessore, which becomes decisive if the other title failed. The text is interesting in two aspects: First, it is one of only a handful of classical texts which speak of titulus instead of causa possessionis. Therefore, the text is still today suspected of interpolation. Second, it is heavily disputed which circumstances lead to a possession pro possessore and why this typolology is used at all. This article proposes a solution to both problems. The pro possessore terminology can only be assessed correctly if we focus the procedural position of the possessor, especially in the realm of the hereditatis petitio. The new terminology (titulus) is a mere consequence of the fact, that the burden of prove is assigned according to the ,title‘ of possession indicated by the possessor, not by the real (and possibly unprovable) cause.

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Pastuszko, Marian. « Wstępne warunki święceń (kanony : 1033-1039) ». Prawo Kanoniczne 45, n^o 1-2 (15 juin 2002) : 95–192. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2002.45.1-2.03.

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Studium hoc proemio, parte principali et conclusione constat. In proemio canones 1033-1039 Codicis Iuris Canonici Ioannis - Pauli II Papae obiectum huius studii, esse, dicitur. Pars principalis studii in novem particulas subdividitur. 1. Qui recepit sacramentum confirmationis, licite ad ordines promovetur (can. 1033). 2. Ad diaconatum vel presbyteratum aspirans ordinetur qui adscriptionem inter candidatos obtinuit, post praeviam suam petitionem propria manu exaratam, atque ab episcopo proprio vel superiore maiore instituti religiosi clericalis inscriptis exaratam (can. 1034 §§ 1-2). 3. Requiritur ut ministeria lectoris et acolythi receperit et per congruum tempus exercuerit, antequam quis ad diaconatum sive permanentem sive transeuntem promoveatur (can. 1035 § 1). 4. Inter acolythatus et diaconatus collationem interstitiae intercedant sex saltemmensium (can. 1035 § 2). 5. Candidatus petens ordinationem, ut ad ordinem diaconatus aut presbyteratus promoveri possit, episcopo proprio aut superiori maiori declarationem tradat propria manu exaratam qua testificetur, se sponte ac libere, ordinem suscepturum atque in ministerio ecclesiastico perpetuo mancipaturum esse (can. 1036). 6. Promovendus ad diaconatum permanentem, qui non sit uxoratus, item que promovendus ad diaconatum transeutem, ad ordinem diaconatus non admittatur, nisi coram Deo et Ecclesia obligationem caelibatus assumpserit, aut votum perpetuum castitatis in instituto religioso emiserit (can. 1037). 7. Diaconus, qui ad presbyteratum promoveri renuat, nisi impedimento detineatur canonico aliave gravi de causa, de iudicio episcopi aut superioris maioris aestimanda, ab ordinis recepti exercitio prohiberi non potest (can. 1038). 8. Omnis qui ad aliquem ordinem promovendus est, exercitiis spiritualibus vacet per quinque saltem dies, loco et modo ab ordinario determinatis (can. 1039). 9. Pro clericis saecularibus titulus canonicus est titulus beneficii, eoque deficiente, patrimonii aut pensionis (can. 979 § 1 CIC 1917 an.). Pro regularibus titulus canonicus est sollemnis religiosa profesio seu titulus, ut dicitur, paupertatis (can. 982 § 1 CIC 1917 an.). Coetus studiorum de sacramentis, in sessione dd. 6-10 februarii 1978 habita, statuit ut totus canon 222 Schematis documenti pontificii quo disciplina de Sacramentis recognoscitur, Typis Polyglottis Vaticani 1975, supprimatur. Etenim institutum tituli ordinationis est obsoletum et qui altari ministrat debet de altari vivere [Communicationes 10 (1978) n. 2, p. 195].

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Bella, Francesco, et Carlo Azzi. « 14C Dating of the ‘Titulus Crucis’ ». Radiocarbon 44, n^o 3 (2002) : 685–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200032136.

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Alonso Alonso, Maria Ángeles. « Imago, titulus et construction de la mémoire ». Kentron, n^o 33 (31 décembre 2017) : 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kentron.1013.

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McInerney, Jeremy. « Interpreting Funerary Inscriptions from the City of Rome ». Journal of Ancient History 7, n^o 1 (26 mai 2019) : 156–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0008.

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Abstract The thousands of funerary inscriptions from the city of Rome published in CIL VI are a rich source of demographic data but are also the subject of serious debate regarding the epigraphic habit of the Romans. Do the inscriptions represent a cross-section of Roman society or are they largely the creation of the lower classes? Fixing the milieu from which the inscriptions come is difficult, because the exact status of more than 50 % of the commemorating population is unstated. The first section of the paper lays out the criteria according to which individuals, both those of certain status and those of uncertain status, may be classified as freeborn, freed or servile. The second section tabulates the results and argues that the practice of commemoration by modest titulus was overwhelmingly a phenomenon of the milieu of the freed. Since this is not a self-perpetuating population (the children of freedmen being freeborn), the prevalence of freedmen in the tituli shows it was among those families in transition from slavery to liberty that titular commemoration was most common. The freed drew attention to their own freedom, and even more proudly advertised the freeborn status of their children.

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Uroz Rodríguez, Héctor, et Javier Velaza Frías. « Epigrafía ibérica de Libisosa ». Palaeohispanica. Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, n^o 19 (3 décembre 2019) : 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i19.221.

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En este trabajo se estudian las inscripciones ibéricas halladas en las excavaciones de Libisosa (Lezuza, Albacete), correspondientes al momento de destrucción que se ha relacionado con las Guerras Sertorianas (82-72 a.C.). Se trata de 16 documentos que pueden ser leídos íntegramente como surorientales, realizados en su mayoría sobre recipientes relacionados con el almacenaje y consumo del vino. Las técnicas empleadas son el titulus pictus, el estampillado y el esgrafiado post cocturam. Frente a los dos tituli de hipotética funcionalidad religiosa o ritual, o los esgrafiados, acaso marcas de propiedad, los sellos anfóricos son interpretados como marcas de producción, destacando la repetición del mismo nombre personal -anbin(e)- en 7 piezas.

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9

Östenberg, Ida. « VENI VIDI VICIAND CAESAR'S TRIUMPH ». Classical Quarterly 63, n^o 2 (8 novembre 2013) : 813–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000281.

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Without doubt,veni vidi viciis one of the most famous quotations from Antiquity. It is well known that it was Julius Caesar who coined the renowned expression. Less frequently discussed is the fact that ‘I came, I saw, I conquered’ was announced as written text. According to Suetonius, Caesar paraded a placard displaying the wordsveni vidi viciin his triumph held over Pontus in 46b.c.(Suet.Iul. 37.2):Pontico triumpho inter pompae fercula trium verborum praetulit titulum VENI VIDI VICI non acta belli significantem sicut ceteris, sed celeriter confecti notam.In his Pontic triumph he exhibited among the biers of the procession a placard (titulus) with three words VENI VIDI VICI, not to show the deeds performed in the war, as in the others, but to mark out how fast the war had been concluded.

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Angeli Bertinelli, Maria Gabriella. « Un titulus inedito di M'. Acilio Glabrione, da Luni ». Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité 105, n^o 1 (1993) : 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1993.1790.

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11

Ferda, Tucker S. « The Soldiers’ Inscription and the Angel’s Word ». Novum Testamentum 55, n^o 3 (2013) : 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341427.

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Abstract This article defends the rarely encountered suggestion that Matthew’s insertion of “Jesus” in the titulus (27:37) recalls the word of the Angel to Joseph: “You will call his name Jesus, for he will save his people from their sins” (1:21). The reading has precedent in the work of John Gill but is altogether absent from Matthew commentaries and mentioned only in passing in a select few exegetical studies. The structure of Matthew’s gospel, components of his form and style, the narrative shape of his crucifixion scene, and his attempt to associate the death of Jesus with the forgiveness of sins, all suggest that “Jesus” on the titulus is more significant than hitherto realized. Like the fulfillment of Scripture in the casting of lots and the words of mockery from the passersby, the inscription unwittingly witnesses to Jesus as the Savior of his people.

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Galve, María Pilar, et Pedro Paracuellos. « Ánfora de Muria hallada en Caesaraugusta (Zaragoza) ». Salduie, n^o 1 (31 décembre 2000) : 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_salduie/sald.200016424.

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Ánfora Dr. 7-11 hallada en Caesaraugusta (Zaragoza). Presenta un titulus pictus que informa acerca de su contenido, probablemente muria de la Bética, es decir, salsa de pescado, que fue envejecida durante dos años. Incluye también el nomen del mercator (Licinius).

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13

Jakobi, Rainer. « Ein Triptychon aus Nola. Zur Interpretation des neugefundenen Paulinus-Titulus ». Wiener Studien 122 (2009) : 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst122s215.

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14

Castelli, Emanuele. « Titulus. Un contributo alla storia della parola nel mondo romano ». TYCHE – Contributions to Ancient History, Papyrology and Epigraphy 31, n^o 01 (mars 2017) : 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15661/tyche.2016.031.04.

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15

Burrows, Toby. « Titulus : Identifying Medieval Latin Texts : an Evidence-Based Approach (review) ». Parergon 24, n^o 1 (2007) : 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2007.0033.

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16

Ferda, Tucker S. « Matthew’s Titulus and Psalm 2’s King on Mount Zion ». Journal of Biblical Literature 133, n^o 3 (2014) : 561–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jbl.2014.0037.

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Stoneman, William P. « Titulus. Identifying Medieval Latin Texts : An Evidence-Based Approach. Richard Sharpe ». Speculum 80, n^o 3 (juillet 2005) : 972–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400008800.

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Jiménez Salvador, José Luis. « Nuevo titulus pictus y hallazgos recientes de pintura mural romana registrados en Valencia ». Archivo Español de Arqueología 74, n^o 183-184 (30 décembre 2001) : 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aespa.2001.v74.158.

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19

Okon, Danuta. « ILat Novae 39 : A New Interpretation of the Titulus Pictus from Novae ». Palamedes 12 (10 décembre 2019) : 165–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/pal.2017.43374834.

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The article discusses two new readings of line 5 of titulus pictus from (ILatNovae 39). According to the first one, line 5 is to be read as C(aio) Sam(bucio) C(ai) f(ilio) Q(ui- rina) Maiore, and the person mentioned is considered a senatorial legate. According to the other one, line 5 is to be read as C(aio) Sam(mio) C(ai) f(ilio) Q(uirina)/O(ufen- tina) Maiore, and the person mentioned is considered a centurion.

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Ferda. « Matthew's Titulus and Psalm 2's King on Mount Zion ». Journal of Biblical Literature 133, n^o 3 (2014) : 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbibllite.133.3.561.

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Speaight, George. « A Commedia dell'arte Lazzo ». Theatre Research International 18, n^o 1 (1993) : 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300017521.

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Among the abundant iconographical records of the commedia dell' arte are a handful of engravings depicting vivaciously capering single characters, of which three have been reproduced by Allardyce Nicoll, where they are identified merely as ‘seventeenth-century engravings’. The same subjects were apparently copied by Adrian de Winter (1615–?) in a set of six groups of commedia characters entitled Titulus Stultorum, where they appear in reverse with the addition of half a dozen characters copied from Callot's Balli di Sfessania.

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Góralski, Wojciech. « Pozycja prawna osób świeckich w Kościele według nowego Kodeksu Prawa Kanonicznego ». Prawo Kanoniczne 28, n^o 1-2 (5 juin 1985) : 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1985.28.1-2.04.

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Q uam quam lin Codice Iuris Canonici anni 1917 quidam canomes de laicis habebantur, tam en titulus De obligationibus et iuribus christifidelium laicorm libri II Codicis Iuris Canonici Ioannis Pauli II quasi totaliter novus patet. Auctar primum obligationes laicorum refert, deinde ipsorum jura.Hoc in studio isubnotat pecuïilaria muwera et officia laicis agnita obreflexianem thealogicam de natura laiicatus Concilia Vaticani II in novo codice expoeita esse. Quae theologia in documentas oo.nciliiL magisevioluta invenitur, ideoquc novus codex ampliorem disciipliinam hac dmmateria refert. Caipacitas activae partlioipatiionis laicorum in potestate regimimis in Ecclesiia exercenda tamquam maximi momenti eventus in nova legislatione canonica aestimari debet.

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Mombello, Gianni. « Herman Braet, L’instruction, le titulus, la rubrique. Observations sur la nature des éléments péritextuels ». Studi Francesi, n^o 143 (XLVIII | II) (1 décembre 2004) : 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.38983.

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Kinney, Dale. « Liturgy, Space, and Community in the Basilica Julii (Santa Maria in Trastevere) ». Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (31 décembre 2019) : 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7801.

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The Basilica Julii (also known as titulus Callisti and later as Santa Maria in Trastevere) provides a case study of the physical and social conditions in which early Christian liturgies 'rewired' their participants. This paper demonstrates that liturgical transformation was a two-way process, in which liturgy was the object as well as the agent of change. Three essential factors - the liturgy of the Eucharist, the space of the early Christian basilica, and the local Christian community - are described as they existed in Rome from the fourth through the ninth centuries. The essay then takes up the specific case of the Basilica Julii, showing how these three factors interacted in the concrete conditions of a particular titular church. The basilica's early Christian liturgical layout endured until the ninth century, when it was reconfigured by Pope Gregory IV (827-844) to bring the liturgical sub-spaces up-to-date. In Pope Gregory's remodeling the original non-hierarchical layout was replaced by one in which celebrants were elevated above the congregation, women were segregated from men, and higher-ranking lay people were accorded places of honor distinct from those of lesser stature. These alterations brought the Basilica Julii in line with the requirements of the ninth-century papal stational liturgy. The stational liturgy was hierarchically organized from the beginning, but distinctions became sharper in the course of the early Middle Ages in accordance with the expansion of papal authority and changes in lay society. Increasing hierarchization may have enhanced the transformational power of the Eucharist, or impeded it. Keywords: S. Maria in Trastevere, stational liturgy, tituli, presbyterium. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

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Leuker, Tobias. « Der Titulus von Giottos 'Navicella' als massgeblicher Baustein fur die Deutung und Datierung des Mosaiks ». Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 28 (2001) : 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1348675.

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Remesal Rodríguez, José, Lluis Pons Pujol, Jordi Pérez González et Juan Manuel Bermúdez Lorenzo. « Nuevas Propuestas de datación de la epigrafía anfórica a través de la cronología de los asentamientos militares del limes renano-danubiano = New Proposals on the Dating of Amphoric Epigraphy Based on the Military Sites in the Renan and Danubian Limes ». Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, n^o 32 (7 novembre 2019) : 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.32.2019.24343.

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Tradicionalmente, las ánforas de aceite de oliva Dressel 20 se han fechado explícitamente a través de diversos medios, siendo los más comunes, el estudio de la epigrafía asociada: sellos, titulus pictus o grafito, el análisis tipológico del objeto o el contexto arqueológico. En el presente trabajo, proponemos nuevas dataciones para algunas de los sellos impresos sobre las ánforas en función de la cronología estratigráfica de los campamentos militares romanos.Durante los últimos años, en el marco del proyecto EPNet (ERC-2013-ADG-340 828), hicimos una revisión de los materiales contenidos en la base de datos del CEIPAC. El estudio de los diversos campamentos militares con líneas de tiempo bien definidas nos permite establecer varias propuestas de citas para aquellas marcas conocidas de recipientes de alimentos que faltaban, cronología hasta el momento.AbstractTraditionally, the olive oil amphoras Dressel 20 have been explicitly dated through various means, the most common being the class of associated epigraphy: stamps, titulus pictus or graphite, the typological analysis of the object, or the archaeological context. In the present work, we propose new dates for some stamps of amphorae based on the stratigraphic chronology of the roman military camps.During the last years, under the EPNet Project (ERC-2013-ADG-340 828), we did a review of the materials contained in the CEIPAC database. The study of the various military camps with well-defined timelines allows us to establish various dating proposals for those known brands of food containers that were lacking, chronology so far.We are interested in what the stamps can tell us, from the economic point of view, about the origin of olive oil and how it is distributed throughout roman frontiers.En esta línea, nos interesa lo que los sellos nos pueden decir, desde el punto de vista económico, sobre el origen del aceite de oliva y cómo se distribuye en las fronteras romanas.

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Harke, Jan Dirk. « VI. Die longi temporis praescriptio in der diokletianischen Reskriptenpraxis ». Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte : Romanistische Abteilung 139, n^o 1 (1 juillet 2022) : 214–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2022-0006.

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Abstract The longi temporis praescriptio in Diocletian’s rescripts. The concept of longi temporis praescriptio, as it appears from the sources, is essentially the work of the lawyers in Diocletian’s chancellery. Taking a comprehensive approach that also extends to usucapio, they establish two firmly defined prerequisites: titulus as the objective element, that is given a technical denomination for the first time, and bona fides, understood as the good faith of the possessor. The praescriptio is thus transformed into an institute of substantive law, which not only corresponds to the replacement of formulary by cognition procedure, but is also in line with the already existing relation to the person of the owner. In this way, Diocletian’s jurists develop the available legal material in a thoroughly innovative manner.

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Wasilewski, Sławomir. « Metody wychowawcze św. Jana Chryzostoma ». Vox Patrum 53 (15 décembre 2009) : 433–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4479.

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In omni processu progressuque recto qui ad artem educandi pertinet magni momenti est non solum consilium formationis morum et animi puerilis proprium patris, magistri vel pedagogi, sed etiam certa ratio viaque bene formandi. Quasdam rationes ac vias educandi invenimus etiam apud Ioannem Chrysostomum, qui notus est auctor libelli cuius titulus: De inani gloria et de educandis liberis. Inter quas dignae sunt, ut praesertim enumerentur: via ac ratio commovendi in voluntatem bonam, ratio viaque comitandi, ratio viaque praeveniendi, via ratioque implendi temporis, ratio et via circuli vel gregis, via et ratio fatigationis tollendae curiositate, via ratioque repetitionis et ratio viaque gradationis. Hae omnes sane valde prosunt ad propositum artis educandi, quod ad mentem Ioannis Chrysostomi episcopi sit formare et instituere pueros milites athletasque Iesu Christi.

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Wilcox, Max. « The Text of the Titulus in John 19.19-20 as Found in Some Italian Renaissance Paintings ». Journal for the Study of the New Testament 8, n^o 27 (avril 1986) : 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x8600802707.

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Wilcox, Max. « The Text of the Titulus in John 19.19-20 as Found in Some Italian Renaissance Paintings ». Journal for the Study of the New Testament 9, n^o 27 (octobre 1986) : 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x8600902707.

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González Cesteros, Horacio. « Scomber gaditano en Éfeso. Una Dressel 12 con titulus encontrada en la “Casa Aterrazada 2” de Éfeso ». Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 38, n^o 1 (2012) : 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.2012.3456.

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González Cesteros, Horacio. « Scomber gaditano en Éfeso. Una Dressel 12 con titulus encontrada en la Casa Aterrazada 2 de Éfeso ». Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 38/1, n^o 1 (2012) : 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.381.0111.

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Birr, Christiane. « Titulus ad regnum coelorum:Zur Taufe und ihren Wirkungen in der theologisch-juristischen Argumentation der Schule von Salamanca ». Rechtsgeschichte - Legal History 2013, n^o 21 (2013) : 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg21/129-141.

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Zivkovic, Milos. « Acquisition of ownership of real property by contract in Serbian law : Departing from the titulus-modus system ? » Anali Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu 63, n^o 3 (2015) : 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/analipfb1503112z.

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de Boer, E. A. « Tertullian on “Barnabas’ Letter to the Hebrews” in De pudicitia 20.1-5 ». Vigiliae Christianae 68, n^o 3 (2 juillet 2014) : 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341168.

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In De pudicitia Tertullian, quoting from Hebrews 6, refers to the Barnabae titulus ad Hebraeos. This piece of primary evidence on the authorship of the Letter to the Hebrews has not received the attention it deserves. Consideration of this piece of evidence serves to clarify our understanding of the development of the diverging ascriptions, and moreover reveals some possible reasons for this divergence. The Barnabas tradition can be followed until the end of the fourth century in Spain and France. Comparison of De paenitentia and De pudicitia shows that Hebrews features only late in Tertullian’s work. His growing conviction that a second repentance after baptism cannot be terminated by acceptance in the Church was strengthened by his appeal to Hebrews 6. Finally, Tertullian’s exposition of two chapters from Leviticus on purity illustrate his reading of Hebrew as the Letter by Joseph Barnabas, a Levite.

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Dondorp, Harry. « Bona fides presumitur in classical Canon Law ». Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte : Kanonistische Abteilung 102, n^o 1 (1 septembre 2016) : 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgka-2016-0107.

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Abstract In 1215, the Fourth Lateran Council settled a controversy between theologians and jurists with regard to the duty to make restitution. This moral duty was not always recognized at law because of the limitation of claims, which the jurists derived from Roman Law (C. 7.39.3) and which they termed as longissimi temporis praescriptio. Hence, correcting a statute that cannot be observed without peril to one’ soul, the council required that the person who prescribes, must not know at any time that the object belongs to someone else. The effect in legal practice may have been minor, for the canonists presumed the possessor’s ignorance after thirty years of uncontested possession. It was to the other party, the claimant, to disprove this presumption. Even if, by exception, there was a presumption to the contrary, the defendant invoking prescription could avoid proving his good faith by oath, for the presumtion then derived from the combination of the lapse of time and a proper cause (titulus) of his possession

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Henkel, Nikolaus. « Titulus und Bildkomposition. Beobachtungen zur Medialitat in der Buchmalerei anhand des Verhaltnisses von Bild und Text im "Bamberger Psalmenkommentar" ». Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 62, n^o 4 (1999) : 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482900.

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Sztafrowski, Edward. « Ponadparafialni współpracownicy biskupa diecezjalnego ». Prawo Kanoniczne 35, n^o 3-4 (10 décembre 1992) : 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1992.35.3-4.02.

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Terminus „supraparoecialis” in decreto conciliari Christus Dominus invenitur: „Proximiores Episcopi cooperatores sunt illi etiam sacerdotes, quibus munus pastorale indolis supraparoecialis ab ipso committuntur...” (n. 29). Munera huius indolis iam antiquis temporibus exsistebant, scilicet chorepiscopi, archidiaconi, archipresbyteri, et decani seu vicarii foranei. De his omnibus sermo est hic in n. I, cui titulus: Aspectus historicus. Deinde (n. II) de renovatione conciliari hac in materia agitur. Hac in renovatione munus decani in aspectu imprimis pastorali praebetur, necnon etiam alia munera supraparoecialia proponuntur. Numero III de decanis in Codice Ioannis Pauli II sermo est. Primum (n. 1) de propositionibus, quae in schematibus (1977, 1980 et 1982) huius Codicis inveniuntur, ac deinde de normis ipsius Codicis: De erectione Decanatus et constitutione Decani (n. 2). De obligationibus Decani (n. 3): promotio communis actionis pastoralis in vicariatu foraneo (A), cura de clericis sui districtus (B), conferentiones decanales (C), visitatio paroeciarum sui districtus (D); De iuribus decanorum (n. 4); De visitatoribus decanorum (n. 5); De Vicedecanis (n. 6); De aliis officiis in vicariatu foraneo (n. 7). IV. Demum numero IV de Protopresbyteris in Catholicis Ecclesiis Orientalibus tractatur.

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Lee, Kye Joung. « The Legal Principle of Acquisitive Prescription Requiring Title(Titulus) and the Determination on Possession in the Capacity of an Owner ». Justice 183 (30 avril 2021) : 186–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.29305/tj.2021.04.183.186.

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Ronchey, Silvia. « Costantino Continuato. Ideologia e iconografia del carisma imperiale bizantino agli albori dell’ età moderna ». Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, n^o 50-2 (2013) : 873–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350873r.

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In the second half of the 16th century, after the definitive Turkish conquest of Constantinople, the titulus of Constantine came to be perceived in a fundamentally new way within the design to reaffirm papal authority, culminating in the pontificate of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini. Diplomatic wrangling and the strategic plan to save Byzantium in the West in the two decades after the fall of Constantinople had and would have had the precise aim of reinstating the hereditary title of the Byzantine Caesars, transferred to the East by Constantine and never extinguished, within the orbit of papal influence. The seat of Peter and the sceptre of Eastern Christianity should have been symbolically reunited in the ?New Byzantium,? which would have had its base at Rome and its bridgehead at Mystras. The project failed also because its main supporters died one after the other within a short period of time. But during the decades when it was pursued, we witness a true revival of the figure of Constantine and an accentuation of the symbolic primacy and legal significance of his title in the deliberations and political actions of humanist intellectuals, and their reflection in the artistic commissions of the period.

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Lefteratou, Anna. « Jesus’ Socratic Trial and Pilate’s Confession in Nonnus’ Paraphrasis of St John’s Gospel ». Millennium 19, n^o 1 (2 novembre 2022) : 219–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2022-0009.

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Abstract This article argues that the Paraphrasis of St John’s Gospel by Nonnus offers a response to late antique concerns as to why the salvific message of Jesus failed to be recognised by authorities of the Roman Empire in the Gospels. By reworking the portrait of Pilate found in John’s Gospel, Nonnus transforms the governor into an unambiguously late antique pepaideumenos, one who ultimately participates in the promulgation of Christian salvation and truth. The analysis shows that Nonnus accomplishes this portrait through the use of Homeric parallels and allusions to Plato’s Apology of Socrates, which transform Jesus’ trial before Pilate from John 18 into a philosophical dialogue about justice, kingship, and truth. The poem invites its late antique audience to better identify with Pilate and to see his inscription of the title (titulus) on Jesus’ cross as an early gentile confession of faith, ultimately making Pilate into an apostle avant-la-lettre and rehabilitating the role of Rome vis-à-vis Christianity for late antique audiences. This work is part of a project on the reception of John’s Gospel in Late Antiquity under the direction of Prof. Michele Cutino and his research group, GIRPAM, at the Faculté de théologie catholique, Université de Strasbourg.

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NOGUERA CELDRÁN, José Miguel, Juan Manuel ABASCAL PALAZÓN et María José MADRID BALANZA. « Un «titulus pictus» con titulatura imperial de «Carthago Nova» y puntualizaciones a la dinámica urbana de la ciudad a inicios del S. III D. C. » Zephyrvs 79 (1 juin 2017) : 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/zephyrus201779149172.

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Logan, Alastair H. B. « The paintings on the Hermes tomb under San Sebastiano : a new Interpretation ». Cambridge Classical Journal 53 (2007) : 180–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000105.

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How early did Christians make their presence felt in the ancient cemetery under the present church of San Sebastiano in Rome? In this present article I will argue that enigmatic paintings on the attic of a second-century tomb, the tomb of Clodius Hermes, whose subject-matter and provenance is much disputed, are best interpreted as Christian and as representing three Lukan parables from chapters 14–15 (the Lost Sheep, the Great Supper and the Prodigal Son). I will suggest they were the work of a Christian slave or freedman of the household, perhaps a member of the titulus Byzantis on the Clivus Scauri, seeking to win over those coming to honour their dead relatives in the cemetery. It was such a community that was responsible for choosing the site for the joint cult of Peter and Paul in 258. My methodology will be, in the light of scholarly disagreement over the interpretation of the paintings as Christian, (a) to demonstrate the logic of the three scenes as representing linked parables, the likely identity of their author(s) and their apologetic function, with literary support from Tertullian; (b) to show the lack of obvious pagan parallels and argue for the plausibility of parables in the light of their occurrence and function elsewhere; (c) to suggest that such evidence of a Christian presence makes more comprehensible the later choice of the site for the joint cult.

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Drino, Dževad, et Benjamina Londrc. « De Officio Praesidis – On the Service of the Administrator of a Province, With Special Emphasis on Judicial Activity / De Officio Praesidis - o službi upravnika provincije, sa posebnim osvrtom na sudbenu djelatnost ». Годишњак факултета правних наука - АПЕИРОН 5, n^o 5 (28 juillet 2015) : 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/gfp1505177d.

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Preserved terminational or border- writings from the area of today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina, point towards the judicial role of the administrator of the province in disputes about the borders of land, belonging to particular tribes and they most certainly represent a valuable source in tracing the topographical distribution of certain tribes, but also point towards the type of organisation and execution of judicial power in the provinces. Thus, from the writings on bedrock near the village of Vaganj (the municipality of Šipovo, near Jajce), we learn that the governor of the Dalmatia province, Lucius Camillus Scribonianus, during the reign of Emperor Claudius, authorised the centurion of the VII legion to mark the borders of the Sapuat and Lamatin tribes, which he did. The writings begin with the name of the governor of the province, so the judicial ruling was always made at his order or decree (ex decreto, ex iussu, ex sententialetc), according to Roman jurist Callistratus. Justinian’s Digesta in the first volume and XVIII titulus with 21 fragment and 11 paragraphs, based on the fragments from the works of some of the most significant Roman jurists: Ulpian, Paulus, Julius, Modestinus, Papinianus and others, along with other officials, also regulate the responsibilities of the governor of the province. The paper was based on the Latin text Corpus IurisCivilis, vol.1, 1st edition, 1872, edited by Theodorus Mommsen and XI edition, edited by Paulus Krueger, based on the Liber Florentinus and the translation into the Serbian language by AntunMalenica, PhD.

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Nasiłowski, Kazimierz. « Opinia Rufina o władzy kapłańskiej i sakramentach ». Prawo Kanoniczne 32, n^o 3-4 (10 décembre 1989) : 157–268. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1989.32.3-4.07.

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De sacratmentis tempore ordinationis relativae, quae vocatur, extra Ecclesiam celebratis tres sunt usque ad diem hodiexnum doctorum sentenitiae, quae - u t plura non dicam - ita ex primi possunt: Alii affirmant Ecclesiae catholicae hac in re traditionem simplicem fuisse eam que traddtioni hodiernae similem. Illius enim temporis Ecclesia sacramenta in eiusd m forma foris celebrata vera esse docebat ad eorundem vim internam quod aitinet. Alii vero contrarium affirmant dicentes Ecclesiam docuisse sacramenta extra eam celebrata prorsus nulla esse. Alii denique dicunt Ecclesiae illius temporis traditionem variam et diversam fuisse atque inconstantem et vacillantem: sacramenta enim foris celebrata aliquando vera, aliquando autem prorsus nulla agnoscebantur. Omnes, quas dixi, opiniones Decreto Gratiani fulciuntur aut fulciri conantur auctoritatum periodi ordinationis relativae collection amplissima. Tota tamen haec collectio recta ratione ac via numquam examinata est. Igitur omnino recte dicit Sohm Decretum Gratiani librum esse septem sigillis occlusum ita doctis temporis recentioris , ut doctis exeuntis saeculi duodecimi, eumque usque in diem hodiernum non apertum manere ad intelligendum. Idcirco mirum non est, si his de causis omnium illarum opinionum fautoribus argumenta desint ad eas accurate probandas apta. His etiam de causis ceterisque multis Decretum Gratiani longae inquisitioni nobis erat. Quae autem ex inquisitione hac efficiuntur in foliis trimestribus, quibus titulus Prawo Kanoniczne (Ius Canonicum ), annis 1980-1985 et 1988 partim edita sunt. Ibi primam ex enumerates opinionem rectam, dmas autem ceteras prorsus falsas esse probavimus longaevam illam depotestate sacerdotali et vi sacramentorum foris celebratorum controversiam dirimentes. Hoc modo ad quaestionem ventum est de falsarum illarum opinionum fonte atque origine. Et apparuit primum sententiae auctorem, utriusque, quam diximus, falisae opinionis similis, Rufinum fuisse, cuius cuncta de potestate sacerdotali et sacramentis doctrina in disputatione nunc edita explicata est. Singulis autem disputationis huius partibus tituli sunt hii: I. De potestate sacerdotali eiusque fundamentis - A. De potestatesacramentali et potestate non sacramentali - 1. De potestatis sacerdotalis distinctione - a. De significatione nominis „usus o fficii” - b. De potestatis sacerdotalis fundamentis exemplo potestatis iudicis illustratis - 2. De antiquae artis vocabulis a decretistis simpliciori modo reddendis - B. De officiis ordinum et officiis administrationis - C. De ordinatione et institutione - D. De ordinatione et licentia ordinem exsequeindi - E. De primatu potestatis Romani Pontificis - 1. Rufini sententia - 2. De primatus fundamentis - F. De rigoris et misericordiae regulis - II. De sacramentis - A. De sacramentis dignitatis - 1. D e ordinatione sine titulo et ordinatione a non suo episcopo facta — 2. De ordinatione ab episcopis haereticis facta - a. De significatione auctoiritatis Urbani II a Rufino explicatae - b. De significtione auctoritatis Innocenti I a Rufino exiplicatae - c. De Rufini opinione cum Gratiani sententia comparata - 3. De ordine ab episcopis excommunicatis collato — B. De sacramemtis necessitatis et desacramentis necessitatis simul et dignitatis — 1. De baptismo - 2. De confirmatione et Eucharistia - C. De Rufino opinionis auctore de nulla vi sacramentorum ab aliquibus haereticis vel excomuniicatis celebratorum. Ea vero, quae ex disputatione hac perspicua sunt, paucis ita exprimi possunt: Rufinuse vocabulorum nominum atque notionum, in auctoritatibus Decreti Gratianei contentarum, explicationes permultas posuit easque non solum simplices, sed etiam binas vel ternas. Item Gratianeam potestatum sacerdotalium notionem simpliciorem latius expdicavit atque earundem potestatum varia fundamenta deserte indicavit. Et in his eisque similibus Rufinus laudandus est. Attamen aliquarum Decreti Gratia ni auctoritatum earumque maioris momenti falsam ponens explicationem, et non satis attendens rectam dicendi rationem ac viam Gratiani, eiusdem verae sententiae Rufinus propriam eamque falsam opposuit opinionem, de nullis videlicet sacramentis ab aliquibus haereticis foris celebratiis. Et in hoc Rufinus non minimam reprehensionem meretur. Indicavimus etiam omnium sive antiquorum sive rece ntiorum Decreti Gratiani explanatorum, similem de sacramentis sententiam affirmantium, principem atque patrem quedam Rufinum esse.

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LUXFORD, JULIAN. « Titulus : identifying medieval Latin texts. An evidence-based approach. By Richard Sharpe. (Brepols Essays in European Culture, 3.) Pp. 301. Turnhout : Brepols, 2003. €35 (paper). 2 503 51258 5 ». Journal of Ecclesiastical History 56, n^o 2 (avril 2005) : 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905353280.

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Jovović, Milo. « Da li vratiti titulu "doktor prava" ». Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 65, n^o 9-10 (1993) : 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv9304032j.

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Pastuszko, Marian. « Obrzędy i ceremonie sprawowania Eucharystii (kanony 923-930) ». Prawo Kanoniczne 36, n^o 1-2 (5 juin 1993) : 69–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1993.36.1-2.05.

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Praesens articulus proemio, parte principali, conclusione et argumento lingua latina exarato, constat. In proemio duae notiones, nempe ritus et caeremoniarum praesentantur. In principali parte articuli canones 923—930 Codicis Juris Canonici Papae Joannis Pauli II exponuntur. — Can. 923 permittit christifidelibus Cacrificium Eucharisticum participare et sacram Communionem suscipere quolibet ritu catholico, firmo praescripto can. 844. — Ad normam can. 924 Eucharisticum Sacrificium celebrari debet ex pane mere triticeo, recenter confecto ( = materia ex qua Sacramenti Eucharistiae) et vino naturali, de genimine vitis, non corrupto ( = item materia ex qua Sacramenti Eucharistiae). — Vino in ritu praeparationis donorum admiscendum est paulum aquae. — Secundum can. 925 sacra Communio distribui potest uno e tribus modis: 1. sub sola specie panis, 2. sub specie panis et vini, 3. sub sola specie vini. Hic tertius modus adhibetur solummodo in casu necessitatis ex parte fidelis sacram Communionem suscipientis. — Can. 926 obligat sacerdotes Ecclesiae romano — catholicae ad adhibendum panem azymum in celebratione Eucharistiae, iuxta traditionem antiquam. Etiam urgente extrema necessitate, unam tantum materiam (seu aut panem aut vinum) sine altera aut etiam utramque (seu et panem et vinum) extra Eucharisticam celebrationem consecrare severrimet prohibet can. 927. — In Ecclesia romano — catholica usque ad Concilium Vaticanum II (1963— 1965) Eucharisticum Sacrificium lingua latina celebrabatur. Ab illo tempore sine populo adhuc lingua latina celebrari, sed cum populo ordinarie peragitur lingua sacerdotis Missam celebrantis et populi participantis, dummodo textus liturgici legitime approbati sint a Sede Apostolica (can. 928). — Sacerdotes et diaconi tam in Missae Sacrificio celebrando quam in sacra Communione administranda sacras vestes a rubricis praescriptas deferre debent (can. 929). — Sacerdotes infirmi aut aetate provecti si stare nequeant, Sacrificium Eucharisticum celebrare possunt sedentes, servatis tamen omnibus praescriptis liturgicis, et non coram populo, nisi de licentia ordinarii. — Sacerdotes caeci autem vel alia infirmitate laborantes, licite Sacrificium Eucharisticum celebrant, adhibendo quemlibet textum Missae (utique ex probatis), adstante si casus ferat, alio sacerdote aut diacono vel instructo laico (can. 930 § 1 et § 2). Sub fine articuli quaedam inconvenientia indicatur, quae consistit in hoc, quod titulus articuli III De Ritibus et caeremoniis Eucharisticae celebrationis loquitur, sed canones 924—930 vocem „caeremoniae” non habent, et solummodo de ritibus, non autem de caeremoniis tractant. — Tandem non sine aliqua melancholia confitetur auctor: feci, quod potui, faciant meliora potentes.

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Larghi, O. P., O. Oliva-Pinheiro et E. Gonzalez-Luarca. « Evaluacion de un conjugado antirrabico por titulacion en diferentes microscopios fluorescentes ». Revista do Instituto de Medicina Tropical de São Paulo 28, n^o 1 (février 1986) : 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0036-46651986000100001.

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En cinco laboratorios se tituló una partida de conjugado antirrábico para inmunofluoresCencia con microscopios de tres marcas distintas, equipados con diferentes accesorios. Los títulos obtenidos variaron entre < 1:4 y 1:64, dependiendo de los accesorios utilizados. Estos resultados ponen de relieve la necesidad de titular los conjugados en cada laboratorio. Se mencionam los inconvenientes que pueden ocasionar la distribución del reactivo diluido de acuerdo con el título obtenido por el productor, o mezclado con suspensiones de cerebro de ratones normales e infectados con virus rábico.

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Perry, Curtis. « Titus’s Revenge and/as Imperial Roman Satire ». Explorations in Renaissance Culture 48, n^o 1 (11 avril 2022) : 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04801002.

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Abstract This essay explores the idea that the grotesque denouement of Titus Andronicus—and specifically that portion of the play staged as Titus’s dinner party—draws upon ideas about Rome and decorum from imperial Roman satire. The cannibal banquet in Act 5 of Titus Andronicus is designed to violate Horace’s remarks from the Ars Poetica about how ‘the feast of Thyestes’ should not be staged in a manner commensurate with comedy. In keeping with its exploration of indecorum as an index to corruption, the play’s weird denouement makes use of the generic resources of Roman satire, and especially of Juvenal and Persius, since each of these imperial-era writers positons themselves as indecorous and post-Horatian. Titus uses his dinner party to satirize Roman mores that he has come to recognize as corrupt, and as host he re-enacts Roman satire’s obsessive interest in food, cooking, and the dinner party as both metaphor and setting. In doing so, Titus literalizes a link between cannibalism and post-Horatian indecorum that is figural in Persius.

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