Se connecter

Bibliographies thématiques / Tiglath-pileser / Articles de revues

Articles de revues sur le sujet « Tiglath-pileser »

Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Tiglath-pileser.

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 26 juillet 2024

Mis à jour le 27 juillet 2024

Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres

Choisissez une source :

Consultez les 28 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Tiglath-pileser ».

À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.

Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.

Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.

1

YAMADA, Shigeo. « Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III ». Orient 49 (2014) : 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/orient.49.31.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

2

SIDDALL, Luis Robert. « Tiglath-pileser III's Aid to Ahaz ». Ancient Near Eastern Studies 46 (31 décembre 2009) : 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/anes.46.0.2040712.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

3

Galil, Gershon. « Israelite Exiles in Media : A New Look at ND 2443+ ». Vetus Testamentum 59, n^o 1 (2009) : 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853308x372955.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

AbstractThis paper reexamines ND 2443+, a Neo-Assyrian administrative record excavated at Calah in 1952, and first published by Barbara Parker in 1961 (Iraq 23, pp. 27-28). A new translation of this important text is presented, followed by a few notes and a discussion on the relation between the Israelite exile Hilqī-Iāu, and the city Sagbat/Bīt-Sagbat in Media. The text should be dated to the last years of Tiglath-pileser III since it mentions Bēl-Harrān-bēlu-usur, the nāgir ekalli, first appointed ca. 775 B.C., and the Israelites Hilqī-Iāu and Gir-Iāu, probably exiled from Israel after the 733-732 B.C. campaign. In light of the new interpretation of ND 2443+ the issue of “the cities of Media” (1 Kgs 17:6; 18:14) is reconsidered, and it is suggested that ND 2443+ indicates the deportation of Israelites to Media in the last years of Tiglath-pileser III.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

4

Grayson, A. Kirk, et Hayim Tadmor. « The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria ». Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, n^o 2 (avril 1998) : 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605905.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

5

Jong-Keun Lee. « The Syro-Ephraimite War and Hegemony of Tiglath-Pileser III ». Theological Forum 61, n^o ll (septembre 2010) : 83–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17301/tf.2010.61..004.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

6

POISEL, Timothy J. « Representations of Archers in the Relief of Tiglath-Pileser III ». Ancient Near Eastern Studies 46 (31 décembre 2009) : 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/anes.46.0.2040713.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

7

Auerbach, Elise. « Emphasis and Eloquence in the Reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III ». Iraq 51 (1989) : 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200297.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

8

Na'aman, Nadav. « Tiglath-pileser III's Campaigns Against Tyre and Israel (734–732 B.C.E.) ». Tel Aviv 22, n^o 2 (septembre 1995) : 268–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tav.1995.1995.2.268.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

9

Hurowitz, Victor, et Joan Goodnick Westenholz. « LKA 63 : A Heroic Poem in Celebration of Tiglath-pileser I's Muṣru-Qumanu Campaign ». Journal of Cuneiform Studies 42, n^o 1 (mars 1990) : 1–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1359872.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

10

Dalley, Stephanie. « Foreign Chariotry and Cavalry in the Armies of Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II ». Iraq 47 (1985) : 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200230.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

11

Yamada, Shigeo. « The Reign and Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, an Assyrian Empire Builder (744-727 BC) ». L’annuaire du Collège de France, n^o 111 (1 avril 2012) : 902–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/annuaire-cdf.1803.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

12

Handy, Lowell K., et Hayim Tadmor. « The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III King of Assyria : Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations and Commentary ». Journal of Biblical Literature 116, n^o 1 (1997) : 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3266768.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

13

Radner, Karen. « The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria. Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations and Commentary ». Journal of Cuneiform Studies 60, n^o 1 (janvier 2008) : 137–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jcs25608628.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

14

Ben-Ami, Doron, et Nili Wazana. « Enemy at the Gates : The Phenomenon of Fortifications in Israel Reexamined ». Vetus Testamentum 63, n^o 3 (2013) : 368–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341119.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Abstract This article addresses the phenomenon of fortifications in Iron Age Israel and tries to portray the specific historical background behind their construction by integrating the archaeological data, the extra-biblical sources and the analysis of the biblical text. Of the two clear stratigraphical phases of fortifications noticed in several Iron Age cities, the latter is more massive and elaborated compared with its predecessor. We propose that the developed phase of fortifications in Israel was created under the Omrides, in a time of economic and political strength, as a response to the expansion policy of Aram Damascus. This analysis offers an explanation to the intriguing absence of any biblical reference to the Assyrians prior to Tiglath-pileser III, and casts a fresh look upon the current debate on the chronology of the Iron Age II. If the elaborate fortification systems were initiated during the first half of the ninth century, the initial phase of the urbanization process, which preceded this developed stage, must have begun in the days prior to the Omride dynasty, namely in the tenth century.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

15

Millard, Alan. « The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria : Critical Edition, with Introductions, Translations and Commentary. Hayim Tadmor. » Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 308 (novembre 1997) : 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357415.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

16

Harmanşah, Ömür. « ‘Source of the Tigris’. Event, place and performance in the Assyrian landscapes of the Early Iron Age ». Archaeological Dialogues 14, n^o 2 (26 octobre 2007) : 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203807002334.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Performative engagements with specific, culturally significant places were among the primary means of configuring landscapes in the ancient world. Ancient states often appropriated symbolic or ritual landscapes through commemorative ceremonies and building operations. These commemorative sites became event-places where state spectacles encountered and merged with local cult practices. The Early Iron Age inscriptions and reliefs carved on the cave walls of the Dibni Su sources at the site of Birkleyn in Eastern Turkey, known as the ‘Source of the Tigris’ monuments, present a compelling paradigm for such spatial practices. Assyrian kings Tiglath-pileser I (1114–1076 B.C.) and Shalmaneser III (858–824 B.C.) carved ‘images of kingship’ and accompanying royal inscriptions at this impressive site in a remote but politically contested region. This important commemorative event was represented in detail on Shalmaneser III's bronze repoussé bands from Imgul-Enlil (Tell Balawat) as well as in his annalistic texts, rearticulating the performance of the place on public monuments in Assyrian urban contexts. This paper approaches the making of the Source of the Tigris monuments as a complex performative place-event. The effect was to reconfigure a socially significant, mytho-poetic landscape into a landscape of commemoration and cult practice, illustrating Assyrian rhetorics of kingship. These rhetorics were maintained by articulate gestures of inscription that appropriated an already symbolically charged landscape in a liminal territory and made it durable through site-specific spatial practices and narrative representations.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

17

Reade, Julian. « Real and imagined “Hittite palaces” at Khorsabad and elsewhere ». Iraq 70 (2008) : 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000851.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Between 745 and 700 BC the Assyrian empire established itself in much of the Levant, becoming a Mediterranean as well as a Mesopotamian power. People from former Syro-Hittite states and the coasts of Phoenicia and Palestine were dispersed across the empire, bringing their own social conventions, cultures and expertise in fields ranging from cookery and metallurgy to music and architecture. Many Assyrian kings in previous centuries had demonstrated their respect for these high cultures of the West; Herzfeld (1930: 186–93) was one of the earlier scholars to consider the extent of their indebtedness. Now kings who had visited the West and who had seen how people lived there, built western features into new palaces at Nimrud, Khorsabad and Nineveh.A clear allusion to this process resides in use of the phrase “like a Hittite palace”, literally tamšil ekal mat Hatti, “a replica of a palace of the land of Hatti”, i.e. the kind of palace or palatial structure familiar in the Syro-Hittite, Luwian and Levantine territories which eighth-century Assyrians still called after the Hittites. Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon and Sennacherib all recorded the construction of buildings like this, to which the term bit hilani (with minor variants) was also applied; Esarhaddon recorded building in both Hittite and Assyrian styles, and Ashurbanipal too built a bit hilani. The clearest relevant archaeological evidence consists of some remains on the western side of the main royal palace of Sargon at Khorsabad. P.-É. Botta, the first excavator of these remains, assigned them the name of Monument isolé, Monument X or Temple (henceforward simply Monument X).

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

18

George, A. R. « The Ancient World - Hayim Tadmor : The inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria. Critical edition, with introductions, translations and commentary. xv, 317 pp., 60 plates. Jerusalem : The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1994. » Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 60, n^o 1 (février 1997) : 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00029633.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

19

MacGinnis, John. « The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III (744–727 BC) and Shalmaneser V (726–722 BC), Kings of Assyria. Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period, vol. 1. By Hayim Tadmor and Shigeo Yamada. pp. 211. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, 2011. » Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & ; Ireland 23, n^o 1 (janvier 2013) : 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000454.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

20

Nielsen, John P. « The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC) and Shalmaneser V (726–722 BC), Kings of Assyria. By Hayim Tadmor and Shigeo Yamada. The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period, vol. 1. Winona Lake, IN : Eisenbrauns, 2011. Pp. xxxiii + 211 + 13 figs. $64.50 (cloth). » Journal of Near Eastern Studies 73, n^o 1 (avril 2014) : 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/674815.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

21

Mahieu, Bieke. « THE ASSYRIAN DISTANZANGABEN IN RELATION TO THE REGNAL YEARS RECORDED IN THE ASSYRIAN KING LIST ». Iraq, 13 septembre 2021, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2021.8.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Several so-called Distanzangaben (lit. “designations of distance”), found in Assyrian inscriptions, record time spans between events (mainly building activities) of Assyrian rulers. Such chronological data have mostly been studied as entities (for purposes of absolute chronology), and only rarely with regard to their composition. While some of the Distanzangaben can be explained as mere summations of the regnal years recorded in the Assyrian King List, others remain enigmatic. The present article attempts to trace the composition of every Distanzangabe. For those compiled by Tiglath-pileser I and Esarhaddon, ideological purposes seem to be implied. The one compiled by Sennacherib sheds light on the chronology of Tiglath-pileser I's campaigns.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

22

Torres Torres, E. « El descriframiento de la escritura cuneiforme : un hito que culminó hace 150 años ». ISIMU 10 (11 février 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/isimu2007.10.006.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

El desciframiento del acadio fue aceptado oficialmente por la Royal Asiatic Society el 29 de mayo de 1857.El proceso fue un largo viaje en el que tomaron parte muchos estudiosos, culminando en los trabajos de Edward Hincks y Henry C. Rawlinson. Pero las bases de la escritura cuneiforme y el método aplicado para descifrarla toparon con el escepticismo académico. Para disiparlo, la Royal Asiatic Society realizó una prueba en la que participaron cuatro asiriólogos: Hincks, Rawlinson, Oppert y Talbot. Los cuatro eruditos debían traducir independientemente y sin contacto entre ellos una inscripción hallada recientemente en Qalat Shergat: el prisma de Tiglat-Pileser I. La comparación de las cuatro traducciones demostró que el método de Hincks y Rawlinson era correcto, y el desciframiento fue finalmente reconocido.Palabras clave: Desciframiento, escritura cuneiforme, acadio, Hincks, Rawlinson, Talbot, Oppert, prisma de Tiglat-Pileser I. AbstractThe decipherment of Akkadian was officially accepted by the Royal Asiatic Society on May 29, 1857. The process was a long journey in which many scholars took part, concluding with the works of Edward Hincksand Henry C. Rawlinson. Nevertheless, the basis of cuneiform writing and the method applied to its deciphering encountered general academic skepticism. To get rid of it, the Royal Asiatic Society accomplished a test in which four assyriologists were involved: Hincks, Rawlinson, Oppert, and Talbot. The four polymaths each should independently –without contact among them– translate an inscription recently found at Qalat Shergat: Tiglat-Pileser I prism. The comparison of the four translations showed that the method of Hincks and Rawlinson was correct, and the decipherment was finally acknowledged.Keywords: Decipherment, cuneiform writing, Akkadian, Hincks, Rawlinson, Talbot, Oppert, Tiglath-Pileser I prism.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

23

« On the Arrangement of Reliefs Revealing Tiglath-Pileser III's Arab Campaign. Problems and Hypotheses ». Societas Classica 10, n^o 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.54664/wnup6952.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

24

Venanzi, Alessia. « «All Aram» and «Upper and Lower Aram» : what the Sefire Inscription suggests us about the Aramaean ethnicity ». BAF-Online : Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 1 (16 janvier 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2016.07.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The Aramaeans are always presented as an “undifferentiated group present from the Lower Khabur to the Mount Lebanon” (Sader 1992), without any ethnic affiliation. The construction of their identity may be given by two opposite viewpoints: their own perspective (internal view) and that perceived by other populations (external view). We will show this through the notion of “all Aram” in the Sefire inscription, and by looking at some passages from Assyrian records and the Bible. The first document is the longest Aramaic inscription (about 200 lines) found 25 km from Aleppo in 1930 and dated to the 8th century. It is a treaty stipulated between the unknown king of KTK, Bargaʼ yah and the king of Arpad Matiʻel. The other inscriptions concern, in particular, the records of Shalmaneser III and Tiglath-pileser III who occupied the Aramaean territories in the 9th-8th centuries, and some letters from Nippur.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

25

Radner, Karen, et Alexander Vacek. « The settlement of Yauna, ‘Ionian’ identity and the Greek presence on the Syrian coast in the second half of the eighth century BC : a reassessment of two letters from the Nimrud correspondence ». Journal of Hellenic Studies, 3 mars 2023, 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007542692200012x.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Abstract We offer a reassessment of two letters from the state correspondence of Tiglath-pileser III of Assyria (r. 744–727 BC) with the earliest references to a town called Yauna and a people called the Yauneans, as encountered on the eastern Mediterranean coast by the newly established imperial administration. Past scholarship connected these Assyrian terms with the ethnonym ‘Ionians’ and/or the toponym ‘Ionia’. The study narrows down the location of Yauna, drawing also on a review of the coastal sites that have produced Greek ceramic imports: although identification remains elusive, Yauna was certainly situated in the territory of the kingdom of Hamath, and later the Assyrian province of Ṣimirra. Discussion of the historical and cultural background of Yauna’s foundation highlights its significance for the ‘transfer debate’ and the phenomenon of the ‘Greeks overseas’. We argue that the Assyrians first encountered the Yauneans in this locality and that, to them, they were originally simply the inhabitants of Yauna. Due to the similarities perceived between them and (other?) Greeks appearing in the eastern Mediterranean, the Assyrians came to apply the ethnonym universally to all these people, who eventually adopted it for themselves. Thus, we support the argument that the term ‘Ionian’ originated in external nomenclature.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

26

Mederos Martín, Alfredo. « La fundación de la ciudad de Gadir y su primer santuario urbano de Astarté-Afrodita ». ISIMU 13 (10 février 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/isimu2011.13.011.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

La fundación de Gadir fue consecuencia de las pobres condiciones portuarias del santuario de Melqart enSancti Petri, lo que exigió pronto un buen fondeadero. La ciudad pudo ser fundada por sirio-fenicios de Arwad, lo que explicaría la presencia de los santuarios de Astarté-Afrodita y el altar de Kronos, pero la conquista asiria de Arwad por Tiglath-Pileser I, en el siglo XI a.C., facilitó la posterior hegemonía tiria enel siglo X a.C. El santuario de Astarté-Afrodita ofreció protección a la navegación, oráculos y prostitución sagrada a marinos y comerciantes y creó un espacio sacro para las mujeres en la nueva colonia. A partir del reinado Hiram I, a mediados del siglo X a.C., se empezó a celebrar el “despertar de Hércules”, un hiero gamos o matrimonio sagrado del rey o sacerdote con la diosa Astarté o su sacerdotisa, entre el momento de la muerte del dios Melqart en la pira funeraria hasta su égersis o resurrección en la mañana del tercer día. Esta escena fue también representada en las puertas del Herakleion gaditano, que creemostenía 20 escenas representadas, y no 10 como menciona Silio Itálico. Esta propuesta explica por primera vez que en la descripción sólo figuraban 6 de los trabajos más conocidos de Herakles y la supuesta ausencia de trabajos desarrollados en Occidente como el robo de los ganados de Gerión y el robo de las manzanas de las Hespérides por Herakles.Palabras clave: Fundación de Gadir, santuarios de Melqart y Astarté, Arwad, trabajos de Heracles. AbstractThe foundation of Gadir was the result of poor harbour conditions of the sanctuary of Melqart in Sancti Petri, requiring good anchorage soon. The city may have been founded by Syrian-Phoenician Arwad, which would explain the presence of the sanctuary of Astarte-Aphrodite and the altar of Kronos, but the Assyrian conquest of Arwad by Tiglath-Pileser I, in the eleventh century BC, facilitated the Tyrian hegemony in the tenth century BC. The sanctuary of Astarte-Aphrodite offered nautical protection, oracles and sacred prostitution to sailors and traders and created a sacred space for women in the new colony. From Hiram I reign in the mid-tenth century BC, began to celebrate the “awakening of Hercules”, a hiero gamos or sacred marriage of the king or the priest and the goddess Astarte or her priestess, between the time of death god Melqart on the funeral pyre until his egersis or resurrection on the third morning. This scene was also represented at the doors of the Herakleion of Gadir, which we think it had 20 scenes depicted, not 10 as mentioned by Silius Italicus. This proposal explains for the first time that the description contained only 6 of the best known labours of Heracles and the alleged lack of some works developed in the West as the theft of cattle of Geryon and stealing the apples of the Hesperides by Herakles.Keywords: Foundation of Gadir, Melqart and Astarte sanctuaries, Arwad, Labours of Herakles.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

27

TSAKANYAN, RUSLAN. « ON SOME FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY ISSUES OF MIDDLE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE ». COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES OF THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST, 2018, 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.52837/18291422-2018.31-19.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The article focused on the issues of the conquest of Assyria by the Kingdom of Mittani, and expressed an opinion that Mittanian supremacy over the Aššur was not long-lasting. Based on the construction work of Aššūr-bēl-nīšēšu (1407-1399 B.C.) and the fact of the treaty concluded between Karaindaš I, king of Babylon, it is evident that the king of Aššur was acting as an independent ruler. We assume that hardly being under the domination of the Kingdom of Mittani, he could have established diplo- matic relations with a third country and to the resolve border issues. Thus, proceeding from the above, it can be clearly stated that the chronological problems of Mittanian domination over Aššur need to be revised. And the Middle Assyrian Kingdom should be dated to the reign of Aššūr-bēl-nīšēšu. Among the Middle-Assyrian kings' well-known inscriptions the first record of deportation in the area of Assyria we meet during the reign of Arik-dēn-ili (1307-1296 B.C.), and then in the reign of his son Adad-nīrāri I (1295-1264 B.C.). Kings of the Middle Assyria, mostly destroyed and plundered of conquered territories. Only in the inscription of Aššūr-bēl- kala (1074-1057 B.C.) for the first time we meet one of the earliest manifestations of the king's use of deportation and resettlement. It should also be noted that before the reign of Tukultī-apil-Ešarra (Tiglath-pileser) III (745-727 B.C.) this policy was not included in the agenda of the state policy, so the taking and transfering prisoners to the land of Assyria or any other country cannot be regarded as a mass deportation.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

28

Lindström, Steven. « Tadmor, Hayim / Yamada, Shigeo : The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC) and Shalmaneser V (726–722 BC), Kings of Assyria. Winona Lake : Eisenbrauns 2011.Leichty, Erle : The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria (680–669 BC). 2011. » Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 112, n^o 3 (7 janvier 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2017-0069.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

Nous offrons des réductions sur tous les plans premium pour les auteurs dont les œuvres sont incluses dans des sélections littéraires thématiques. Contactez-nous pour obtenir un code promo unique!