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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Terrorism – peru »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 26 juillet 2024

Mis à jour le 30 juillet 2024

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Hernandez, Dora H. Barrientos, and Adam L. Church. "Terrorism in Peru." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (2003): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x0000087x.

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AbstractTwo major domestic terrorist groups have plagued Peru over the past 20 years, the Sendero Luminoso or “Shining Path” (SL) and the Revolutionary Movement Túpac Amaru (MRTA). On 28 August 2003, the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission reported that an estimated 69,280 persons were killed in the internal conflict in Peru from 1980 to 2000. Most of the victims were farmers (56%), most attacks occurred in rural settings (79%), and the SL was responsible for mostof the deaths (54%). Aggressive anti-terrorism efforts by police and military during this period, often at the expense of basic human rights, also contributed to this large burden of terrorism on Peru. During the 1990s, terrorist attacks in Peru had spread to its urban areas. On 17 December 1996, 22 members of MRTA took over the Japanese ambassador's residence in Lima, holding 72 hostages until the grounds were stormed by Peruvian special forces on 23 April 1997.Until recently, emergency planning and preparedness for terrorism-related events in Peru were largely underdeveloped. In the last five years, Peru has taken two key steps towards developing a mature emergency response system, with the establishment of the country's first emergency medicine residency training program and the construction of the first dedicated trauma center in Lima.

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Clutterbuck, Richard. "Peru: Cocaine, Terrorism and Corruption." International Relations 12, no. 5 (1995): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789501200506.

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Werlich, David P. "Debt, Democracy and Terrorism in Peru." Current History 86, no. 516 (1987): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.516.29.

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Magner, Nicolás S., and Cinthia K. Roa. "Terrorism and Latin-American Stocks Markets." Revista Mexicana de Economía y Finanzas 14, PNEA (2019): 583–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21919/remef.v14i0.424.

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This paper investigates the effects of major terrorist attacks of the last 20 years on a set of stocks listed at Latin-American stock markets. Utilizing the capital market model, we calculate abnormal returns during the day of the terror attacks for 115 stocks listed in 6 Latin-American countries. In this sense, we appreciate different reaction between countries, where Brazil, Peru, and Chile have a significant market reaction of terrorism. These results promote international diversification and the use of this loss to avoid significant capital losses. However, the results are limited by the validity of the capital market model. This paper has important implications for international investors and their investment risk management strategies. Despite the frequency of terrorist events, this is the first work that addresses a wide range of these in Latin American countries. The main conclusion is that there is a negative effect of terrorist events on Latin American markets, but this effect is mixed; there is a negative and significant impact of the US terrorist attacks and a weak and non-significant effect when the attacks occur outside the US.

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Báez, Amado Alejandro, Matthew D. Sztajnkrycer, Richard Zane, and Ediza Giráldez. "Twenty-Five Years of Violence: The Epidemiology of Terrorism in South America." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 23, no. 2 (2008): 128–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00005732.

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AbstractIntroduction:Terrorism is a global public health burden. South Americans have been victims of terrorism for many decades.While the causes vary, the results are the same: death, disability, and suffering.The objective of this study was to perform a comprehensive, epidemiological, descriptive study of terrorist incidents in South America.Methods:This is a cross-sectional, descriptive study. Data from January 1971 to July 2006 was selected using the RAND Terrorism Chronology 1968–1997 and RAND®-Memorial Institute for Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) Terrorism Incident database (1998–Present). Statistical significance was set at 0.05.Results:The database reported a total of 2,997 incidents in South American countries that resulted in 3,435 victims with injuries (1.15 per incident) and 1,973 fatalities (0.66 per incident). The overall case fatality ratio (CFR) was 35.8%. Colombia had the majority of incidents with 57.9% (1,734 of 2,997), followed by Peru with 363 (12.1%), and Argentina with 267 (8.9%). The highest individual CFR occurred in Paraguay (83.3%), and the lowest in Chile with 4.8%. Of the total injuries and deaths, Colombia had 66.1% (2,269 of 2,997) of all injuries and 75.2% (1,443 out of 1,920) of all deaths. Living in the country of Colombia was associated with a 16 times greater likelihood of becoming a victim of terrorist violence [odds ratio (OR) 16.15; 95% CI 13.45 to 19.40; p <0.0001].The predominant method of choice for terrorist incidents was the use of conventional explosives with 2,543 of 2,883 incidents (88.2%).Conclusions:Terrorist incidents in South America have accounted for nearly 2,000 deaths, with conventional explosive devices as the predominant method of choice. Understanding the nature of terrorist attacks and the medical consequences assist emergency preparedness and disaster management officials in allocating resources and preparing for potential future events.

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Barnhurst, Kevin G. "Contemporary Terrorism in Peru: Sendero Luminous and the Media." Journal of Communication 41, no. 4 (1991): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1991.tb02332.x.

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Ríos, Jerónimo. "Narratives about Political Violence and Reconciliation in Peru." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 5 (2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19856890.

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The narratives of members of the armed forces, former members of the Shining Path, and victims of Peru’s armed conflict between 1980 and 2000 include very different views of the responsibility for the violence, the notion of terrorism, the concepts of truth, justice, reparation, and nonrepetition, and the meaning of reconciliation itself. Analysis of in-depth interviews reveals a society that, decades after the violence, in 2018, the Year of National Dialogue and Reconciliation, is still fractured and far from any type of recovery of its social fabric and symbolic resolution of its internal armed conflict.Las narrativas de miembros de las Fuerzas Militares, exmiembros de Sendero Luminoso y diferentes víctima del conflicto armado interno acontecido en Perú entre 1980 y 2000 incluyen perspectivas muy diferentes sobre la responsabilidad de la violencia, la noción de terrorismo, los aspectos relativos a verdad, justicia, reparación y no repetición, o el significado mismo de la reconciliación. El análisis de entrevistas en profundidad muestra una sociedad que décadas después de la violencia, en el año 2018, denominado como “Año del Diálogo y la Reconciliación Nacional”, se mantiene fracturada y alejada de cualquier atisbo de recomposición de su tejido social y superación simbólica de su conflicto armado interno.

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Lázaro Aquino, Teódulo Gerardo. "Peasant communities in Peru." Desde el Sur 16, no. 2 (2024): e0025. http://dx.doi.org/10.21142/des-1602-2024-0025.

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The objective was to analyze the processes of organization, action, leadership and perspectives of peasant communities in Peru, specifically in Junín, period 1959-2017, under a qualitative methodological approach, narrative-historical design. It is evident that in the 50s-60s of the 20th century, peasant organizations focused on the land problem with the estates, on the implementation of the pilot plan for agrarian reform and the founding of a communal university. Between 1969-1980, they were part of the structure of the Agricultural Societies of Social Interest, implemented by the agrarian reform of 1969. From 1980 and the end of the 90s, overwhelmed by political violence, the Peasant Rounds were formed, especially to confront the authoritarianism and Shining Path terrorism. In the 21st century, many communities continue the fight for territory with extractive companies (mining, hydrocarbons, non-metallic) and with the State for infrastructure and better public services.

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Harmon, Christopher C. "The purposes of terrorism within insurgency: Shining path in Peru." Small Wars & Insurgencies 3, no. 2 (1992): 170–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592319208423019.

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Lizárraga, Karen Guthertz. "From Social Archaeology to National Archaeology: Up from Domination." American Antiquity 64, no. 2 (1999): 363–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694284.

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Patterson (1994) offers a history of the development of Social Archaeology and five points that, according to him, constitute its theoretical ground. Oyuela-Caycedo et al. (1997) provide significant new evidence that questions the actual importance of the intellectual current and theory described by Patterson. While the former gives an inflated perspective of Social Archaeology, the latter leads the reader into a post-Social Archaeology limbo. Providing facts ignored by both Patterson and Oyuela-Caycedo et al., I elaborate a third argument, centered in Peru, which recognizes National Archaeology as a response to the failures of Social Archaeology. Taking into account the century-long search for identity—key to any understanding of twentieth-century Peru—the concept of National Archaeology, as developed in four national institutions, laid the ideological and political ground for the end of the terrorism in Peru.

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Bourque, Susan C., and Kay B. Warren. "Democracy Without Peace: The Cultural Politics of Terror in Peru." Latin American Research Review 24, no. 1 (1989): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100022652.

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The twelve years of military rule in Peru between 1968 and 1980 witnessed few abuses of human rights, in marked contrast to the activities of military governments in Southern Cone countries like Brazil, Argentina, and Chile. Yet paradoxically, the return to democracy in Peru, with the election of Fernando Belaúnde in 1980 and Alan García in 1985, has brought sharp escalations in political violence and terror. Guerrilla activity by the Sendero Luminoso (“Shining Path”) in the highlands, urban terrorism, and a severe economic crisis have combined to pose a serious challenge to the authority of the state. Thus it is problematic to speak of a “return to democracy” while Peruvians are being subjected to expanding military control and repression.

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Gómez de la Torre Rotta, Andrés, and Arturo Medrano Carmona. "Orígenes y evolución de la subversión y la contrainteligencia en el Perú, 1958-2015/ Origins and Evolution of Subversion and Counterintelligence in Peru, 1958-2015." URVIO. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, no. 26 (February 11, 2020): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17141/urvio.26.2020.4223.

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El accionar de la subversión en el Perú y el rol de las Fuerzas Armadas para combatirla, con base en la escuela francesa antisubversiva, se desarrollaron en un contexto de ausencia del Estado en las zonas más empobrecidas, donde cada bando se disputaba ganarse a la población. El objetivo de este artículo es adentrarse en los orígenes, la formación y la influencia militar francesa de la contrainteligencia peruana, para comprender su accionar en ese contexto. A través de una investigación cualitativa, con base en un enfoque histórico, se busca comprender el accionar de la contrainteligencia peruana y establecer los orígenes y la evolución de la subversión en el país –dirigida a ganarse a la población para fomentar el terrorismo– al igual que cómo se plasmó esto en la doctrina primigenia de contrainteligencia. Parte fundamental de la investigación son los datos sobre contrainteligencia contenidos en el Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación. Las conclusiones plantean la relación entre los orígenes subversivos, la doctrina y las excusas del terrorismo, de Walzer, por lo cual este estudio constituye un asidero importante para próximas investigaciones.  Abstract The actions of subversion in Peru and the role of the Armed Forces to combat them based on the French anti-subversive school developed in a context of absence from the State in the most impoverished areas, where each side disputed to win over the population. The objective of this article is to delve into the origins, training and French military influence of the Peruvian counterintelligence and understand its actions in that context. Through a qualitative research, based on a historical approach, we seek to understand the actions of the Peruvian counterintelligence and establish the origins and evolution of subversion in the country -directed at gaining the population to promote terrorism- as well as how this was embodied in the original counterintelligence doctrine. A fundamental part of this investigation is the data regarding counterintelligence contained in the Final Report of the Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación. The conclusions point out the relationship between the subversive origins, the doctrine and the excuses of terrorism, by Walzer. The study is an important support for further investigations.

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Dietrich, Martha-Cecilia. "Entre Memorias (Between Memories)." Journal of Anthropological Films 2, no. 2 (2018): e1559. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/jaf.v2i2.1559.

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Eudosia is still searching for her husband’s remains in the highlands of Ayacucho, Lucero has been in prison for 25 years now for the crime of terrorism against the Peruvian state, and since 2009 the commandos of the counterinsurgency unit Chavin de Huantar recreate and commemorate their heroic military actions to save a nation from the threat of terrorism. Twelve years after the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission published its final report about the atrocities committed during the internal armed conflict (1980-2000), memories of this period seem more contested than ever. This film explores the complex legacies of twenty years of violence and war in Peru through practices of remembering. In three audio-visual pieces made in collaboration with relatives of the disappeared, insurgents of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) and members of the Armed Forces, this documentary aims for creating an on-screen dialogue between memories, which in practice remains elusive.

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Alejandro Sanchez Nieto, W. "Give War a ChanceRevisited – The Price to Pay: The Military and Terrorism in Peru." Defence Studies 11, no. 3 (2011): 517–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2011.630178.

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Shin, Minkyung, and Heeyun Kim. "College-to-labor market transitions in Peru: Focusing on the stratification by higher education sector." Korean Comparative Education Society 33, no. 6 (2023): 189–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.20306/kces.2023.12.31.189.

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[Purpose] Despite their strong academic capabilities, the graduates of national universities in Peru tend to face more difficulties when searching a job or tend to find employment at workplaces that offer lower wages compared to those with similar abilities from private universities. This research aims to examine the factors associated with disparity in the labor outcomes of bachelor’s degree holders across socioeconomic status. [Research Methods] We first reviewed the history, finance, and admissions system of Peruvian higher education institutions to ruminate on the divided higher education system where the high school to college pipelines differ depending on socioeconomic status. Next, we examined the factors associated with the disadvantages national university graduates experience in the context of racial discrimination, prejudice stemming from terrorism, and social capital. [Results] First, college pipeline is divided across the level of socioeconomic background where students with higher status, predominantly white, are more likely to attend private universities. They achieve better labor outcomes due to the inequality in career opportunities favoring white candidates. Second, the history of national universities involved in the terrorist activities of radical communist guerrilla groups serves as a sort of stigma disadvantaging the graduates from national universities in labor market. Third, job seekers with higher socioeconomic status are able to effectively use their social networks, putting students from national universities at a disadvantage compared to private university graduates. [Conclusion] Peruvian society is divided in terms of the student access to colleges depending on socioeconomic status, and this stratification extends to the labor market, resulting in the limitations on social mobility based on one's Alma mater. In order for Peruvian higher education to contribute to social mobility, these unfair employment factors arising from individual socioeconomic backgrounds need to be addressed, and diversity and equity in student access should be improved.

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Heeg, Jason. "The Shining Path’s Employment of Psychological Warfare during its Terrorism Campaign in Peru, 1970-1992." Special Operations Journal 3, no. 2 (2017): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23296151.2017.1383815.

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Madueño Ruiz, Sebastián. "Future time perspective in female prison inmates convicted for the crime of terrorism in Lima, Peru." investigación & desarrollo 25, no. 2 (2017): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/indes.25.2.10959.

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Ulfe, María Eugenia, and Vera Lucía Ríos. "Toxic Memories?" Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 6 (2016): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16648947.

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Memory museums exist as markers in the public domain; meanings and practices are created around them and assigned uses and silences. The Museum of the National Directorate against Terrorism in Peru displays artworks and archives seized from members of the Shining Path Communist Party of Peru and the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement and can be visited only with a special permit. The memories it contains are considered “toxic” and are exhibited in a private instead of a public space. This space cannot be understood as a “museum of conscience” or a “site of memory.” Victims are not dignified there, and no symbolic reparations are made. It houses memories in the form of artwork, books, and memorabilia of those who because of their participation in the armed groups during the conflict have been denied the status of victims as defined in the country’s reparations program. Los museos de la memoria funcionan como marcadores simbólicos en el ámbito público; se construyen significados y prácticas alrededor de ellos y se les asignan usos y silencios. El Museo del Directorio Nacional en Contra del Terrorismo en el Perú muestra el trabajo artístico y los archivos incautados a los miembros del Partido Comunista del Perú-Sendero Luminoso y del Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru. El museo sólo puede visitarse con un permiso especial. Los objetos que se exhiben son considerados “tóxicos” y se exhiben en un espacio privado en vez de un espacio público. Este espacio no se puede entender como un “museo de la conciencia” o un “lugar de la memoria.” Aquí las víctimas no son dignificadas, y tampoco reciben reparaciones simbólicas. El museo alberga memorias o recuerdos (libros, dibujos, recuerdos personales) de aquéllos a quienes se les ha negado la condición de víctimas, tal como está definida en el programa de reparaciones del país, debido a su participación en los grupos armados durante el conflicto.

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Casado, Matt A. "Observations on the Effects of Terrorism on the Tourism Industry in Peru and other World-Troubled Destinations." Journal of Hospitality & Tourism Education 10, no. 4 (1999): 57–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10963758.1999.10685212.

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Vera, José Carlos. "Instrumentos de análisis para identificar operaciones de lavado de dinero." Cuadernos de difusión 11, no. 21 (2006): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46631/jefas.2006.v11n21.04.

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Money laundry is the process that hides the origin of resources obtained through illegal activities like drug traffi cking, smuggling, corruption, tax fraud, white-collar crimes, public misappropriation, extortion, illegal work, and, lately, terrorism. The resources are presented as coming from legal activities, and are freely traded in the fi nancial system. However, thanks to the ongoing efforts of international organisms, the countries have established regulations, institutions and organisms to fi ght this crime. In Peru, the entity created for this purpose is the Financial Intelligence Unit, and several legal provisions have been set forth in this regard. This document presents a methodology aimed at generating analysis instruments, indicators and procedures to allow fi nancial institutions to detect money laundry operations. The information used to generate said indicators is provided by INEI’s annual economic survey database, and the information to generate the analysis instrument comes from satellite accounts

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Taubman, Cara, Alexander Hart, Attila Hertelendy, Derrick Tin, Ryan Hata, and Gregory Ciottonne. "Understanding the Healthcare Impacts of Attacks on Infrastructure." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 38, S1 (2023): s5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x23000602.

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Introduction:Healthcare provision depends on reliable infrastructure to power equipment, and provide water for medication and sanitation. Attacks on infrastructure limiting such functions can have a profound and prolonged influence on the delivery of care.Method:A retrospective analysis of the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) was performed of all attacks occurring between 1970-2020. Data was filtered using the internal database search function for all events where the primary target was “Utilities”, “Food or Water Supply” and “Telecommunications.” For the purposes of this study the subtype “Food Supply” was excluded. Events were collated based on year, country, region, numbers killed and wounded.Results:The GTD listed 7,813 attacks on infrastructure with 6,280 attacks targeting utilities leading to 1,917 persons directly killed and 1,377 wounded. In total there were 1,265 attacks targeting telecommunications causing 205 direct deaths and 510 wounded. Lastly, 268 attacks targeted the water supply with 318 directly killed and 261 wounded. Regionally, South America had the most attacks with 2,236, followed by Central America and the Caribbean with 1,390. Based on infrastructure type, the most attacks on utilities occurred in El Salvador (1,061), the most attacks on telecommunications were in India (140) and Peru (46) had the most attacks on its water supply.Conclusion:The regions with the highest number of total attacks targeting infrastructure have historically been in South America, with more attacks against power and utilities than other infrastructure. The numbers of persons directly killed and wounded in these attacks were lower than those with other target types. However, the true impacts these attacks have on lack of health care delivery are not accounted for in these numbers. By understanding the pattern and scope of these attacks, Counter-Terrorism Medicine initiatives can be created to target harden healthcare-related infrastructure.

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Dunlap, Alexander. "‘Agro sí, mina NO!’ the Tía Maria copper mine, state terrorism and social war by every means in the Tambo Valley, Peru." Political Geography 71 (May 2019): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.02.001.

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Zavaleta Balarezo, Jorge. "Imágenes de sobrevivencia: del realismo urbano del Grupo Chaski al Perú contemporáneo de Claudia Llosa." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 5, no. 9 (2018): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2017.245.

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The article analyzes the first films of the Grupo Chaski and Claudia Llosa, two strong references in the Peruvian cinema of the last thirty years. Through the critique of the ideas and characteristics of these movies, the essay tries to build a image of Peru, a country where democracy returned in 1980 and since then he has had presidents accused of corruption and abuse of power such as Alan García, Alberto Fujimori, Alejandro Toledo and Ollanta Humala. The works of Chaski focus on poverty and vulnerability of children in Lima, a big city, capital of the country, in the 1980s. In this sense, they are previous stories to “cine de la marginalidad” that in the 1990s featured movies so realistic like Pizza, birra, faso, La vendedora de rosas, Ciudad de Dios or Ratas, ratones, rateros. Claudia Llosa´s work, called international attention when her second film, La teta asustada, won the Golden Bear, the main prize at Berlin Festival. This film, that establishes a necessary continuity to her first film, Madeinusa, is a portrait of the postwar years in the Peruvian Andes, those of the violence of Sendero Luminoso and how the Army designed a destructive strategy. The article looks for an overview of Peruvian society of the last thirty years, characterized for the structural poverty, terrorism, the development of neoliberal reforms and the corruption of the State at different levels.

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Sergel, Michael. "Review: Pacific insights into the Rainbow Warrior legacy." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 2 (2015): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i2.130.

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Sergel, Michael. (2015). Pacific insights into the Rainbow Warrior legacy. Pacific Journalism Review, 21(2): 189-191. Review of Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior, by David Robie. [30th Anniversary Ed.] Auckland: Little Island Press, 2015, 194 pp. ISBN 978-1-877484-28-5The 1985 bombing of the Rainbow Warrior is often remembered as the deadly consequence of a small Pacific nation taking a defiant stance against nuclear testing by major powers. Thirty years on, the updated edition of David Robie’s Eyes of Fire moves beyond the David and Goliath narrative that puts New Zealand at the centre of the story. Prime Minister David Lange called the bombing a ‘sordid act of international statebacked terrorism’ and an ‘unprecedented affront to sovereignty’ (p. 128). Months earlier, he had defended New Zealand’s anti-nuclear position at the Oxford Union. Years later, he said the lack of international support had only strenthened the country’s resolve (Young, 2005). But Robie reminds us the bombing was far more than a key date on New Zealand’s political timeline. The former British fishing trawler had been part of missions to stop whalers, sealers and nuclear warships in Scotland, Ireland, France, Spain, the United States and Peru. It had even been at the centre of a diplomatic Cold War clash during a visit to Siberia.Eyes Of Fire: 30 Years On Little Island Press microsite about the book

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Levy, Kirsten, Richard V. Aghababian, Erwin F. Hirsch, et al. "An Internet-based Exercise as a Component of an Overall Training Program Addressing Medical Aspects of Radiation Emergency Management." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 15, no. 2 (2000): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00025048.

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AbstractThe use of ionizing radiation and radioactive materials continues to increase worldwide in industry, medicine, agriculture, research, electrical power generation, and nuclear weaponry. The risk of terrorism using weapons of mass destruction or simple radiological devices also has increased, leading to heightened concerns. Radiation accidents occur as a consequence of errors in transportation ofradionuclides, use of radiation in medical diagnosis and therapy, industrial monitoring and sterilization procedures, and rarely, nuclear power generation. Compared to other industries, a small number of serious radiation accidents have occurred over the last six decades with recent cases in the Republic of Georgia, Peru, Japan, and Thailand. The medical, psychological, and political consequences of such accidents can be considerable. A number of programs designed to train medical responders in the techniques of radiation accident management have been developed and delivered in many countries. The low frequency of serious radiation accidents requires constant re-training, as skills are lost and medical staff turnover occurs. Not all of the training involves drills or exercises in which responders demonstrate learning or communication over the broad spectrum of medical response capabilities. Medical preparedness within the context of a total emergency response program is lacking in many parts of the world, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe and the Newly Independent States. This paper describes an effort to enhance medical preparedness in the context of a total program of international cooperation and conventions facilitated by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The paper concludes that novel application of telecommunications technology as part of a training activity in radiation accident preparedness can help address gaps in training in this field in which preparedness is essential but experience and practical field exercises are lacking.

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Mouflard, Claire. "The Digital Griotte: Bessora’s Para/Textual Discourses on Identity Politics and Neocolonialism in Contemporary France." Humanities 8, no. 1 (2019): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010002.

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This article examines Bessora’s literary and digital criticism of postcolonial France, particularly in her first novel, 53 cm, and on her website, Tendre peau de vache. Bessora’s use of digital media in particular allows her to chronicle unofficial discourses on immigration, migration, and identity politics in France as alternative textual productions to her printed novels. Since there is a gap in academic studies regarding author websites and their contents, this study aims to start a conversation on the discursive function of an author’s digital textual productions. Following Jean Baudrillard’s theory in The Spirit of Terrorism according to which a terrorist act is successful when it distances itself from the real and exalts itself in the realm of the symbolic, this article argues that Bessora’s digital discourses on the post-Charlie Hebdo terrorist attack effectively denounce the disappearance of the real in French culture in favor of ideals such as the #jesuischarlie movement. From the publication of 53 cm in 1999 to her commentaries on France’s alienation of the lowest socio-economic class in Le Testament de Nicolas (2016), the self-proclaimed griotte’s print and digital productions complement each other and bring the reader closer to an understanding of institutional neocolonialist practices in France.

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Armas Asín, Fernando. "Turismo, terrorismo y crisis socio-económica. El caso de Perú (1980-1992)." Turismo y Patrimonio, no. 16 (March 31, 2021): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24265/turpatrim.2021.n16.06.

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Marks, Thomas A., and David Scott Palmer. "Radical Maoist Insurgents and Terrorist Tactics: Comparing Peru and Nepal1." Low Intensity Conflict & Law Enforcement 13, no. 2 (2005): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662840500347280.

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Emanuelli, C. "Faut-il parler d’une “guerre” contre le terrorisme?" Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 46 (2009): 415–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800009620.

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SommaireHuit ans après les évènements du 11 septembre 2001, la “guerre” contre le terrorisme perdure dans différentes parties du monde. Toutefois, en soi l’expression “guerre contre le terrorisme” perd du souffle. Les raisons en sont essentiellement politiques, mais l’évolution relance le débat sur la qualification juridique de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Après un examen des arguments pour et contre la “guerre” contre le terrorisme, la présente étude envisage la position du droit international. Elle conclut que les mêmes principes fondamentaux s’appliquent quels que soient les termes employés et le système juridique applicable à la lutte contre le terrorisme.

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Paucar Luna, Jorge, and Hugo Prado López. "Carácter del Oficial egresado de la Escuela Militar “CFB”." REVISTA XAUXA AÑO II, NÚMERO 4 – 2021 II, no. 04 (2021): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.56374/xau.02.04.21.08.

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The article presents a series of events that occurred as a result of the attack by members of the terrorist group Shining Path to the anti-terrorist base called Madre Mia located in Huánuco Region – Peru, where, based on the effort and military character of the whole army personnel, they were able to prevent the subversives from succeeding in their covert and surprise attack. The objective is to give a succinct description of the events, highlighting the courage on the military character of the officers who graduated from the Military Academy of Chorrillos; “Coronel Francisco Bolognesi”. The military officers were very important supports; without them it would not have been possible to carry out this heroic act, which remains so transcendental in the success of the counter-terrorist war that was waged against to Shining Path.

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Sánchez, W. A. "A roadmap to make Peru regional power in Latin America." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 4 (2022): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-146-159.

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The Republic of Peru marked its bicentennial on July 28, 2021 with political instability, economic problems, a narco-terrorist movement, around one million Venezuelan refugees, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Although the Andean nation has many resources to obtain a greater international role, Peru’s geopolitical weight is limited. The article discusses the main factors that are taken into account to classify a country as a regional power. Moreover, a roadmap is offered for Peru to improve its international image for the tercentennial. These recommendations include ensuring the leading role of the Peruvian armed forces in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions; The Andean Community of Nations under the leadership of Peru to ensure its greatest relevance, as well as “soft power” proposals. Likewise, it is necessary that in Peru, not only the executive power, but also the different governmental agencies and civilian sectors, strive towards making their homeland a regional power. In 2021, in a fragmented Latin America, with no clear regional leader, and with problems such as the pandemic and the situation in Venezuela, there is room for the new regional power to emerge. Peru could take the role, if it has the ambition and a long-term strategic vision.

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Sánchez Rodríguez, Gabriel. "Informar sobre terrorismo: una misión difícil pero necesaria." Comunicación y Hombre, no. 1 (November 15, 2005): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.32466/eufv-cyh.2005.1.75.71-89.

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El tratamiento que los medios de comunicación dan a las noticias relacionadas con el terrorismo ha variado desde los atentados del 11-S en Estados Unidos. Hasta entonces no existía una posición clara sobre cómo informar. Para los defensores de la idea de que la prensa es aparato de propaganda para extender las ideas de los grupos terroristas, el “apagón” informativo es la solución para silenciar a los violentos. Pero la sociedad necesita conocer, y los medios de comunicación deben dar toda la información necesaria, La autoregulación es la forma más ética de afrontar la información sobre actos terroristas.

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Calderón Bentin, Sebastián. "The Politics of Illusion: The Collapse of the Fujimori Regime in Peru." Theatre Survey 59, no. 1 (2018): 84–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557417000503.

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Peru approached the twenty-first century a polarized country. In the year 2000, with increased authoritarian control over the legislative and judicial branches along with constitutional reforms paving the way for his re-reelection, President Alberto Fujimori campaigned for a third term in office. His main electoral opponent, Alejandro Toledo, along with opposition leaders, spearheaded massive demonstrations in Lima accusing the government of repression, corruption, drug trafficking, and electoral fraud. Opposition figures were joined by grassroots social movements, unions, students, and human rights activists who opposed the regime's repressive and corrupt practices, which included by now reports of torture and extrajudicial killings. When Fujimori first became president a decade earlier he had inherited a country ravaged by widespread poverty, hyperinflation, nearly depleted foreign reserves, a growing narcotics trade, and two armed terrorist groups: the MRTA (Tupac Amarú Revolutionary Movement) and the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso). Both were on the offensive across the country, the Shining Path most prominently, planting car bombs in the capital, kidnapping and killing civilians, and besieging towns and villages across the country. Looking for a way out of economic and terrorist violence, Peruvians were faced with two options in 1990: Alberto Fujimori, an ex-university president and agricultural engineer of Japanese descent, and Mario Vargas Llosa, a white, upper-middle-class novelist and liberal intellectual. Though Fujimori was less well-known, many Peruvians saw Vargas Llosa's center-right coalition as a repackaged version of the same traditional political groups that had lead the country into crisis. Fujimori would appear much like Hugo Chávez later in Venezuela, a populist outsider ready to challenge the traditional party system. Many saw Fujimori's succinct rhetoric as refreshing when contrasted with Vargas Llosa's elaborate speeches, especially since the former president, Alan García, who fled the country in 1992 on corruption charges, was also well-known for his loquacious disposition.

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Covarrubias, Jack. "John Davis (ed.),The Global War on Terrorism: Assessing the American Response(New York: Nova, 2004)." Politics and Ethics Review 1, no. 1 (2005): 110–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/per.2005.1.1.110.

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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Sendero Luminoso in Peru: terror is revolution." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2023): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019687-3.

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The Soviet-Chinese rift in the international communist movement in the 1960s led to the emergence of Maoist communist parties in almost every country in the world, most of which broke away from the communist parties. In a number of places Maoism gained more support than Moscow-backed parties, notably in Peru, where the Maoist movement demonstrated mass appeal and political strength. Within this movement a radical, dogmatic wing emerged which absolutised violence as the only method of political struggle. It was the Peruvian Communist Party Sendero Luminoso (“The Shining Path”) which plunged the country into a decade-long civil war with thousands of victims. In this article the author analyses the ideology and political praxis of the movement, which was a project of militant totalitarian egalitarianism and a left-radical terrorist dictatorship. Sendero Luminoso is an extreme political project, the explanation of which requires not only a political and social but also a psychological approach. The Sendero Luminoso Party grew from a coterie exploring the ideas of José Carlos Mariátegui in the 1960s into a powerful underground insurgent movement in the 1970s and 1980s, which sometimes managed to successfully resist the Peruvian government with all its apparatus of violence, the army and the police. The tactics of the movement were based on the concept of a “protracted people&apos;s war” and the encirclement of the city by the countryside, and in practice on all-out violence, declared to be the main creative force of the revolution. The Maoist idea of “service to the people” and the self-sacrifice of revolutionaries was able to capture significant groups of young people, especially students, who devoted themselves wholeheartedly to the cause of the Senderist revolution. Excessive secrecy and rejection of the mass character of the movement made the leadership of the party, led by Abimael Guzmán, invulnerable for many years. The civil war unleashed by the Senderists did indeed bring Peru to the brink of collapse, becoming the starting point of neoliberal political and economic reforms that gained significant public support, explained only by the shock from the left-wing project proposed by the Senderists.

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Sosa San Martín, Gabriela. "Escribir sobre el pasado (cada vez menos) reciente. Narrativas uruguayas del siglo XXI: Edda Fabbri, Cristina Peri Rossi, Lalo Barrubia." El Pez y la Flecha 2, no. 3 (2022): 82–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/pyfril.v2i3.40.

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Este artículo se propone analizar el diálogo crítico que tres novelas uruguayas, escritas en el siglo XXI –de Edda Fabbri, Cristina Peri Rossi y Lalo Barrubia–, establecen con algunos discursos heredados de los modelos sesentistas sobre la función de la literatura, las concepciones de lo heroico y los alcances del terrorismo de Estado durante las últimas dictaduras del Cono Sur. Dichas construcciones estéticas de la llamada historia reciente instalan la necesidad de reflexionar acerca de otras maneras de contar la historia del país; otras maneras de adoptar criterios para jerarquizar los padecimientos y los efectos del terrorismo de Estado; otras maneras de pensar a las “víctimas duelables” (Forcinito, 2015). Son textos, por lo tanto, que proporcionan, desde la literatura, lenguajes de la memoria que interrogan las formas de entender y escribir la historia.

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Burt, Jo-Marie. ""Quien habla es terrorista": The Political Use of Fear in Fujimori's Peru." Latin American Research Review 41, no. 3 (2006): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.2006.0036.

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Gutiérrez Marx, Graciela G. "Invisible Artists, or the Net Without a Fisherman … (My Life in Mail Art)." ARTMargins 1, no. 2–3 (2012): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00018.

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Perhaps we can think that mail art derives from Dada and link it to Fluxus, Filliou's proposal of an eternal network, and the highly innovative poetry and experimental art, born at the same time in different countries. GGMarx practiced collective creation, in poor areas of the southern cone of South America. In a broader and ideologically more sensitive context, a folk art appeared, thanks to the popular struggles in Cuba, México, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Uruguay, Colombia, Ecuador and Argentina. The liberation movements, developed during the seventies, have marked the direction of Latin American mail-art intercourse. But they acquired their real strength in Argentina in 1976, when the Military Terrorist State was implanted and started the time of art = life.

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López Jiménez, Sinesio. "Social protests: Political and social democratization opposing neoliberal elitization in Peru." Discursos del Sur, revista de teoría crítica en Ciencias Sociales, no. 12 (December 31, 2023): 9–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15381/dds.n12.27093.

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El artículo sostiene que el discurso golpista de Castillo, su apresamiento sin seguir el debido proceso, el contragolpe del Congreso y la sucesión de Boluarte configuran un nudo de acontecimientos que suscitó multitudinarios movimientos de protesta en el Perú, especialmente en el sur andino. Estas protestas son una respuesta popular al re-elitismo que ha instalado el neoliberalismo en el Estado, capturándolo, y en el sistema político, cuestionando la soberanía popular a través de diversas formas y mecanismos: procesos electorales injustos; inventos de fraude electoral; presión, chantaje y corrupción de los presidentes elegidos por la centro-izquierda para convertirlos en neoliberales; golpes de Estado del Congreso para sustituir a los presidentes elegidos por otros que gobiernen con el programa de los perdedores, y voluntad de captura de los organismos electorales. Sostiene que las protestas constituyen un innegable movimiento de democratización social y política que las élites dominantes y gobernantes estigmatizan de terrorista para reprimirlo con violencia. Finalmente, plantea como hipótesis que el nudo de acontecimientos ha abierto las puertas a una coyuntura crítica del modelo neoliberal.

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Abrahms, Max. "El terrorismo es eficaz en la teoría, pero no en la práctica." Revista CIDOB d' Afers Internacionals, no. 112 (April 8, 2016): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2016.112.1.45.

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Vuillermoz, C., P. Pirard, L. Stene, and S. Vandentorren. "Short-term psychological support to civilians exposed to the January 2015 terrorist attacks in France." European Psychiatry 65, S1 (2022): S94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2022.274.

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Introduction Some projects have described post-disaster psychosocial services and planning across Europe. However, little is known about the real psychosocial disaster responses such as low-intensity initiatives after a terrorist attack Objectives This study aims (1) to describe psychological support (PS) in the immediate (<48 hours), post-immediate (48 hours – 1 week) periods and more than one week after a terrorist attack among terror-exposed people, and (2) to identify factors associated with a lack of short-term PS among those who suffered from mental health disorders. Methods This study used data from a longitudinal survey of 189 civilians exposed to the January 2015 terrorist attacks conducted 6 months after the attacks. Factors associated with lack of PS after the attacks was identified using a Robust Poisson regression in three separate models (for the 3 periods). Results Among participants who suffered from PTSD (n=34), depression (n=74), or anxiety (n=59) 6-9 months after the terrorist attacks, respectively, 9%, 18% and 12% did not received psychological support. The lack of immediate PS was associated with geographical distance, type of exposure, and support in daily life. The lack of post-immediate PS was associated with geographical distance, peri-traumatic reactions and past psychological follow-up. The lack of PS after one week was associated with geographical distance and social isolation. Conclusions Characteristics of exposition and social support seem to play an important role in lack of PS after a terrorist attack and highlights the need to use strategies to reach out to people regardless of the type of exposure. Disclosure No significant relationships.

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Dietrich. "Pursuing the Perpetual Conflict: Ethnographic Reflections on the Persistent Role of the “Terrorist Threat” in Contemporary Peru." History and Memory 31, no. 1 (2019): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/histmemo.31.1.0059.

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Sumar, Oscar, and Jesus Adolfo Modesto Ortiz. "Different meanings of "constitutional change" and the Sendero Luminoso's "reformist" pretension." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 11, no. 1 (2023): e0261. http://dx.doi.org/10.37497/sdgs.v11i1.261.

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Objective: This paper aims to unravel how the term "constitutional reform" has been used in different ways within the Peruvian State and how this has been reflected in the reality of the country itself. Method: The methodological approach was descriptive qualitative research, based on the methodology "process tracing" and "discourse analysis". The information shown was based on systematized data from journalistic information and public speeches given in recent years, which have been compiled in a repository. Results: The results demonstrate the different variations that the term "constitutional reform" has taken and how it has been used to support the Constituent Assembly, an objective of the radical left in Peru for decades. At the same time, it has been possible to demonstrate the relationship between this notion and the idea of "reform", which is the starting point of the terrorist group Sendero Luminoso, being the case that at present, little by little, they are getting closer to achieving their original objective. Conclusions: The central contribution of the paper demonstrates the similarity between the original idea of reform of the terrorist group Sendero Luminoso and the dominant discourse of constitutional reform in the violent protests after the Castillo coup d'état. This variation in the meaning of "constitutional reform" for the Peruvian population involved in this reform plan is proven.

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Perez-Leon-Acevedo, Juan-Pablo. "Sentencing Factors Concerning Those Most Responsible for International Crimes in Peru: An Analysis vis-à-vis International Criminal Court Sources." International Criminal Law Review 19, no. 1 (2019): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01901005.

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Peruvian courts convicted those most responsible for acts that constitute or amount to international crimes committed during Peru’s internal conflict (1980–2000), namely, ex-leaders of the terrorist organisation Shining Path-Peruvian Communist Party and ex-senior state officials, including ex-President Alberto Fujimori. The present article seeks to identify, systematise and discuss the sentencing factors applied in this case-law. The analysis is also conducted comparatively vis-à-vis the law and practice of the International Criminal Court (icc). Sentencing factors in the examined Peruvian law and practice may be categorised into two groups: crime/culpability-related factors and offender’s personal circumstances-related factors. The article concludes that Peruvian sentencing law and practice are generally similar to icc sources.

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Vuillermoz, Cécile, Nathalie Prieto, Philippe Pirard, Thierry Baubet, Lise Eilin Stene, and Stéphanie Vandentorren. "Short-Term Psychological Support for Civilians Exposed to the January 2015 Terrorist Attacks in France." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 37, no. 6 (2022): 755–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x22002175.

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AbstractIntroduction:Following a terrorist attack, responses to a psychosocial disaster range from low-intensity initiatives to high-intensity treatment. Some studies described post-disaster psychosocial services and planning across Europe. However, little is known about the psychosocial support (PS) actually delivered after terrorist attacks.Study Objective:This study assesses prevalence and the factors associated with not receiving short-term PS among terror-exposed people with probable mental health disorders following the January 2015 terrorist attacks in France.Methods:This study used data from the first wave of a longitudinal survey conducted six months after the attacks. Prevalence and factors associated with not receiving PS were described in the immediate period (48 hours), the early post-immediate period (48 hours-one week), and the medium-term (over one week) using a robust Poisson regression for each of the three periods.Results:Nearly one-half of the participants (N = 189) did not receive PS in any period (46.6% in the immediate period, 45.5% in the early post-immediate period, and 54.5% in the medium-term). In each period, not receiving PS was associated with not being very close to the attack sites. Not receiving PS in the immediate period was also associated with being a direct witness (DW) rather than being directly threatened (DT) and not having support in daily life; in the early post-immediate period, not receiving PS was associated with not having a peri-traumatic dissociation experience and being followed for a psychological problem before the attacks; and in the medium-term period, it was associated with perceived social isolation.Conclusion:The characteristics of the terror exposure and social support seemed to influence presence or absence of PS after the terrorist attack and highlight the need for strategies to reach out to people regardless of the type of exposure.

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Andrade Almario, Elkin Alan. "El IRA y las FARC: unidos en el terrorismo, pero no en su futuro político." Revista de las Fuerzas Armadas, no. 184 (September 30, 2002): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25062/0120-0631.1496.

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Vega Mendoza, William Arturo, Helmut Ramírez Braun, and Leonardo Perin Vichi. "GERENCIAMENTO DE UMA SITUAÇÃO DE CRISE." Revista da Escola Superior de Guerra 35, no. 73 (2020): 30–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47240/revistadaesg.v35i73.1063.

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O artigo pretende descrever o gerenciamento de uma crise realizado pelo GovernoPeruano (GP) durante uma situação específica, o resgate de reféns na Embaixadado Japão (abril de 1997) através da operação “Chavín de Huantar”. Primeiro, serãoapresentados os antecedentes do terrorismo no Peru, o contexto geral do paísem dezembro de 1996 e o objetivo deste artigo. A seguir, será exposta a situaçãoda captura da Embaixada do Japão realizada pelos integrantes do MovimentoRevolucionário Tupac Amaru (MRTA), bem como suas principais motivações edemandas expostas ao GP. Na sequência, será detalhado o gerenciamento do GPpara enfrentar essa crise, abrangendo aspectos de estratégias de solução, tomadade decisões, níveis do planejamento, negociações, comunicações durante umacrise, ciclo de respostas, relação do planejador com as mídias sociais, operações decontraterrorismo e particularidades da operação militar. Por fim, serão estabelecidasas conclusões relevantes ao gerenciamento do GP, bem como as lições aprendidasdesta operação. O presente artigo foi elaborado empregando o método de revisãode literatura, apoiando-se em artigos, produções acadêmicas, entrevistas, livros,jornais, relatórios e palestras oficiais do Exército Peruano.

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Yosra, Zaghden. "Le Musée Virtuel à l'Épreuve du Terrorisme : Esthétiques du Perdu et du Substitut : Le Project Mosul comme Exemple." مدارات, no. 29-30 (June 2017): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0050266.

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Wilderer, P. A. "Sustainable water management in rural and peri-urban areas: what technology do we need to meet the UN Millennium Development Goals?" Water Science and Technology 51, no. 10 (2005): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2005.0344.

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Installation of advanced urban water management systems is one of the most important first steps in the attempt to overcome poverty on earth, outbreak of diseases, crime and even terrorism. Because world wide application of traditional water supply, sewerage and wastewater treatment technology requires financial resources which are basically not available within a reasonable short time frame novel solutions must be found, developed and implemented. The combination of high-tech on-site treatment of the various waste streams generated in households, enterprises and industrial sites, and reuse of the valuable materials obtained from the treatment plants, including the purified water, is one of the options which is investigated by various groups of researchers and technology developers, nowadays. This concept may help meeting the UN Millennium Development Goals, provided people are ready to accept this new way of dealing with household wastes. Education is necessary to build up the foundation which modern water technology can be based upon. In parallel, tailored modifications are to be considered to satisfy the specific demands of local communities. In this context, female participation appears to be extremely important in the decision making process.

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