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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Terrorism – Government policy – European Union countries"
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M.M, Murtalibova. « Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries ». International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no 12 (5 décembre 2022) : 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.
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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a significant foreign policy weight (not to mention the ambitious leaders in charge), Turkey is playing an increasing role in regional and world politics. In recent years, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone repeated, sometimes drastic changes, and its relations with a number of countries, from hostility to cooperation and vice versa, have always been the focus of the governments of the Middle East regional countries and NATO allies.
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Kerremans, Bart, et Edith Drieskens. « Tussen schok en overgang : de Europese Unie in 2001 ». Res Publica 44, no 2-3 (30 septembre 2002) : 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i2-3.18440.
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Without doubt, the year 2001 will remain identified with the terrorist attacks of september 11. To some extent, this goes for the European Union as well. The events of september 11 left an important mark on the European integration process, of which the development of the European arrest warrant is an important illustration. Nevertheless, as for the European Union, the year 2001 was more than a year of anti-terrorism measures. In the second semester of2001, the Belgian government assumed the presidency ofthe European Union. 2001 was also the year in which, only weeks after street violence disruputed the European Council ofGöteborg, a protester was killed in the margin ofthe G7-G8 Summit in Genova. In 2001, the gap between the European Union and the United States got larger for a number of policy fields, including National Missile Defence and the Kyoto Protocol. Yet, in the autumn of2001, both power blocks reconciliated at the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar. In Doha, a new global round of trade negotiations was launched. As in previous years, in 2001, the enlargement process was high on the European agenda. As for the latter, for the first time, ten candidate countries were mentioned by name, making their accession in 2004 a more realistic scenario. The eastern enlargement will radically change the face of the European Union. The Belgian presidency anticipated this impeding metamorphosis and stimulated the adoption of the Laeken Declaration in december 2001. The Declaration laid the foundation for the Convention on the Future of Europe which started on February 28, 2002. The Declaration of Laeken was one of the European highlights of 2001. The low point was the Irish referendum of June 7, 2001, in which a majority of the Irish population rejected the Treaty of Nice. Both events reflect the situation the European Union is faced with today, as they demonstrate the growing tension between the desires of «widening» and «deepening» the European construction. The future willreveal how the European Union went with this growing area of tension.
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Zaritskii, B. « Development Assistance in German Foreign Policy ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 4 (2022) : 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-63-74.
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The article discusses the conceptual approaches and policies of Germany in the field of official development assistance (ODA). The FRG is the second largest donor country in terms of the absolute amount of financial resources that the government donates as ODA. However, there is an obvious gap between the official rhetoric and the actual practices of the German ODA policy. Development assistance has been actively used by Berlin to promote its political and economic interests and to address its security policy problems. Germany’s ODA policy is built primarily on a bilateral basis, the belief being that this form of cooperation allows a better control of financial resources and enables the donor country to more effectively articulate its interests. The fate of the most needy countries is of much less concern to the German authorities. The FRG, as well as the European Union, are trying to make their own priorities a platform for building cooperation with partners. The entry of the “Alliance 90/Greens” into a governmental coalition after the 2021 parliamentary elections will further shift the focus of Germany’s ODA policy towards combating climate change. However, the “Greens” are careful to avoid discussing what energy resources should become the basis of industrial development in least developed countries. Berlin is interested in maintaining its place among the world’s largest donors. In the arsenal of Germany’s foreign policy tools, development assistance serves to counter from afar new threats and challenges – terrorism, conflicts and illegal migration. It can be adapted to strengthen the position of the donor in the markets, political and public life of the recipient countries. With Germany having a significant influence on the formation and financing of the EU coordinating mechanisms, the FRG’s ODA policy can, when necessary, rely on the latter. However, the Germany’s ODA policy is not without vulnerabilities. Berlin often looks like a mentor who knows what to do and how to do it, although the reality almost always turns out to be more complicated than the speculative recipes. The main weakness of this policy lies in that its conceptual framework has been built according to European patterns and so is largely out of touch with the real needs of developing countries.
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Rizova, Tatiana P. « The Securitization of the European Migrant Crisis - Evidence From Bulgaria and Hungary (2015-2017) ». Review of European Studies 11, no 4 (3 décembre 2019) : 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v11n4p78.
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Conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria over the past fifteen years have produced the largest waves of displaced people and refugees since World War II. As European Union (EU) leaders braced for an influx of thousands of people fleeing from these conflicts, they faced pressures to revisit and modify legal rules that left countries in Southeastern Europe and the Mediterranean unable to cope with a crisis of unprecedented proportions in the twenty-first century. While the logistical challenges of this humanitarian disaster threatened to undermine Southeastern and Mediterranean states’ capacity, multiple terrorist attacks across Europe magnified the security concerns of EU leaders. This paper compares how two of the European Union’s newest member states – Bulgaria and Hungary – have tackled the migrant crisis and assesses the impact of security concerns on their refugee policies. Some of the responses of these countries’ governments were similar – both governments mandated the erection or extension of physical barriers to impede migrants’ entry on their countries’ territory. While the Bulgarian government took cues from the rhetoric and actions of key EU leaders such as Angela Merkel, the Hungarian government continuously antagonized EU leaders and declined to cooperate with their proposed multi-lateral strategies of handling the migrant crisis. Decisions taken by the two governments were, to some extent, dictated by security concerns. The rhetoric of the Hungarian government, however, contained stronger nationalist overtones than that of the Bulgarian government. Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his right-wing government led an anti-migrant and anti-refugee campaign that sought to exclude foreign nationals due to the patent incompatibility of their cultural values with those of Hungary’s nationals. On the other hand, the rhetoric of Bulgaria’s Prime Minister – Boiko Borisov – was more dualistic and contradictory. His policy statements to the foreign press or at EU summits reflected the general sentiment of the top EU brass, whereas statements made to the Bulgarian media focused more specifically on security concerns and were far more critical of the foreign nationals attempting to enter Bulgaria’s territory. Moreover, the security-focused rhetoric and actions of the government became more strident immediately before and after the Bulgarian presidential elections of November 2016, which led to the resignation of Borisov’s cabinet. Political parties in Bulgaria, including Borisov’s GERB party have increasingly become critical of refugees living in Bulgaria’s admission centers. Borisov’s government even extradited a group of Afghan asylum seekers due to their involvement in a riot at one of the refugee admission centers. This study is based on a content analysis of statements made by Bulgarian and Hungarian government officials and media coverage in several Bulgarian and Hungarian news publications between 2015 and 2017.
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V. V., Novitskyi. « Political and legal mechanisms for the protection of human rights through the lens of the European Union countries ». Almanac of law : The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no 11 (août 2020) : 180–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-32.
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The author of the article, first of all, draws attention to the current problems of protection and protection of human rights, which unfortunately are traced within the territorial jurisdiction of the European Union. Such problem is quite well demonstrated by Berbel Koffler, as the Commissioner of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany on human rights and humanitarian aid policy. Indeed, the Ombudsman of Germany has raised a number of deep dilemmas: violence against human rights defenders on the grounds of their professional activity, the relation of human rights institutions with public security and economic development. In fact, these questions, in varying percentages, are equally relevant to many countries in the world. In the outlined context, the case of the European Court of Human Rights “Gabriel Weber and Caesar Richard Saravia v. Germany” of 29.06.06 was analyzed. Actually, this case covers directly the issues of human rights and national security of Germany. Grounds for initiating this case have arisen in connection with the legislative provisions of the Law of Germany on the Restriction of the Secret of Correspondence, Mail and Telecommunications of 13.08.68., ("Law G-10"), taking into account changes made under the Anti-Crime Act of 28.10.94, which extend the powers of the Federal Intelligence Service, within the so-called strategic monitoring. It is about collecting information by listening to telephone conversations in order to identify and prevent serious threats to the Federal Republic of Germany, such as: armed attacks on its territory, international terrorist attacks, other serious crimes. According to the applicants who worked as journalists, strategic monitoring can be used against individuals to prevent effective journalistic investigations. In view of these suspicions, the applicants argued that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, such as the right to privacy and correspondence, the violation of press freedom, and the right to an effective remedy. The ECHR Judges, having examined the circumstances of the case, concluded that there were no grounds to satisfy the complaints on the basis of the following arguments: 2) German legislation, as part of strategic monitoring, is endowed with adequate and effective safeguards against abuse by authorized entities. In addition, the article analyzes the multi-vector issue of banning citizens of some European Union countries from wearing hats that completely or partially hide their faces. The fact is that, under such restrictions, in particular, the traditional clothing of women adherents of Islam has fallen. It is a “burqa” and a “niqab”. The presented study is mainly based on the legislative practice of France, Belgium, which provides for administrative as well as criminal penalties for non-compliance with the stated prohibition. In such cases as S.А.С. France, Belkacemi and Oussar v. Belgium, Dakir v. Belgium, the applicants, alleged that they had violated the human rights guaranteed by the Convention, including: the right to respect for their private life; the right to freedom of expression of one's religion or belief; the right to freedom of expression; the right to freedom of association; humiliating treatment and discrimination against the enjoyment of the abovementioned human rights. According to most ECHR judges, who have dealt with the said cases, the disputed prohibition is not necessary in a "democratic society for public safety" but its main task is to preserve the conditions of "cohabitation" as an element of "protection of the rights and freedoms of others." In the context of this debate, attention was paid indirectly to such EU Member States as: Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Switzerland. Keywords: human rights, legal guarantees, security, privacy.
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Blitz, Brad. « Another Story : What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy ». Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no 2 (juin 2017) : 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500208.
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The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.
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Cherkasov, P. « IMEMO in the First Half of the 2000s (Results of the Research) ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 4 (2022) : 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-119-132.
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The article summarizes the results of the IMEMO academic affairs in the first half of the 2000s. Like before, the Institute combined fundamental theoretical and applied research. In its work, IMEMO focused on the study of global, regional and national problems of the modern world. An important achievement of the Institute during these years was the prepared long-term forecast of the world economy development until 2015. The annual (2000–2005) analytical reports on the study of armed conflicts, their prevention and control, as well as of global and regional trends in the development of military expenses can be considered another achievement of this kind. These reports were prepared at IMEMO together with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). IMEMO’s accomplishments include the fundamental work “Transitional Economy: Theoretical Aspects, Russian Problems, International Experience”. In this research, the theoretical problems of the transitional economy were deeply investigated with an emphasis on the achievements of world economic thought, international and accumulated Russian experience of transitional processes was analyzed. The IMEMO scientists were involved in comparative analysis of the influence of new factors (globalization, information civilization, integration processes, international terrorism, etc.) on modern Russia and foreign countries. Along with theoretical research, the Institute regularly prepared analytical materials and expert opinions for the Administration of the President of Russia, the Government, the Federation Council and the State Duma. The IMEMO employees took part in the preparation of materials for the annual messages of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, gave their recommendations on military reform and updating the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The Institute was engaged in constant monitoring of the economic and internal situation in various regions and major states of the modern world. The focus of IMEMO analysts was the foreign policy of the United States, the European Union countries, the states of the Middle East, Central Asia and Latin America, as well as the Asia-Pacific region. This ongoing work was carried out in various departments and sectors of the Institute. The author presents the directions and main results of the work of these scientific departments. In general, one of the indicators of the overall performance of IMEMO in 2001–2006 are 256 monographs, collections of scientific papers, conference materials, brochures and reports published by its employees. During these years, the results of current work began to be posted on the IMEMO website.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. « The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D. » Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no 2 (10 avril 2021) : 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
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Dudaiti, Albert K. « The problem of Middle East settlement in the policy of the leading member states of the European Union in the context of the Iraq and Lebanon crises (2003-2008) ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no 474 (2022) : 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/20.
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The article analyzes the Middle East policy of the leading EU member states in the period of the Iraqi and Lebanese crises. The author notes that the war in Iraq caused disagreements between France and Germany and the United States, but in general it did not affect the high level of relations between these countries. The Iraqi crisis contributed to increased tensions in the Middle East. In order to resume Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, a Quartet of international mediators (the United States, the UN, the EU, and Russia) was created, which introduced a “road map” for settlement. But soon there emerged differences in the Quartet on its separate points. They increased because of the actions of Israel on the implementation of the “unilateral disengagement” plan. During the war in Lebanon, the EU member states called for the introduction of UN peacekeepers into the country. The US authorities did not agree with this and proposed to introduce a NATO peacekeeping contingent in Lebanon. In turn, France did not support the American plan, considering it unproductive. The Lebanese crisis revealed differences between France and the United States, preserved since the beginning of the war in Iraq. Within the framework of the EU Middle East strategy, the principles of European policy were developed, among which priority was given to assistance in the establishment of a Palestinian state and assistance to Palestinians in the transition period. The EU launched a plan for the reconstruction and development of the Palestinian state, the Future for Palestine, which would provide financial assistance to the Palestinian government, upbringing and educational measures for Palestinian youth, psychological assistance to victims of the Second Palestinian Intifada, etc. After the victory in the presidential election, the new US administration appealed to the conflicting parties to resume negotiations. New moments in the US approach to the Middle East settlement were met with approval in the European Union. Aware at the same time that the initiative right to the Middle East settlement still belongs to the United States, the leading EU member states had difficulty in putting forward their settlement plan, so they were limited to supporting the American program. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in New York and Washington, the influence of political Islam in the Arab world increased markedly, to which the US authorities did not react properly. On the contrary, they sought to thoroughly reconstruct the “Greater Middle East” on the basis of Western democracy. The complex and contradictory nature of the processes developing in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the threat of the US military force against Iran, testified to this. In this difficult situation, issues related to the promotion of the Middle East peace process became even more urgent. The article concludes that the Quartet of international mediators should have made efforts to reach a comprehensive agreement as soon as possible, opening the way to peace in the Middle East.
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Chernadchuk, T. O., et V. O. Berezovska. « THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ON THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM : THE ANALYSIS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION LEGISLATION AND SOME NATIONAL ANTITERRORISM PROGRAMMES ». Constitutional State, no 48 (19 décembre 2022) : 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2022.48.267964.
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Terrorist attacks strike not only the victims, their friends and families, but also the fundamental principles of the European Union. The choice of the topic of the article is caused by the fact that today the European Union recognizes money laundering, terrorist financing and international terrorism as some of the main threats to its financial system and citizens’ security. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main directions of activities and decisions of the European Union in this area. The methodological basis of the work consists of both general scientific and special methods of scientific knowledge. The EU legislation in the sphere of counter-terrorism was investigated using the analytical method, the method of abstraction gave an opportunity to assess the general current state of legal regulation of the fight against terrorism. The use of the comparative legal approach made it possible to analyze the national antiterrorist programmes of chosen European countries. The logical legal method was applied when formulating conclusions and proposals. The article deals with the issues related to the legal aspects of the fight against international terrorism. The paper investigates the steps taken by the European Union, i.e., the adoption of resolutions and strategies, the signing of treaties, the creation of institutions that function with the purpose to combat and prevent terrorist attacks, which are the constituents of the general concept of the antiterrorist system. The authors indicate the most important treaty provisions and institutions as well as their development and influence on the system of the fight against terrorism by the European Union. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main directions of activities and decisions of the European Union in this area. It has been investigated that the external activities of the EU include the support of countries in improving their judicial systems and the potential of law enforcement authorities as well as the integration of European antiterrorist legislation into their security strategies. In the studied countries, the systematic approach to the fight against terrorism is clearly visible.
Thèses sur le sujet "Terrorism – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Dalby, Andrew K. « European integrationist influences on member states' counter-terrorist co-operation and co-ordination ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14394.
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Under the competences of the European Union's intergovernmentally controlled Justice and Home Affairs policy, counter-terrorist co-operation and co-ordination of efforts have progressed at a rapid pace following the 11 September attacks on the USA. Given, however, that Europe has experienced entrenched terrorist campaigns for the past three decades, one could be forgiven for questioning, in light of the unique co-operative position of Western Europe, why it has taken so long for the membership of the EU to reach a common definition of terrorism. Also why is it that even now, the EU has failed to develop a common policy against terrorism? Political explanations are traditional responses to such questions, but there is a risk of underestimating the complexities of the European Project, and the effect which this has had on so many areas of transnational co-operation. By focusing therefore on the often-overlooked role played by European integration on counter-terrorist co-operation, in addition to empirical analysis of the efficiency of the co-operative structures, we place ourselves in a more beneficial position to understand the current situation. Intergovernmentalism, the controlling force of JHA co-operation, we find is not mutually exclusive to law-enforcement co-operation. Two theories tested for supranational influences - neo-functionalism and federalism - have also played their part, from the early 1960s onwards, in facilitating co-operation. The historical emphasis is important, because co-operation prior to the regulation of much of this area within the EU, following the Treaties of Economic Union, provides us with ample material for analysis and greater insight into the JHA process and counter-terrorism. Intergovernmentalism has helped push counter-terrorist co-operation along, but equally we find that it now serves as a hindrance in completing its development because of its in-built tendency to retain subsidiarity. Counter terrorist co-operation, we conclude, need not be restricted to intergovernmental control any longer.
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KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. « Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions : The case of European competition policy ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Lai, I. Tak. « Towards the EU common migration and asylum policy : challenges or opportunities ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555551.
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DAVITER, Falk. « The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.
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Defence date: 13 July 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.
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Luedtke, Adam. « Fortress Europe or spillover ? : immigration politics and policy at the European level ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20441.
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Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.
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Zhang, Lu. « Is the EU a social union ? :the function of common social policy for European integration ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554777.
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Wang, Yan Chao. « EU's agricultural support policy and its revelation on China's agricultural policy ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555588.
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Jónsdóttir, Jóhanna. « Europeanisation of the Icelandic policy process ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609096.
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Kuok, Lai Ieng. « Do the employment policies of the Lisbon Strategy promote EU economic growth ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555547.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Terrorism – Government policy – European Union countries"
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The evolution of EU counter-terrorism : European security policy after 9/11. Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2013.
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1946-, Spence David, dir. The European Union and terrorism. London, U.K : John Harper Publishing, 2007.
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Ariane, Chebel d'Appollonia, et Reich Simon 1959-, dir. Immigration, integration, and security : America and Europe in comparative perspective. Pittsburgh, PA : University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008.
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J, Richardson J., dir. European Union : Power and policy-making. 2e éd. London : Routledge, 2001.
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J, Richardson J., dir. European Union : Power and policy-making. 3e éd. New York : Routledge, 2005.
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Helen, Wallace, et Wallace William 1941-, dir. Policy-making in the European Union. 4e éd. Oxford [England] : Oxford University Press, 2000.
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Helen, Wallace, Wallace William 1941- et Pollack Mark A. 1966-, dir. Policy-making in the European Union. 6e éd. New York : Oxford University Press, 2010.
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1955-, Zielonka Jan, dir. Paradoxes of European foreign policy. The Hague : Kluwer Law International, 1998.
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Neill, Nugent, dir. European Union enlargement. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
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The EU and counter-terrorism : Politics, polity and policies after 9/11. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Terrorism – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Mahmutaj, Noela. « Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans ». Dans Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.
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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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van Dijk, Frans. « Independence and Trust ». Dans Perceptions of the Independence of Judges in Europe, 77–92. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63143-7_6.
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AbstractThe Chapter examines the trust of the general public in the judiciary at the national and EU-level. The starting point is that the correlation between the independence of the judiciary as perceived by the general public and the trust in the judiciary by the same public is very strong: trust in the judiciary equals trust in the independence of the judiciary. Trust in the judiciary is generally higher than that in parliament and government. However, the trust in the judiciary is generally at the same level as that in the public administration. It is likely that the general public associates the public administration with desirable, fair and impartial implementation of public policies, and not so much with (divisive) policy formation. Thus, it is too simple to conclude that the judiciary performs better than the other powers of the state. High trust in the judiciary is fostered by the nature of the tasks. At the EU-level the differentiation of trust between the three branches of government is much smaller than at the national level. Trust in the European Court of Justice (the supreme court of the European Union) is higher than in the national judiciary at low levels of trust at the national level, and smaller at high levels of trust. Still, trust in the ECJ is higher in countries with a highly trusted judiciary than in countries with a less trusted judiciary.
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Michailidou, Asimina, Elisabeth Eike et Hans-Jörg Trenz. « Journalism, Truth and the Restoration of Trust in Democracy : Tracing the EU ‘Fake News’ Strategy ». Dans Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 53–75. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_4.
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AbstractTrust in journalism in Europe and beyond has been undermined by a series of scandals, by the closeness of journalists to political parties and government, but also by more frequent attacks against freedom of speech and of the press run especially by populist leaders and new authoritarian governments. In some countries, like Hungary, Poland and Italy, the press freedom index is in steep decline, and governments have also entered a ‘war’ with journalism, putting increasing pressure on the free exercise of the profession, restricting budgets and the autonomy of public service broadcasting. In our chapter, we critically discuss the responses, i.e. counter-strategies, for trust-(re)building that this disruption triggers, from a top-down European Union (EU) policy perspective. We assess the EU’s response to the authoritarian and fake news challenge and discuss the limits of a voluntary (self) regulatory approach in light of public sphere standards.
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De Vries, Catherine E., Sara B. Hobolt, Sven-Oliver Proksch et Jonathan B. Slapin. « 12. Policy Outcomes in Europe ». Dans Foundations of European Politics, 211–32. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198831303.003.0012.
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This chapter explores policy outcomes by looking at a number of European countries. It considers some salient policy areas, including those that are decided primarily at the national level, for example health, and policies that are determined at the more macro, European Union (EU) level, for example trade. It also looks at policy areas that involve shared decision-making across different levels of government, examples here include immigration and the environment. The chapter also focuses on the role of position-taking by political parties and other groups, such as interest groups and social groups or movements. It considers how these explain variations in policy outcomes.
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Can, Hamit, et Daniela Minkovska. « The Energy Policy of Bulgaria ». Dans CSR and Socially Responsible Investing Strategies in Transitioning and Emerging Economies, 120–36. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2193-9.ch007.
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Energy is considered the main input for economic and industrial development. In this context, it is important that countries develop sustainable energy policies in order to meet economic growth and energy demand. Government policies play a critical role in economic growth and incentives for innovation. This chapter summarizes Bulgaria's energy policies as an increasingly important energy transit country due to its strategic location. These policies were presented in line with the European Union energy policies and the solutions of the characteristics of the country. Some of the targets to be implemented are as follows: ensuring energy supply security, achieving RES share targets, energy efficiency improvements, development of a competitive energy market, safe energy needs and protection of consumers, establishment of the necessary infrastructure and diversification of energy resources, strengthening the external relations and solidarity coordinated in the field of energy.
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Can, Hamit, et Daniela Minkovska. « The Energy Policy of Bulgaria ». Dans Research Anthology on Clean Energy Management and Solutions, 1841–57. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9152-9.ch081.
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Energy is considered the main input for economic and industrial development. In this context, it is important that countries develop sustainable energy policies in order to meet economic growth and energy demand. Government policies play a critical role in economic growth and incentives for innovation. This chapter summarizes Bulgaria's energy policies as an increasingly important energy transit country due to its strategic location. These policies were presented in line with the European Union energy policies and the solutions of the characteristics of the country. Some of the targets to be implemented are as follows: ensuring energy supply security, achieving RES share targets, energy efficiency improvements, development of a competitive energy market, safe energy needs and protection of consumers, establishment of the necessary infrastructure and diversification of energy resources, strengthening the external relations and solidarity coordinated in the field of energy.
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Barcik, Agnieszka, et Piotr Dziwiński. « Innovative Entrepreneurship in Poland within Cooperation of the Universities with Enterprises ». Dans Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 702–25. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9567-2.ch029.
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The main impetus of entrepreneurship development comes undoubtedly at present from innovation based on knowledge, education as well as research and development activities. In Poland, as in all other countries of the European Union, the development and uptake of innovation is one of the pillars of the knowledge-based economy and an essential element of the socio-economic cohesion policy. Despite the fact that Poland shows in recent years, strong economic performance, it ranks in the statistics among the countries with the lowest innovation in the European Union and the process of transferring innovative solutions from science to enterprise still faces many barriers and limitations. On the other hand the increasing awareness of the importance of science and knowledge is to be observed not only in academic field but in practice too. More often different forms of cooperation between universities and entrepreneurs are undertaken. Based on innovative projects the chapter is intended to analyze and evaluate the development of innovative entrepreneurship in Poland, taking into account the factors shaping it as well as the mechanism of science and business cooperation.
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« Lessons From Eastern Europe ». Dans Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 138–52. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4291-0.ch009.
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This chapter summarizes the key points of the book and discusses lessons other countries can learn from the Czech Republic and Hungary. It first looks closer at democratic backsliding—mainly what it is and whether former communist countries are suffering from it. Next, political leaders and parties in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and the United States are examined, including how much influence they have over policy. The importance of democratic values and civic education are also discussed. Being knowledgeable about freedoms one should have in a democracy allows people to identify when those freedoms are being taken away. Separation of powers is then examined along with how well the Czech Republic and Hungary are doing, preventing the executive from having too much unilateral power. Finally, it is discussed whether the Czech Republic and Hungary are democratically backsliding and the role of the European Union in potentially stopping democratic erosion.
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Chłoń-Domińczak, Agnieszka. « Population Ageing and Financing Consumption of the Older Generation in the European Union ». Dans Europe's Income, Wealth, Consumption, and Inequality, 395–427. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197545706.003.0011.
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European countries are facing the challenge of population ageing, and social policies need to adjust to changing intergenerational balance. In this chapter, the most important challenges in the current intergenerational and intragenerational balance are assessed using the National Transfer Accounts approach. Financing the lifecycle deficit of older generations is mainly based on public transfers, while in the case of younger generations it is mainly financed from private transfers. The working-age generation faces a ‘triple burden’ as it finances the lifecycle deficit of older generations by paid taxes and the consumption of the young generation by private transfers. They also need to save more to be able to finance their future consumption to a larger extent from their savings. Recent policy developments show that the pressure of an increase of pension expenditure caused by demographic changes is offset by reducing pension transfers by changing benefit formulae or benefit indexation as well as increasing the effective pensionable age. The span of effective economic activity is relatively short, particularly for women. A gender gap in labor income is also linked to a gender gap in the pension income, which leads to further transfers between men and women at older ages. Income inequalities between older people increase following reforms of pension systems that tighten the link between lifetime earnings and pensions. Mortality differences interact with government programmes for the elderly (e.g., pension systems) and may reduce or even reverse the direction of income redistribution.
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Zhorniak, Andrii, et Svitlana Podplota. « State Policy of Foreign Countries Regarding Social Integration of Persons with Disabilities : Experience for Ukraine ». Dans Стратегія сучасного розвитку України : синтез правових, освітніх та економічних механізмів : колективна монографія / за загальною редакцією професора Старченка Г. В., 101–17. ГО «Науково-освітній інноваційний центр суспільних трансформацій», 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54929/monograph-12-2022-03-01.
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The section indicates that in recent years, the social policy of many developed countries concerning persons with disabilities has undergone significant changes. The attitude towards persons with disabilities, as those who need constant care, support, and assistance, and who cannot live an active social life, have changed to their attitude to them as full members of society with equal rights with other citizens of the country. Based on the main international legal documents in the field of social integration of persons with disabilities, in particular, the international acts of the Council of Europe and the European Union, the basic international principles of formation of policy on persons with disabilities are distinguished. The regulatory regulation of the integration of persons with disabilities in developed countries of the world is considered. The section emphasizes that the policy aimed at the social integration of people with special needs requires modernization and improvement at all levels, including the activities of local self-government bodies, and national and international levels. It is noted that only in synergy and shared work, using common sociopolitical instruments, it is possible to achieve an inclusive society and achieve high results in the development of the state.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Terrorism – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev et Mairam Baigonusheva. « Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.
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As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
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Diril, Funda. « Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.
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The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
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Lina, Al Eassa. « FOSTERING RESILIENCE IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE 2015 EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD POLICY REVIEW׃ EVIDENCE FROM JORDAN ». Dans NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/13.
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Resilience has become a priority for the EU in its 2015 European Neighborhood Policy review (ENP), It refers to building state and societal resilience of the Union as a whole, its members and the EU׳s neighbors including Jordan, a strategic southern partner of the EU. In this regard, the EU Building resilience in Jordan in response for crises as the Syrian refugee crisis seems workable but the EU needs to foster it. Thus, this paper’s question is How can the EU foster resilience after it has become a priority in its 2015 (ENP) review in case of Jordan? While many scholars like David Chandler argues that the EU could foster resilience in its neighboring countries by making it a local self-governing project and not an external imposed project where the EU has the mission of monitoring and assessment, in this paper, based on document analysis from official websites for the EU and Jordan including their official bilateral and multilateral agreements and textual analysis of the current literature on building resilience I argue that fostering resilience requires both presenting resilience as a self-governing project with a greater engagement of the Jordanian government, local community and its civil society, at the same time , it needs a better mechanism for the EU in monitoring and assessment, and more importantly helping Jordan to establish the best institutional design that could foster state and societal resilience in Jordan.
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Silvestru, Ramona camelia, Lavinia Nemes et Catalin ionut Silvestru. « CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN E-LEARNING PROGRAMS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ». Dans eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-212.
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The G20 Moscow summit from 2013 highlighted the fact that human resource development remained a major priority for developing countries, especially low-income countries, with important impact on the priorities of other low income countries. When discussing about the current global economic development, about increasing economic competitiveness and reducing economic risks of global crises, we take also into consideration the role that governments and their staff can play in ensuring the adequate implementation of the various policy measures. In order for the government staff to perform at high levels of competence both in high and low income countries, especially in G20 members (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States of America plus the European Union member states), we consider that continuous education / lifelong learning would be crucial in providing an enabling environment, with e-learning holding a key position, as it enables people, civil servants to deal with future challenges raised by knowledge and information society. In the framework of the technological, normative and procedural evolutions that influence how the staff from public administrations works and possible openness towards e-learning programs, while aware of the various pedagogic, administrative and economic factors that provide incentives as well as drawbacks in using e-learning in providing training to civil servants, we are interested in analyzing e-learning programs developed and used for public administration staff from several G20 states. Our analysis will be focused on assessing the dimensions of the e-learning systems, variety of courses via e-learning platforms, methodologies used in e-learning, possible limitations and challenges in providing e-learning programs to civil servants in several G20 states. The analysis will be conducted using public information available from national agencies with responsibilities in providing such trainings in various G20 states. Our recommendations are oriented towards stimulating the development of an enabling environment for improving inter-agencies and ministerial coordination by intervening at the levels of human resources from the government levels. In this respect, we promote a wider usage of electronic means in lifelong learning for the staff from public administrations and the sharing of information by electronic means aimed at ensuring further human resource development from the public administration. Moreover, we strongly consider that continuous human resource development in the public administration apparatus from the G20 states and knowledge sharing would provide adequate framework for ensuring that government priorities and policy coordination in order to achieve global economic stability, sustainable growth could be achieved, while also contributing to the development of knowledge and information society and economy.
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Ozolina, Velga, et Astra Auzina-Emsina. « Macroeconometric Input-Output Model For Transport Sector Analysis ». Dans 35th ECMS International Conference on Modelling and Simulation. ECMS, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7148/2021-0082.
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Effective government transport policy can be based only on realistic data, sophisticated and detailed transport sector analysis, and productive modelling. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate the main elements used to develop a relatively small macro-economic input-output model with the emphasis on transport for one European Union (EU) country. Transport sector faces similar problems in various countries linked with emissions, transport flows, road accidents and other issues hence appropriate modelling tool should be selected. The model presented in this article consists of econometric and input-output relations. The research analyses and examines three scenarios and stresses the importance of the transport investment not only for development of the transport sector, but also for the economic development in general. The scenarios imply zero, 9 million and 6.7 million additional investment in transport sector eligible to the EU funding. As the result of additional investment, GDP recovers faster leading to 0.3-1.7%points faster growth rates as compared to the base scenario with no additional investment leading to faster cohesion with the average EU level, as well as higher number and turnover of passengers in the public and commercial transport, while the number of passenger cars is lower. The model can also be applied to study regional development, if it is possible to distinguish, which regions will benefit from the investment, as well as influence on fuel consumption and CO2 emissions, if the investments are targeted to specific means of transport.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Terrorism – Government policy – European Union countries"
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands et Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade : Which way forward ? Blavatnik School of Government, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.