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1
Ruvalcaba, García Aldonza María. « How television failed to integrate Europe / ». Genève : Institut européen de l'Université de Genève, 2007. http://www.unige.ch/ieug/publications/euryopa/ruvalcaba.pdf.
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2
Vreese, Claes Holger de. « Framing Europe television news and European integration / ». [Amsterdam : Amsterdam : Aksant] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2003. http://dare.uva.nl/document/68700.
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3
Vinsand, Daniel John. « Architecture and politics in Central Europe ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FVinsand.pdf.
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4
Havard, Sophie. « La construction d'une Europe audiovisuelle : l'adequation des politiques menées ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56812.
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In the 80's, European broadcasting changed dramatically. The rising of new technologies resulted into a growing number of TV programmes' demand while the amount of supply stays unchange.There are two European strategies: (1) A regulation policy, with the European directive "Television without frontiers"; (2) A promotion of European programmes industry, with MEDIA and EUREKA.
The challenge is beyond the means implemented until now. The building of European audiovisual industry is a slow process, since cultural union and economic union are linked.
5
Yasar, Rusen. « The institutionalization of multilevel politics in Europe ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269685.
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This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.
6
Pichler, Marie Helen. « Copyright problems of satellite and cable television in Europe ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65445.
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7
Ferrari, Chara Francesca. « Translating stereotypes Italian television and the cultural politics of reformatting / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467887551&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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8
Arikan, Burcak. « Assyrian Transnational Politics : Activism From Europe Towards Homeland ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612893/index.pdf.
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ASSYRIAN TRANSNATIONAL
POLITICS: ACTIVISM FROM EUROPE TOWARDS HOMELAND
ARIKAN BURÇAK Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sabine Strasser January 2011, 105 pages This thesis examines the transnational political practices Assyrian diaspora undertakes in Europe to generate a positive change in the minority rights of Assyrians in Turkey. Based on inductive reading of existing literature on transnational migration and transnational politics and my own research I conducted in the form of expert interviews in Germany, Sweden and in Turkey with transmigrants and the representatives of Assyrian organisations I discuss the reasons, the contexts and the actual transnational political practices Assyrians undertake in Europe. The thesis argues that Assyrian transnational political practices intensified 2000 onwards after Assyrian community have developed a self representation of their emigration experience and have been through an identity building process in Europe which is referred to as &ldquo
Europeanization&rdquo
in this study. The thesis considers Mor Gabriel Case, which started to be seen in 2008 in Turkey, awakening a milestone in the fresh history of transnational political activism of this community
since the solidarity and transnational political networking towards this case are unprecedented in the Assyrian diaspora&rsquo
s half century of history in Europe. By focusing on the activities carried out with regards to this case, the study lastly attempts to reveal the inner tensions vested within the transnational political network and argues for further critical examination of the complex relations among Assyrian diaspora, the place of origin and the receiving countries.
9
Bliatka, Ira. « Borders and difference : the politics of delineating Europe ». Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/9f287000-7239-4a93-ad16-9c29967bef9f.
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This thesis is about the making of the European Union (EU) as a political actor through the delineation of borders and border spaces. It speaks to one of the key questions of an ongoing scholarly and policy debate, regarding the dialectic nature of the EU’s borders; internal and external, present and absent, murderous and humanitarian are only some of the binaries that have been deployed to speak of these paradoxical hybrid constructs, which, as literature has argued, have long stopped acting and looking like simple lines on maps. As such, the project lies at the intersection of EU studies, Border Studies and Political Geography, and engages themes that have been common in these fields; borders, biopolitics, and security logics of risk. The biopolitical border is found behind an ever-expanding range of border technologies that regulate global mobilities; biometric passports, databases, surveillance systems, and techniques of risk-profiling, outsourcing, and off-shoring the border.
10
BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. « The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
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Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
11
Kiss, Csilla. « Constitutional democracy in Eastern Europe ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85176.
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The dissertation examines the establishment and strengthening of constitutional democracies during democratic consolidation from an institutionalist point of view. Focusing on Hungary and Poland, it examines how the right institutions can advance the creation and strengthening of a constitutional order. Among the institutions special attention is paid to the constitutional courts. The establishment and prominence of constitutional courts in most new democracies in East Central Europe fits into the general trend that was perceivable throughout Western Europe after WWII. The main rationale of these new institutions was to safeguard the democratic order from the return of authoritarianism. The main practical as well as theoretical significance of the introduction of judicial review was that it put an end to the then prevailing primacy of unlimited popular sovereignty and recast the concept of democracy in constitutional, rather than majoritarian terms.Such an innovation plays an even more significant role in Eastern Europe, where concepts of majoritarian democracy on the one hand, and reliance on a strong leader, especially in times of difficulties on the other, were prominent due to both communist and pre-communist legacies. Furthermore, the often ambiguous constitutional documents produced by the negotiated transitions, as well as the sometimes irreconcilable aspirations of political forces, provided the courts with a prominent role in shaping the new order.
Through the study of two issues, transitional justice and the presidency, the dissertation examines the various functions constitutional courts can play in democratic consolidation in general and in advancing rule of law systems, in resolving constitutional ambiguities and in controlling political actors in particular.
Drawing on the analysis of political events, primary sources, parliamentary minutes, newspaper articles and court decisions, the dissertation concludes that while the courts' record in solving institutional problems cannot be regarded as an unequivocal success, their role in defining fundamental constitutional principles is more praiseworthy. Not only did they manage to settle controversial issues as in the case of transitional justice, they also successfully curbed majoritarian endeavors and steered the new systems towards the acceptance of basic liberal constitutional values.
12
Tsinisizelis, M. « The politics of the Common Agricultural Policy : A study of interest group politics ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379144.
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13
Lo, Shih-hung. « Mediating national identity : television, politics and audience in Taiwan ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1610/.
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This thesis is concerned with the relationship between the mass media and national identity. It uses methodological triangulation involving multiple methods and multiple sets of data to investigate the ways in which the mass media and television in particular have contributed to the formation of national identity in Taiwan. The Taiwanese case markedly points to the inadequacy of a widely held assumption bout the influence of the media on the formation of national identity: that national media foster national identity and global media weaken national identity. The thesis argues against this simplistic assumption, which reflects two dominant perspectives in the study of nationalism and communication the diffusionist view of national identity-formation, and the transmission view of communication. Both perspectives underestimate the complexity of the media-identity relationship and cannot adequately accommodate the Taiwanese case. This thesis provides an alternative perspective that stresses national identity-formation as a conjunctural mediation process between media representation and audience reception, whereby the powerful media and the active audience co-exist. As a constitutive part of the national discursive space that contains both text and reader, television has helped to create among the Taiwanese audience an imaginable community of solidarity, constituting both the symbolic textures of national identity and the contexts in which that identity is experienced. Through the conjunctural mediations between media representation and audience reception, the respondent families in the present study have subscribed to a national identity that necessarily assumes a hybrid form. Yet despite (or indeed because of) Taiwan's ambiguous statehood, the respondents' hybrid identifications with the 'nation' can best be summed up in the term 'Taiwan-centred identity'. The findings of this thesis extend beyond the Taiwanese case to the broader theorisation of the role of the media, especially television, in the formation of national identity in an age of globalisation.
14
Abuzanouna, Bahjat A. « Enhancing democratic communication ? : television and partisan politics in Palestine ». Thesis, University of Westminster, 2012. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8z5x9/enhancing-democratic-communication-television-and-partisan-politics-in-palestine.
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Against the political backdrop of the Palestinian conflict and Israeli occupation, this thesis focuses on the most important media in the Palestinian context, television, which has the widest reach and influence among Palestinians. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the question of how far, in the perceptions of Palestinians, the two television channels – Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV – are contributing to the development of a new democratic political state through participative communication processes. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected in the Gaza Strip between December 2009 and July 2010 through a survey questionnaire of 500 Gazans, semi-structured and unstructured interviews and focus groups with a range of participants, from university students and human rights activists, to journalists and non-governmental organization (NGO) employees. The thesis investigates the perceptions of different sectors of Palestinian society and media workers about their access to the television channels, their views on media reliability, freedom of expression, the watchdog role of television, their opinions on the status of democracy and human rights, and other issues related to media functions and democracy in Palestine. Three functions of the media - as a forum for discussion and debate; as provider of information and as a watchdog, critiquing the powers that be – are explored. The thesis examines how the media perform in providing the functions of democratic communication through exploring the relationship between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas governments and the two television channels Palestine Television and Al-Aqsa. The key findings of the research were, in the view of many respondents, that the two television channels, Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV, were controlled by the two political parties - Fatah and Hamas respectively and that this has compromised the media’s function to promote democratic communication and the democratic process. The thesis argues that the two political factions are trying to manipulate the public and conceal information that affects their power. As a result, the political parties have polarized the emerging public sphere. The lack of freedom of expression and access to information has prevented the establishment of a democratic space essential to create a coherent political system and on which to base a democratic society that respects human rights. The thesis concludes by suggesting, however, in the transition to democracy, the existence of partisan media may be able to fulfil a role in contributing to the democratization of Palestine. The two television channels do provide limited functions of democratic communication to their own factions, so between them they may benefit Palestinian society in the progress towards the development of independent media.
15
Wheeler, Mark Bradburn. « The reform of British television post Peacock : a study ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1994. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1635.
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Throughout the eighties, and particularly from 1986, British broadcasting has been understood as undergoing a fundamental change. Consequently, this thesis will analyze, explain and assess the major developments which have taken place in the wake of what has been widely perceived as an on-going transition within the British broadcasting system. This reform has often been identified as a shift from a system orientated around the concept of public service to one in which alternative core tenets such as free enterprise, competition and commercialization have emerged alongside the traditional paradigm. It has been motivated by a number of imperatives; the 'push' of technology, convergence between the telecom and broadcast industries, the emergence of new media actors, market-liberal ideologies and the political will of the Thatcher government. This thesis will test the relative importance of these factors and consider the crucial questions which are shaping the debate over the future of British broadcasting into the second millenium.
16
Stierl, Maurice. « Migration resistance as border politics : counter-imaginaries of EUrope ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/66963/.
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This thesis seeks to conceptualise and mobilise migration resistances as forces of animation through which contemporary forms of EUropean border governance can be productively explored. By following different migration struggles ethnographically, it inquires into their emergence and asks what practices of government and control they reveal. Situated within the academic fields of ‘critical border and migration studies’ and Michel Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, resistance and the art of government, resistance is understood as method. As a set of analytics and catalysts that sets sociopolitical processes and phenomena into frictional motion, resistance is developed as a mode of critical investigation. It is argued that, while always specific and situated, migration struggles form transversal resistances that bring to light particular aspects of the ‘EUropean border dispositif’ which seeks to monitor, regulate and deter certain human mobilities. In a multi-sited ethnography, conducted in diverse borderscapes, heterogeneous struggles are explored. The first study follows the Non-Citizen movement that emerged in Germany and interprets their confrontational and provocative struggle as dissent. The second ethnographic study explores the Boats4People campaign that took place in Italy and Tunisia to protest migrant deaths in the Mediterranean Sea and focuses on their embodied practices of solidarity. The third study follows different individuals and groups in transit into three Greek borderscapes and conceives their attempts of border-subversion and escape as excessive practices. Dissent, solidarity and excess are mobilised and interpreted as three specific but interrelated facets of resistance that collide with and contest manifold diffused border practices and materialisations throughout and beyond EUropean space. Furthermore, it is argued that migration struggles question the community in whose name unbelonging and exclusions are performed. The thesis suggests that these resistances not only expose certain dominant discursive frames through which EUrope becomes continuously reproduced and recognised as united, peaceful and humanitarian, but also draw attention to questions of colonialism and race as well as to the various registers of violence that must always underpin EUrope’s division-creating practices. Through migration struggles, EUrope’s dominant frames and self-conceptions are decentered so that other imaginaries of politics, solidarity and community come to the fore.
17
Eyck, John Robert Jerome. « The tragedy of sentimentalism and politics in enlightenment Europe / ». Digital version:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004413.
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Lovelock, Michael. « Interrogating the politics of LGBT celebrity in British reality television ». Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/63063/.
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Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, reality television has been one of the most prolific spaces of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) visibility in British popular culture. Yet, in almost two decades of scholarship on reality TV, very little academic work has addressed the representation of LGBT identities within this medium, outside of a small set of makeover programmes. Where LGBT visibility in non-makeover reality shows has been analyzed, these representations have been approached as largely indistinguishable from fiction texts, their status as reality TV passing largely unaddressed. This thesis critically interrogates the relationship between reality television as a form, and the representations of LGBT identity found within reality programmes. Focusing on British reality shows broadcast between 2000 and 2014, this study explores how the generic specificities of reality television have shaped the ways in which LGBT identities have become visible within reality formats. This thesis argues that, in the figures of LGBT reality TV participants, tropes of authenticity, self-realization, celebrity and democracy bound to reality television itself have functioned as the discursive frameworks through which a series of normative scripts of LGBT subjectivity and LGBT life have been produced and circulated through British popular culture. This thesis examines the representations of LGBT identity in a range of different reality formats, including Big Brother, The X Factor and The Only Way is Essex, amongst others, alongside the discussions and depictions of LGBT participants in extra-textual media like magazines, newspapers and blogs. Through these materials, this study interrogates how different reality formats enable LGBT subjectivities to become visible in different ways, the divergent ways in which British reality television has represented different kinds of queer identities, and how British reality shows have mobilized the conventions of reality TV to construct and delineate cultural hierarchies of “acceptable” and “unacceptable” formations of queer subjectivity.
19
Cross, Kathleen Ann. « Elections without politics : television coverage of the 2001 B.C. election / ». Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2686.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dissertation (Ph.D.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006.Theses (School of Communication) / Simon Fraser University. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 276-296). Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.
20
Snyder, Marcus E. « "Playing to the cameras" the presence of an entertainment perspective in political panel programming and the implications of making politics palatable and appealing / ». Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2001. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=2097.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 2001.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 357 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 134-137).
21
Bain, Jessica Margaret. « Europe at 6pm : Images of the EU on New Zealand Television News ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/989.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Contributing to the broader debate on the nature and identity of the European Union (EU), this thesis is a study of the EU from the outside looking in: an examination of how this novel process of integration among the nations of Europe is viewed by its partners around the world, in particular in New Zealand through its television news media. While there are many studies which examine how the EU is understood and represented within its borders, there is an absence of parallel studies which consider the image of the EU from an external perspective. Recognising that the television news media plays a particularly important role in influencing the knowledge and perceptions of people on foreign matters, the thesis presents an analysis of the entire EU television news coverage in New Zealand's two prime-time television news bulletins throughout 2004. The primary research question that the thesis investigates is, how is the EU framed in the television news media of New Zealand, an external 'Other' of the EU? The study was multi-methodological in nature and analysed each of the relevant news items using content analysis, as well as undertaking deeper analysis of the metaphorical categorisations and the visual images of the EU, to detect the entire range of EU representations and the overall image of the EU these created for New Zealand television news audiences. These findings were then compared against corresponding research from Australia, South Korea and Thailand, as well as to the perceptions of New Zealand's leading newsmakers, in order to account for the most important trends in EU image formation in New Zealand. In particular it was found that the EU was often entirely absent from the New Zealand television news space, and when it was visible, was often presented in a way which ignored the extensive domestic relevance of the Union for New Zealand and its immediate region.
22
Farrell, Kathleen P. « Backstage politics Social change and the "Gay TV" industry / ». Related electronic resource : Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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23
Sherwood, E. D. « Alliance politics beyond Europe : NATO and the non-Atlantic world ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371750.
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24
Cruickshank, Neil A. « Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.
25
Sasic, Filip. « Russia’s Geopolitics in Southeast Europe : Energy security and pipeline politics ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutet för Rysslands- och Eurasienstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447910.
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This thesis analyzes Russia’s geopolitical objectives in Southeast Europe by focusing on natural gas pipelines and energy security. Natural gas is a crucial soft power asset that Russia utilizes to maintain its sphere of influence in the region. When defining Southeast Europe, this thesis focuses on the following countries of the region: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, North Macedonia, and Serbia. The empirically driven research explores Russia’s role as the main natural gas supplier in Southeast Europe and the geostrategic implications of the region’s potential to become a vital entry point into Europe for Russian natural gas. This thesis applies the theory of defensive realism to the study of gas-infrastructure developments and to the impact of new pipelines on Russia’s dominant energy role within the region. Further on, Russia faces various challenges to its control of the regional gas market, including European Union’s energy policies, LNG from the United States, natural gas from Azerbaijan, and other complex factors that play into the regional geopolitical and energy arena. With the analysis of the empirical data, this thesis assesses how each of the Southeast European countries respond to new gas-infrastructure projects and to Russia’s effort to leverage its gas assets. These developments, including Russia’s gas projects, could provide opportunities for positive, regional cooperation, while creating commercial value by transforming this region into an important natural gas hub.
26
Cruickshank, Neil Albert. « Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe / ». St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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27
Diao, Ming Ming. « Research into Chinese television development television industrialisation in China / ». Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/42473.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Society, Culture, Media and Philosophy, Department of International Communication, 2009.Bibliography: p. 431-447.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Methodology -- The development and the actual situation of television industry in China -- Commercial television in the U.S. and public television in the U.K. -- Results and discussion -- Conclusions and recommendations -- Bibliography.
Over the past five decades, China's television industry has gone through various historical periods, which have seen marked changes in China's political and economic spheres, indeed in Chinese society overall. Over the last thirty years, since the reform and opening up of China in 1978, transformation of the original television systems, structure and industrial market chain has been attempted concomitant with the gradual relaxation of the restrictions applicable to China's television industry. Within these circumstances, the Chinese government, media practitioners, and scholars are actively exploring long-term, feasible and sustainable approaches to the further development of the television industry in China. The research examines China's approaches to the development of its television industry, using McQuail's political, economic and social framework, the relevant political economy traditions involving the neoclassic paradigm and the heterodox approach, and the principles of media economics and the 'market chain' theory of the television industry. This thesis first presents a concise review of how television developed in China: it then seeks to map perceived changes and to ascertain the problems throughout the process. Research methods employed are secondary data analysis, in-depth interview and focus group. Chinese scholars, officials and media practitioners are the participants of interviews and focus groups. The discussion draws on previous analyses and discussions, to assess the overall picture of television industrialisation reformation in China, additionally drawing on discourses surrounding commercial television in the United States and public television in the United Kingdom for valuable reference material that will support China's television development. The significance of this research lies in its providing an insight into China's television reformation and adding, to the field of communication and development, the Chinese experience. The research expects to propose a television development pathway with Chinese characteristics, drawing on Chinese as well as Western theories.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xix, 461 p. ill
28
Ogbe-Ogunsuyi, Austin. « The politics of the transnational television : beyond the cultural imperialism question ». DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1994. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3314.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Providing an improved basis for articulating the nature of transnational television and its potentials for improving relations among nations, is the central focus of this study. We are motivated to research this subject because we believe the existing perspectives on it need to be revised in line with present day reality. Our point of departure is the thorny issue of "cultural imperialism." In re-evaluating this issue, some fundamental questions are raised to determine whether past perspectives fit present day realities. Using the elite theory of power in various societies, aided by Johan Galtung's model of a global communication in "four worlds," we see a pattern of global television that suggests commonalities in underlying reasons for their establishment in various countries. In both developed and developing countries. We acknowledge with the support of a literature and data existence of a global systemic domination by the technology rich nations over the technology poor ones. But there are also substantial evidence to prove that some of the poorer nations exercise some degree of autonomy. That makes more difficult to try to explain "cultural imperialism" simply as a relationship that sees developed and developing nations as simply a dominant/subordinate association. Through a strategy of originating intent we are able to show that the elite in various societies acquire television mainly to satisfy either their political, economic or social interests.
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Jones, Jeffrey Preiss. « Talking politics in post-network television : the case of Politically incorrect / ». Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Kusko, Mary Ann. « An investigation of the Clinton-Bush presidential transition using newspaper and television media ». Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1993. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1993.Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2713. Abstract precedes thesis as [2] preliminary leaves. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaf 24).
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Tjânice-Túnstra, Wannette. « Origins and opportunities : ethno nations and conflict management in Europe : with special reference to the European Union and the Council of Europe ». Thesis, University of Hull, 2007. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6699.
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Simón, Harry L. « Democracy and the political ascendancy of broadcast television in Latin America 1950 through 1970 / ». Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1467731.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 17, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-117).
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Smith, Henry L. « An analysis of network evening news coverage of religion and politics in the 1984 presidential campaign / ». The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487329662147647.
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Ojala, Carl-Gösta. « Sámi Prehistories : The Politics of Archaeology and Identity in Northernmost Europe ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-108857.
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Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.
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Hilder, Thomas Richard. « Sami soundscapes : Muisic and the politics of indigeneity in Arctic Europe ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529799.
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Garrett, Amanda Lynne. « When Cities Fight Back : Minorities, Local Politics, and Conflict in Europe ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10821.
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What explains minority-state urban conflict across Europe? When, how and why do some localities seem more prone to turn the political expression of grievance into a blood sport, while others avoid this fate altogether, even when faced with similar internal and external conditions? To answer these questions, my argument challenges existing interpretations of minority-state relations based on "national models" of integration, cultural variables and minority inequality. Instead, I find that it is the entrenchment of local political elites and their strategic foundational social alliances with minority populations that ultimately condition the likelihood of violent confrontation and the ways in which it is managed at the local level.Government
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Madge, P. « Architecture and politics in Europe : Italy and the Netherlands 1927-34 ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376365.
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SALGADO, CAROLINA DE OLIVEIRA. « THE POLITICS OF NORM RECEPTION : THE DILEMMAS OF NORMATIVE POWER EUROPE ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=35245@1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
O presente trabalho se desdobra através do dentro/ fora da União Europeia (UE) perguntando que poder existe na narrativa de poder normativo? E o que essa narrativa faz com a UE? Essas questões são investigadas movendo o foco de análise para perceber em que extensão e de que maneiras as relações com Outros afetam a identidade da UE. Considerando que o Poder Normativo Europeu (PNE) é o elo entre a segurança ontológica da UE e sua política externa, ele não pode ser pensado independentemente do Outro. A tese oferece uma teorização dos mecanismos de difusão e posterior operacionalização de uma perspectiva dialógica que endogeneiza o Outro desde o início. Recepção de normas é, portanto, parte integrante da análise de difusão. Posteriormente, a tese recria diferentes processos de difusão a partir do PNE como política externa para observar o argumento condutor de que, quando os Outros são integralizados à análise, dois dilemas do PNE despontam, um político e outro, mais profundo, ontológico. Um primeiro dilema é político: se o PNE enfrenta resistência, ou ele a anula, minando assim seu status de um tipo distinto de política externa; ou não, e então não alcança seu objetivo de difusão de normas. Mas um dilema mais profundo está ligado ao fato de que o PNE não é apenas uma política externa: é também um componente central do projeto de identidade da UE. Mesmo se as normas forem difundidas e as políticas convergirem, o PNE pode não ser reconhecido como a identidade superior na qual a ordem internacional deve se espelhar. Dito isto, se a UE tomar conhecimento do seu não reconhecimento, ela é posta diante de ver isto como uma aberração que será remediada ao longo do tempo, ou como uma potencial ameaça à sua segurança ontológica. Ela, portanto, paralisa e não consegue alterar sua abordagem. Como resultado, o PNE como política externa pode, mesmo que seja bem-sucedido, prejudicar seu projeto de identidade; e o PNE como projeto de identidade pode minar sua política externa exatamente quando sua tendência a ver-se confirmado ao encontrar o Outro prejudica seu reconhecimento externo. Empiricamente, o dilema ontológico é observado em um caso de cooperação para o desenvolvimento, o Programa entre a UE e a Comunidade de Estados Latino-Americanos e Caribenhos (CELAC) sobre Políticas de Drogas (COPOLAD), iniciado em 2011 e renovado em 2016. O dilema político, por sua vez, é observado em um caso de resistência, a busca pelo acesso global a medicamentos que provocou intensa polarização e divergências entre a UE e o Brasil no âmbito multilateral em 2008-2009, com desenvolvimentos até 2016. A tese constrói uma teoria e desenvolve hipóteses conectadas aos dilemas do PNE, integrando seriamente o Outro em uma abordagem dialógica aos dois casos paradigmáticos. A abordagem explora a presença de diferenças, contestação e assimetrias de poder em trajetos processuais que resultam em um dos dois dilemas. A maioria dos estudos que abordam o exercício do poder normativo da UE como política externa lidam com casos de Europeização entre os Estados membros da UE, candidatos e países vizinhos. Esse cenário pode conduzir a um problema tanto para a estabilização da identidade política da UE quanto para o sucesso de sua política externa, uma vez que países distantes das suas fronteiras provavelmente desafiam o discurso de excepcionalidade e caráter distinto da UE. Estudos Europeus e a própria UE, por sua vez, não lançaram luz sobre esse problema até meados dos anos 2000. Em contrapartida, esta tese contribui para a agenda de pesquisa sobre difusão de normas e governança externa da UE em duas frentes principais: 1) oferecendo um quadro teórico para analisar o PNE como política externa, proponho que nosso entendimento é atualmente insuficiente para compreender dilemas que têm a ver com a forma como o PNE deve funcionar; 2) operacionaliza uma abordagem dialógica dos estudos de caso que revelam a política de recepção de normas, considerando os Outros como parte
The present work looks across European Union s inside/outside by asking what power is there in a normative power narrative? And what does this narrative do to the EU? These questions are investigated by moving the focus of analysis to see to what extent and in which ways relationships set up with Others beyond Europe affect the EU political identity. Considering that NPE is the link between the EU s ontological security and its foreign policy, it cannot be thought independently of the Other. At first, the thesis offers a theorization of mechanisms of diffusion and subsequently operationalization in a dialogic perspective that endogeneize the Other from the onset. Norm reception is thus integral part of the diffusion analysis. At second, it recreates different processes of diffusion starting from NPE as foreign policy to observe the driving argument that, when the Others are endogeneized, two dilemmas of NPE arise, one political and another, more profound one, ontological. A first dilemma is political: If NPE faces resistance, it either overrules it thereby undermining its status of a different type of foreign policy; or it does not, and then does not succeed in its aim of norm diffusion. But a more profound dilemma is connected to the fact that NPE is not just a foreign policy: it is also a central component of the EU s identity project. Even if norms are diffused and policies converge, NPE may not be recognized as the superior identity to which the international order should strive. This said, if the EU becomes aware of its non-recognition, it is put before either seeing this as an aberration that will be remedied over time, or as a potential threat to its ontological security. It is hence stuck and cannot change its approach. As a result, NPE as a foreign policy can, even if successful, undermine its identity project; and NPE as identity politics can undermine its foreign policy exactly when its tendency to see itself confirmed when meeting the Other undermines its external recognition. Empirically, the ontological dilemma is observed in a case of development cooperation, the Programme between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean Countries (CELAC) on Drugs Policies (COPOLAD), which began in 2011 and was renewed in 2016. And the political dilemma is observed in a case of resistance, the quest of global access to medicines that provoked intense polarization and divergences between the EU and Brazil at the multilateral level in 2008-2009, with further developments until 2016. The thesis builds a theory and develops hypotheses connected to the NPE dilemma, seriously integrating the Other in a dialogic approach to the two paradigmatic cases. The approach explores the role of difference, contestation and power asymmetries in processual paths that end up in either of the two dilemma. Most studies that address the exercising of NPE as foreign policy tackle cases of Europeanization among EU Member States, candidates and neighboring countries. This scenario may lead to a consequent problem for both the stabilization of the EU political identity and success of foreign policy, since countries far from its borders are likely to challenge EU s discourse of exceptionalism and distinctiveness. European Studies and the EU itself did not shed light on this problem until mid-2000s. By contrast, this thesis contributes to the research agenda of norms diffusion and EU external governance on two main fronts: 1) offering a theoretical framework to analyze NPE as foreign policy, I propose that our understanding is currently insufficient to grasp dilemmas that have to do with how NPE should work; 2) it operationalizes a dialogic approach to the case studies that reveal the politics of norm reception, considering the Others as part of a fruitful communication with the EU, and not as passive receivers of NPE. Politically, it is relevant for the EU to make the NPE as a strategy coincide with its discourse on norms and principles, reducing the creation of stereotypes like double standards. In addition, to embody the Others in
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Brown, Dana L. Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. « The new politics of welfare in post-socialist Central Eastern Europe ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33682.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.Vita.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 296-304).
This dissertation explores the evolution of welfare systems in post-socialist countries. Utilizing a range of data on social policy legislation and outcomes across countries, the author shows the extent to which post-socialist welfare systems vary in their design and effects. Variation is demonstrated using six indicators that measure: the extent of universality of social benefits, active policies, effective redistribution, wage-based financing of social programs, benefit levels and familization. Cross-country variation has occurred in spite of the common experiences of opening their economies to international competition and in spite of political pressure from international organizations and the European Union to adopt similar, pre-packaged policy agendas. To explain this variation, the author uses case studies of unemployment and family policies in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland, to argue that domestic policy actors in each country make the critical decisions about welfare reform. Comparative case analyses show that the direction of welfare reform in the post-communist countries was largely set in place during the few years following regime change in each of them.
(cont.) At this time, domestic institutions involved in policy formation were vested with particular inclinations regarding the objectives of state welfare, and certain capacities to implement social programs. Over time, the interaction between three domestic institutions - political parties, interest groups and welfare bureaucracies - has led to the perpetuation of unique policy arrays in each country. The development of welfare systems in the post-communist countries is therefore shown to be path-dependent, with the critical juncture occurring immediately after regime change, roughly between 1989 and 1993. The mechanism by which policy directions are perpetuated over time is the interaction between key domestic institutions, each of whose repertoires of potentially acceptable policies is delimited by its characteristic inclinations and capacities.
by Dana L. Brown.
Ph.D.
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Christmann, Olivia, et Laurent Warlouzet. « Scenarios of "Europe-puissance" : the French foreign policy in Europe by 2020 ». Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4839/.
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Parau, Cristina Elena. « The interplay between domestic politics and Europe : how Romanian civil society and government contested Europe before EU accession ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2696/.
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The key research questions of this dissertation are: 'How do domestic actors construct Europe.' and 'How do they utilise it in seeking to empower themselves against other actors.' The questions of construction and utilisation of Europe are some of the most topical questions in Europeanization. The first question addresses constructivist/sociological concerns. The second addresses the issue of winners and losers (differential empowerment). Both are key issues in the literature of Europeanization and yet have been little addressed in the context of post-communist EU accession countries. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by focusing on the post-communist country of Romania, a soon to be EU member-State. The actors under investigation are civil society, which emerged in Romania for the first time ever after 1989 and the central government Executive. The study covers the period during which the EU acquis negotiations were negotiated under the Social Democratic government led by Prime Minister Adrian Nastase (2000-2004). The data was gathered through in-depth case study and process-tracing, the methods found best able to disentangle a complex causal nexus. The Europeanization literature is contradictory with regard to which domestic actors are constrained and which empowered: some scholars theorise that it empowers civil society (Diffusion); others that it empowers the Executive (Executive Empowerment); still others that it promotes co-operation between them (Network Governance). The empirical evidence so far has been inconclusive. This dissertation shows that only a small elite made of civil society entrepreneurs and government Executives constructed and utilised Europe in the pre-membership phase, to empower themselves relative to other actors, particularly opponents. The empirical data support two of the classical Europeanization theses in the literature: the Diffusion and the Executive Empowerment Theses. The Diffusion Thesis better explains civil society empowerment near the beginning and at the peak of acquis negotiations, although some evidence also favours Executive Empowerment. This latter thesis better explains the powerlessness of civil society at the close of negotiations, although some evidence for Diffusion was also found. No evidence was found supporting Network Governance. Instead evidence was found in favour of its critics, namely support for the claim that the EU (or Europe) empowers an elite in both civil society and the State.
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Boesenecker, Aaron P. « Defining work and welfare the politics of social policy reform in Europe / ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/461265191/viewonline.
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Solana, Michael. « Richard Nixon is Jack Nicholson : the theatre of politics in the age of television ». Thesis, Boston University, 2007. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/28585.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Matsa, Katerina-Eva. « Laughing at politics effects of television satire on political engagement in Greece / ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/650075664/viewonline.
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Gross, Bernhard. « The state of the nation : television news and the politics of migration ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 2011. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/25194/.
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The State of the Nation investigates discourses of British nationhood by analysing the coverage of migration on UK public service television news bulletins. These bulletins embody discourses of the national on a structural level through their public service remit and their position in the programme schedule. They also evoke the nation in and through their content—in particular in the context of the coverage of migration. The central line of enquiry of this thesis is focussed on the potentially problematic consequences of the interrelation of discourses of migration with discourses of the nation. That this is a question of how they interrelate rather than whether rests on three theoretical assumptions: discourses of nation represent a form of identification; identification is the outcome of encounter with and potentially exclusion of the Other; migration is a discourse of encounter. Two further assumptions relate to the current historical moment and the news coverage under analysis: discourses of the nation have increasingly come under pressure; and yet, public discourses do not fully recognise or even acknowledge this, instead insist on the nation‟s continued unchanged relevance. The key question is: Under what contingencies is migration positioned as an excluded Other in relation to theses imagined community discourses? The thesis relates these issues to wider questions about the possibility for a cosmopolitan ethic. It theorises that certain logics of narrow nationality are a key determinants, but have to be understood as variable rather than as constant. The first two chapters of section 1 develop these key theoretical assumptions as well as some methodological concerns. The third chapter provides some topical context and background for the main data set: material collected during six months of media monitoring in 2006 on three news bulletins with a public service remit. The data is analysed in section 2 across three case studies. The first considers so-called illegal migration in relation to questions of space, attempting to trace the boundaries of the nation. The second moves from the boundary to the inside of the nation and looks at the changing nature of citizenship. The third case study focuses on the conditions under which journalists and migrants encounter each other.
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Spencer, Graham. « Disturbing the peace ? : politics, television news and the Northern Ireland peace process ». Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298106.
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Bullock, Chelsea. « Everyday Intimacies : The Politics of Respectability in Post-Recessionary Southern Reality Television ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18359.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rather than taking a broad genre-based approach to analyzing reality television as digital media, this disserations understands the field of reality programming as operating within a new media model and as composed of micro-genres. My project specifically explores the "intimate" micro-genre, considering the politics of respectability and gendered labor as foundational elements in what is a particularly fertile and volatile site of meaning-making. Grounding my analysis in a comprehensive map of reality programming allows me to explore a pattern of politically rich programs set in the South. Shows such as Duck Dynasty, Here Comes Honey Boo Boo, and Real Housewives of Atlanta offer insight into the circulation and currency of race, class, and gender with significant theoretical implications for an economically and politically unstable national moment. Using an intersectional lens to investigate reality television, my project seeks to better understand the gears driving our cultural anxieties and media trends through an analysis of digital paratexts, branding, labor, and affect.
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Pastorella, Giulia. « Technocratic governments : power, expertise and crisis politics in European democracies ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3364/.
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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the reasons for the appointment of technocratic governments in Europe. In order to do this, I conceptualise what technocratic governments are, both in terms of their own characteristics and in comparison with party governments. I problematize classic elements, such as independence, neutrality and expertise of ministers, and add further ones including the relation to electoral outcomes, their particular type of agenda, and the echo they have in the media. Having established that technocratic governments require a shift in politicians’ preferences away from typical office-seeking behaviour, I proceed to enquire as to the situations that make their appointment more likely. Through a statistical analysis on all European cabinets from 1977 to 2013, I identify situations of economic and political crises – in particular scandals - as the main variables influencing the likelihood of technocratic government appointments. I further examine how these crises have lead to these appointments by exploring cases of over 25 technocratic governments in a range of countries and years. The qualitative illustrative evidence highlights the importance of institutional characteristics of the given political system in which such governments were appointed. The status of the party system, the role of the Head of State and external pressures coming from international or supranational institutionas are thus shown to be important in technocratic cabinet appointments. Finally, I assess whether technocratic governments fit within the European democratic standards and conclude that technocratic governments are symptoms of the decline of party democracy, identifiable in the loosening of delegation and accountability ties between parties and cabinets, increasing external pressures on domestic political actors, and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The thesis adds further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.
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Passetti, Francesco. « Keeping policy and politics apart : integration policies in Europe and the politics of citizenship in Spain and Italy ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587162.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates immigrant integration policies paying special attention to the Spanish and Italian citizenship regimes. It hinges upon a multi-method design and its results take the shape of a three-article structure. The first article addresses similarities and differences among European countries’ integration policies and, by means of cluster analysis on MIPEX data, it identifies policy-models characterizing the current European scenario. Two shared-configurations are captured, cutting across the East/West cleavage. The Eastern configuration is more restrictive than the Western one, especially in traditional areas of integration. The second and third articles concentrate on the domain of citizenship and try to account for the puzzling continuity of nationality laws in Spain and in Italy by relying on the explanatory power of ideas. The Spanish case is treated in the second article whereas the third article compares such case to the Italian one. In both countries ideas prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however according to distinct causal logic.La presente tesis investiga las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes prestando especial atención a los regímenes de nacionalidad españolo e italiano; sigue un diseño de investigación “multhi-method” y sus resultados se estructuran en tres artículos. El primer artículo aborda similitudes y diferencias entre las políticas de integración de los países europeos y, mediante un cluster análisis con datos MIPEX, identifica los modelos de policy que marcan el escenario europeo actual. Dos macro-configuraciones son identificadas, a través de la división este/oeste. La configuración del este es más restrictiva de la del oeste, especialmente en las tradicionales áreas de integración. Los artículos segundo y tercero se centran en el área de la ciudadanía y tratan de dar cuenta de la enigmática continuidad de las leyes de nacionalidad en España y en Italia, confiando en el poder explicativo de las ideas. El segundo artículo trata el caso español, el tercero compara éste con el caso italiano. En ambos países los factores “ideacionales” se demuestran cruciales en influenciar la evolución de las leyes de nacionalidad; sin embargo, según distintas lógicas causales.
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Bátory, Ágnes. « Attitudes to Europe : a comparative politics approach to the issue of European Union membership in Hungarian party politics ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620671.
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