Articles de revues sur le sujet « Syriac Quotations »

Abstract Previous research has argued that the Old Syriac and Peshitta Gospels tend to follow the Old Testament Peshitta to render Old Testament quotations, a practice that supposedly goes back to Tatian’s Diatessaron. This article argues that this conclusion should be reconsidered. At least in the rendering of the Isaiah quotations, the Old Syriac, and especially the Peshitta version of the Gospels, tends not to depart from the Greek text, but rather to render its sense as faithfully as possible. Even in the few cases where the dependence on the Peshitta of Isaiah appears to be verifiable, the phenomenon does not need to be explained as a result of influence from Tatian’s harmony.

Abstract Syriac literature exhibits interest in narratives associated with the Maccabees by the fourth century. Seventh-century manuscripts preserve two different Syriac translations of 1 Maccabees. The translation of this book into Syriac is not part of the Peshitta Old Testament translated from the Hebrew Bible in the second century CE. Its dating and the possible context for its production have not yet been the topic of scholarly investigation. This article examines quotations of and allusions to 1 Maccabees in Aphrahat, Ephrem, and the Martyrdom of Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē. The last of these texts, likely produced in the early fifth century, offers the earliest evidence for a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees. The production of a Syriac translation of 1 Maccabees in the fourth or perhaps early fifth century reflects efforts of Christian communities around this time to appropriate the Maccabean narrative for their own interests.

The third/ninth-century translator Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq and his associates produced more than a hundred mostly medical translations from Greek into Syriac and then into Arabic. We know little about the chronology of these translations, except for a few scattered remarks in Ḥunayn’sRisāla(Epistle). This article attempts to reconstruct the chronology based on Hippocratic quotations in the Arabic translation of Galen’s works. Hippocratic writings were usually not translated independently but embedded in Galen’s commentaries, so a comparison between this “embedded” Hippocrates and quotations from the same Hippocratic text elsewhere in the Arabic Galen might reveal chronological relationships. The findings of this collation are thought-provoking, but they need to be weighed against the uncertainties surrounding translation methods and potential interference by well-meaning later scholars and scribes.

For over a century, studies on Marcion have cited a quotation attributed to him in a fragmentary Syriac manuscript: London, British Library, Add. 17215 (fols. 30–3). An English translation of the relevant passage appeared in 1893, but no subsequent study has returned to the Syriac text itself. While this text has hitherto been cited as an anonymous Syriac source, this article identifies it as a letter by Jacob of Serugh (d. 520/1) and offers preliminary remarks on the implications of this identification for future research on Marcion's Gospel and his thought.

In the East, Greek philosophy was studied as early as the fourth century, not however, by the Muslims but by the Arab Syrian Christians. It was Syrian Christians who brought wine, silk and other precious items to the West, but it was the Syrians also who cultivated Greek sciences for many centuries before they eventually transmitted them to the Muslim philosophers, especially in the tenth and eleventh century Baghdad. Miskawayh (d.1030), a great Muslim moralist, was among the philosophers who flourished in Baghdad at such times. He was well educated in Islamic studies as well as in philosophy, especially Greek philosophy. The many quotations from Greek sources which are found in Miskawayh’s works, especially in his major work on ethics, Tahdhib al-Akhlaq (The Refinement of Character), provide important evidence for this study to argue that they also have contributed to the formation of his moral philosophy. This paper thus, seeks to investigate Miskawayh’s own attraction to Greek ideas, which eventually led him towards the acceptance of Greek thought and also towards the need for an apologetic on behalf of philosophical study and on the relations between philosophy and the divine revelation.

In the East, Greek philosophy was studied as early as the fourth century, not however, by the Muslims but by the Arab Syrian Christians. It was Syrian Christians who brought wine, silk and other precious items to the West, but it was the Syrians also who cultivated Greek sciences for many centuries before they eventually transmitted them to the Muslim philosophers, especially in the tenth and eleventh century Baghdad. Miskawayh (d.1030), a great Muslim moralist, was among the philosophers who flourished in Baghdad at such times. He was well educated in Islamic studies as well as in philosophy, especially Greek philosophy. The many quotations from Greek sources which are found in Miskawayh’s works, especially in his major work on ethics, Tahdhib al-Akhlaq (The Refinement of Character), provide important evidence for this study to argue that they also have contributed to the formation of his moral philosophy. This paper thus, seeks to investigate Miskawayh’s own attraction to Greek ideas, which eventually led him towards the acceptance of Greek thought and also towards the need for an apologetic on behalf of philosophical study and on the relations between philosophy and the divine revelation.

This quotation may be nothing more than a well-turned phrase by its author, Zaki al-Arsuzi. Nonetheless, it illustrates a dilemma that young men like him faced in the troubled years preceding Syrian independence: As French-educated young men, should they take their places as minor functionaries in the colonial machine and accept the promise of a comfortable and privileged life, or should they join the growing political and ideological struggle to found an independent, national statein Syria? Al-Arsuzi, who is venerated by the current regime in Damascus as the ideological father of Baʾthism, went on to answer this question by spending the next eight years in and out ofthe former Ottoman province of Alexandretta, working in support of the Arab-nationalist cause. Both his contemporary writings and later recollections of the period reveal a growing political consciousness and the formulation of a complex Arabism that was at odds with the dominant ideology emanating from the large cities of Syria. This ideology, as embodied by the National Bloc government in Damascus, was personality-based, hamstrung by European colonial interests, and unable to arouse any sustained political sensibility in the broader population; it centered its political legitimacy and parochial brand of nationalism on opposition to the French occupation. Al-Arsuzi and others, recognizing the weakness inherent in this form of nationalism, drew away from its leadership in the course of the 1930s and moved to create other, more radical and militant Pan-Arabist groups.

Авторы настоящей публикации предпринимают перевод и анализ цитат из творений прп. Исаака Сирина, найденных в творениях восточносирийского мистика VIII века Иосифа Хаззайи. Цитирование «второго тома» творений Исаака Сирина, со стороны его младшего современника Иосифа Хаззайи дает дополнительное эксплицитное указание на принадлежность второго собрания перу упоминаемого и цитируемого у него «мар Исхака». The authors of this publication offer a translation and an analysis of some quotations from the works of Venerable Isaac the Syrian, found in the works of the VIII century East Syrian mystic Joseph Hazzaya. The citations of the “the second volume” of the works of Isaac the Syrian, by his younger contemporary Joseph Hazzaya provides an additional explicit indication that the second volume should be attributed to the mentioned and cited “mar Ishaq”. According to the authors’ conclusion, the fact that mar Joseph, being a great systematizer of the East Syrian mystical tradition, shows the involvement of the “Chapters on knowledge” of “mar Ishaq” in this very tradition, is extremely important for solving the second tome’s authorship question in favour of St. Isaac the Syrian.

This article is devoted to the study of sources transmitting the Sermon to the Coenobitic Monastic Brotherhood and its spheres of influence. The article determines authentic copies of this text and considers several elements: charters of the founders of several Russian monasteries and lectures to the brotherhood of the coenobitic monasteries and to their new members. Authors of Old Russian disciplinary charters were guided by apostolic and patristic texts; these sources were used not in their original language but in translation. Quotations from these authoritative compositions were often incorporated into charters through other texts, both translated and Russian. In their borrowings, the authors of these charters also used material that had been borrowed by their predecessors, who relied on their own authoritative texts. The Sermon to the Coenobitic Monastic Brotherhood is known in the Russian manuscript tradition from the beginning of the 15th century. Among its sources, there are compositions by Basil of Caesarea, Ephrem the Syrian, and a certain anonymous author. The Sermon influenced the Charter of Cornelius of Komel and some texts from the starchestvo tradition. The Sermon to the Coenobitic Monastic Brotherhood functioned as a link, a bridge between the Byzantine and Russian tradition of the monastic disciplinary charter.

The work of Pseudo-Methodius, whose creation (in the original Syrian version) dates back to ca. 690, enjoyed considerable popularity in Medieval Slavic literatures. It was translated into Church Slavic thrice. In all likelihood, these translations arose independently of each other in Bulgaria, based on the Greek translation, the so-called ‘first Byzantine redaction’ (from the beginning of the 8th century). From Bulgaria, the Slavic version of the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius spread to other Slavic lands – Serbia and Rus’. In the latter, the work of Pseudo-Methodius must have been known already at the beginning of the 12th century, given that quotations from it appear in the Russian Primary Chronicle (from the second decade of the 12th century). In the 15th century, an original, expanded with inserts taken from other works, Slavic version also came into being, known as the ‘interpolated redaction’. All of the Slavic translations display clear marks of the events that preceded them and the circumstances of the period in which they arose. Above all, the Saracens – present in the original version of the prophecy – were replaced by other nations: in the Novgorod First Chronicle we find the Mongols/Tatars (who conquered Rus’ in the first half of the 13th century).

This research attempts to study evidentiality through analysing some selected quotations of Vladimir Putin's political speeches on terrorism. Violence crisis has been escalated since 2013 and till now in Iraq and Syria due to the emergence of different terrorist organisations. It is extremely important to know the reasons behind the growth and development of terrorism in recent years. If one takes the definitions which dealt with terrorism in the world, he/she can find that there is no fixed definition to terrorism. What is considered a terrorist in some countries is considered a fighter (mujahid) in others. Thus, killing thousands of Iraqis from the point of view of some states is resistance and Jihad, while these same actions are classified as "terrorist acts" when implemented in other countries. The financing of terrorist groups is behind the continuation of the terrorist-brutal operations on innocent civilians. The study aims at understanding the concept of evidentiality and its role in political discourse analysis. The study also aims to make everything clear to the public regarding the reasons which led to the emergence of terrorist organisations and the countries that support them based on the facts which Putin will present through his speeches. In order to achieve the aims, the study offers two hypotheses: Putin is certain from his information sources regarding the countries which finance the terrorists. Putin also uses different evidentials to reinforce the accuracy of his information. The study introduces the concept of evidentiality, its approaches, and significance in detail. In order to solve the problem of the study and achieve its aims, the researcher adopted two models: Chafe (1986) and Mushin (2001). Based on the analysis of data, the study explored that there are countries clearly support and finance terrorists, and Putin uses different evidential markers to reinforce the sources of his information. The study addresses these countries to stop financing terrorists

В пятом и шестом номерах «Апокрифы» опубликованы статьи на французском и английском языках. Ричард Бокхем в публикации об «Апокалипсисе Петра» представляет гипотезу, согласно которой этот памятник связан с восстанием Бар Кохбы. Франсуа Бовон исследует предполагаемую цитату из «Деяний Павла» у Оригена. Тому же апокрифу посвящена работа Энн Брок, в которой исследуется его жанровое своеобразие. Малоисследованную сирийскую рукопись с апокрифами, в том числе неизвестными, представляет публике Ален Деремо. Реконструкции апокрифа «Narratio Iosephi» посвящена статья Реми Гонеля; он же в следующей статье освещает проблему использования апокрифических источников в «Золотой легенде». Симон Мимуни рассказывает историю жанра «Жизнь Марии». Работу над классификацией апокрифических сюжетов в живописи церквей Савойи продолжает Катрин Попэр. С точки зрения апокрифических сюжетов представлено у Марека Старовейского изучение византийской трагедии «Христос Страждущий». Ирена Бакус публикует и комментирует первый латинский перевод «Протоевангелия Иакова». Христиан-Бернард Амфо выдвигает гипотезу, что «Евангелие согласно евреям» послужило источником для Евангелия от Луки. Рене-Жорж Кокё исследует коптский In the fifth and sixth issues of the journal «Apocrypha» there were published articles in French and English. Richard Baukham in a publication about the «Apocalypse of Peter» presents a hypothesis according to which this text is associated with the uprising of Bar Kokhba. François Bovon explores a supposed quotation from «Acts of Paul» by Origenes. The same apocrypha is considered in the work of Ann Brock, who explores its genre originality. A little-researched Syrian manuscript with apocrypha, including unknown ones, is presented to the public by Alain Desremaux. The article by Remy Gounelle is devoted to the reconstruction of the apocrypha «Narratio Iosephi»; in the following article, he also highlights the problem of using apocryphal sources in the «Golden Legend». Simon Mimouni tells the story of the genre «Life of Mary». Catherine Paupert continues to work on the classification of apocryphal subjects in the ikonography of the Savoy churches. From the point of view of apocryphal plots, Marek Staroveysky presents the study of the Byzantine tragedy «The Suffering Christ». Irena Bakus publishes and comments on the first Latin translation of the Protoevangelium of James. Christian-Bernard Amfo puts forward a hypothesis that «Gospel according to the Jews» served as a source for the Gospel of Luke. Rene-Georges Coquin explores the Coptic «Apocryph of Jeremiah» in Coptic-Arabic and Garshuni manuscripts. Robert Faerber conducts a comparative analysis of two Old English homilies on the Easter. The concept of midrash at the theoretical level is analyzed in the article by Martin McNamara. Bernard Outtier explores the motives of the Assumption in two homilies attributed to St. John Chrysostom. David Pao discusses the genre problems of apocryphal works on the example of «The Acts of the Apostle Andrew». In Madeleine Scopello’s article, the description of Mani’s life in the «Acts of Archelaus » is considered as a correlate of the polemic with Manichaeism. Isabella Ullern-Weité discusses the very concept of «apocrypha» with the involvement of philosophical hermeneutics. The last article of the sixth issue is a description by Witold Witakowski of the Ethiopian story about the miracles of Jesus Christ.

In the Gospel of Matthew 10 quotations from the Old Testament are introduced by a formula containing the verb πληροῦν. This article explores the rendering of 9 of these 10 quotations in 3 Syriac versions of the New Testament, namely the Peshitta and the 2 versions of the Old Syriac Gospels (Sinaiticus and Curetonianus). The question addressed is the relationship of the Syriac versions to one another, to the Peshitta of the Old Testament and to the Greek Gospel. For the quotations in Matthew, their relationship to the Hebrew and Greek Old Testament is very important. In the quotations discussed, the Greek New Testament did not make much use of the Septuagint as it is known today. The Old Testament Peshitta influenced the Old Syriac, but not to the same extent in all instances. This influence could have been through Tatian’s Diatessaron. Tatian probably used the text of the Old Testament Peshitta for the quotations of the Old Testament in the gospels. In instances where the Curetonianus and the Sinaiticus differ, it could demonstrate attempts to bring the text closer to the Greek New Testament. The New Testament Peshitta normally started with a text close to the Old Syriac, but frequently adapted it to bring it closer to New Testament Greek.Die Siriese weergawes van die Ou-Testamentiese aanhalings in Matteus. Die Evangelie van Matteus het 10 aanhalings uit die Ou Testament wat deur ’n formule met die werkwoord, πληροῦν, ingelei word. Hierdie artikel ondersoek die weergawe van 9 van die 10 aanhalings in drie Siriese weergawes van die Nuwe Testament, naamlik die Peshitta en die twee weergawes van die Ou Siriese Evangelies (Sinaiticus en Curetonianus). Die vraagstuk handel oor dieverhouding van die drie Siriese weergawes tot mekaar, tot die Peshitta van die Ou Testament en die Griekse Evangelie. Vir die aanhalings in Matteus is hulle verhouding tot die Hebreeuse e Griekse Ou Testament baie belangrik. In die aanhalings wat bespreek word, maak die Griekse Nuwe Testament nie veel van die Septuagint gebruik soos dit vandag bekend is nie. Die Ou Testament Peshitta het die Oud Siriese Evangelies beïnvloed, maar nie tot dieselfde mate in al die voorbeelde nie. Hierdie invloed kon geskied het via Tatianus se Diatessaron. Tatianus het waarskynlik die teks van die Peshitta van die Ou Testament vir die Ou-Testamentiese aanhalings in die Evangelies gebruik. In die gevalle waar die Curetonianus en die Sinaiticus verskil, is die verskille waarskynlik te wyte aan pogings om die teks nader aan die Griekse Nuwe Testamentte bring. Die Nuwe Testament Peshitta het waarskynlik met ’n teks naby aan die Oud Siriese begin, maar het dit dikwels aangepas om dit nader aan die Griekse Nuwe Testament te bring.

Abstract Emperor Julian's three-book treatise Contra Galilaeos survives solely in those Christian sources that quoted it in order to respond to its forceful attack on Christianity. The bulk of these survivals comes from Cyril of Alexandria's twenty-book Contra Iulianum. The recent publication of the first modern critical edition of Cyril's work creates the occasion for a fresh study of the remnants of Julian's text that can be recovered from it. This is especially true for Books 11–20 of Cyril's treatise that are themselves lost and survive only in quotations in later Greek and Syriac sources. The present article undertakes a reassessment of the Julianic material preserved via the Syriac transmission of Contra Iulianum, including several passages hitherto unknown or ignored in earlier studies of Julian's treatise. It provides the Syriac text and English translation of eight passages and contextualizes them in the wider argumentative aim of Contra Galilaeos.

After having presented the manuscripts of the Old Syriac version of the Gospels and the editions of the witnesses (Sinaiticus, Curetonian, and the newly discovered Sinaitic palimpsests), this article demonstrates in what respect all these witnesses are reflections of a single translation. It then goes on to deal with the thorny question of its date and its milieu of origin, going through the various arguments that have been made: the historical arguments, the analysis of quotations of the Old Syriac, the study of the relationship with the other versions (Old Testament Peshitta and the Diatessaron) and the analysis of its language and its “linguistic anomalies.” The last part of the article is devoted to the relationship between the Old Syriac and the Greek text of the Gospels. Although today most scholars agree that it is hazardous to try and provide a retroversion into Greek, it is however possible, under certain conditions, to identify the Greek text type which served as a model. Despite its proper readings and its contacts with the Alexandrian and Caesarean texts, the Old Syriac is in part a witness to the Western text type.

Abstract Background and Aims Ahrun al-Qass “the priest”, one of the last Alexandrian physicians before the Islamic era and probably a contemporary of Paul of Aegina, composed an enormous Medical Pandect (Kunnāsh fī al-Tibb) containing 30 books. This work is considered to have been originally written in Greek and later to have translated into Syriac. It became one of the important sources of medicine throughout the Islamic world after having been translated from Syriac into Arabic by Māsarjawayh. Some fragments of this lost work have survived in Kitāb al-Hāwī/Liber Continens. The purpose of this study is to present the Ahrun’s fragments related to the genitourinary system diseases existing in Rhazes’s abovementioned work and to introduce them to the history of medicine in the English language. Method The quotations from Ahrun related to the genitourinary system diseases in the 10th book of Kitāb al-Hāwī, entitled as “fī amrāḍ al-kulā wa majārī al-bawl wa ghayrihā” are identified via the Arabic and Latin text. Consequently, they are compared to each other and translated into English. Results The quotations, in which Rhazes mentioned Ahrun’s name, are related to the genitourinary system diseases such as kidney ulcers, kidney and bladder stones and their treatment, urinary retention, diabetes, involuntarily flow of sperm and its treatment. Some of these quotations also have Rhazes’s comments. Conclusion In this study, fragments of Ahrun al-Qass related to the genitourinary system diseases and Rhazes’s comments on them in Liber Continens are discussed and registered to the literature in the field of history of medicine in the English language.

Abstract Very little is known about the use of Scripture by Bardaisan, the Syriac-speaking Christian philosopher. The scholars have identified a few biblical references and terms, but they found that quotations are extremely rare. Even more so, it is difficult to state an opinion on Bardaisan’s exegetical method. Research has focused on Ephraim’s Memrā against Bardaisan and his passages concerning the reading of Jn 8:51. Now, it is possible to broaden the area of research on the testimony of Eusebius of Emesa – preserved in Armenian – about Bardaisanite exegesis of Gen 6:22 and Gen 7:1, as well as on the uses the Scriptures by Bardaisanite who intervenes in Adamantios’s Dialogue on Right Faith in God. The analysis of this new evidences shows that Bardaisan and his followers practised literal exegesis in the tradition of the Antiochian school. Il existe très peu d’informations sur l’utilisation des Écritures par Bardesane, le philosophe chrétien de langue syriaque. Les spécialistes ont identifié surtout des allusions et expressions bibliques, mais les citations restent extrêmement rares. À plus forte raison, il est difficile de se prononcer sur la méthode exégétique de Bardesane. Les recherches ont été concentrées sur le Memrā contre Bardesane d’Éphrem et ses passages concernant la lecture de Jn 8, 51. Cependant, il est possible d’élargir le champ de recherche sur le témoignage d’Eusèbe d’Émèse – conservé en arménien – au sujet de l’exégèse bardesanite de Gn 6, 22 et Gn 7, 1, ainsi que sur la manière d’utilisation des Écritures par le bardesanite qui in-tervient dans le Dialogue sur la juste foi en Dieu d’Adamantios. L’analyse de ce nouveau dossier montre que Bardesane et ses disciples ont pratiqué l’exégèse littérale, dans la tradition de l’école d’Antioche.

Abstract In the “Afghan Genizah,” a recently acquired collection of texts in Judeo-Persian, Early New-Persian, Arabic, Hebrew, and Aramaic from the tenth to thirteenth centuries, I recognized a Judeo-Persian fragment of a Jewish, anti-Christian polemic work. This fragment may be – or may not be – part of the Toledoth Yeshu literature. It contains a Gospel quotation in Syriac in Hebrew letters.

The article outlines the intertextual field parameters in the novel "Andrii Lahovskyi" by Ahatanhel Krymskyi. In the process of research the active use of quotations and allusions by the writer was found out. Quotations are organically embedded in the speech of all characters, it is especially true of the main character (71 example found). The novel is dominated by quotations with partial attribution - indicating the author of the prototext (37 quotations) or the whole work (4 quotations). There are 6 quotations with full attribution, 4 quotations with “allusive” attribution and 10 quotations with unspecified attribution. Unattributed quotes are most taken from the reading-books. Ukrainian, Old Slavic, Russian, Ancient Greek, Latin, German, French, English, Italian, and Turkish languages appear in these intertextual inclusions. Allusions to works of Ukrainian and foreign authors, the Bible, myths, numerous historical and philosophical reminiscences (Ptolemy, Strabo, Xenophon, Plato, Max Stirner) are actively used in the novel. Other types and forms of intertextual relations in the novel include: 1) paratextuality (the title of the third part of the novel "Following St. Ephrem the Syrian" emphasizes the prototext, which played an important role in the spiritual evolution of the main character); 2) hyperintertextuality — paraphrases used to establish a dialogue with other literary works in terms of saving text space; 3) metatextuality (Lahovskyi's reflections on Ivan Franko's "Parable of Beauty", Volodymyr Shmidt's discourse of Heine's poetry "Der Asra"); 4) autointertextuality (citing the other poetic works of Ahatanhel Krymskyi in the novel). The novel also reveals examples of apocryphal intertextuality (a fictional "quote" from the biblical book of Jesus Sirach) and intermediality (references to the opera "Faust", "Siciliana" from "Cavalleria Rusticana", Rubinstein's music to Heine's "Der Asra", Ophelia's song, a Japanese song about a goldfish, Wagner’s operas). The list of key prototexts of the analysed novel includes: 1) the Bible; 2) ancient literature and mythology; 3) Ukrainian literature; 4) Russian literature; 5) German literature. Episodic references to English, French, Italian literature, Eastern poetry and folklore appear in the novel. Taking into account the variety of types and forms of intertextuality in the novel and the significant fleshing out of the intertextual field with textual inclusions from the works of Ukrainian and foreign writers, we can consider the novel "Andrii Lahovskyi" to be one of the first examples of an intellectual novel in Ukrainian literature.

The aim of the present paper is to find out the essence of the discursive moment (understood as an act or an event having a strong social echo which gives rise to a massive amount of texts in the international sphere and in the press space) which was created by the Syrian crisis from August-September 2013 in the Romanian public diplomacy. To this purpose, we will use and analyse a heterogeneous corpus of texts belonging to different genres (press releases, interviews, public discourses) and we will outline the specialized expressions referring to international conflicts (recorded by the documents of international law) and the glosses of these expressions in order to depict the rhetoric and discursive manner in which they are used in these genres. We will also focus on the linguistic markers of the speakers taking part in the three-sided communication situation: the specialized discourse of International Law – mediation text – large audience. Another aim will be the manner in which the texts of international law are used (throughout quotation, allusions and also the adherence of the discourse to the legal articles).

The poster will portray three activities that the presenter has used to stimulate students in the Department of Information Studies to develop their ideas about information literacy. Each of the activities encourages learners to construct their own personal understanding of information literacy by considering various conceptions and perspectives (rather than trying to impose a “one size fits all people” view of information literacy). The first two activities were used with a class of 80 taught postgraduate students; a class with students with a variety of first degree subjects and from many countries around the world (e.g. about a third of the class is Chinese). The first activity series made use both of a Virtual Learning Environment, WebCT, and face to face discussion. The presenter used 10 conceptions of information literacy discovered through research (Webber et al., 2005): each conception was set up as a thread on a WebCT discussion board and students were asked to choose (outside class time) the conception they identified with most, by posting to the relevant thread. The most “popular” conception turned out to be information literacy as “Becoming confident, autonomous learners and critical thinkers”. Students provided thoughtful comments, including some which referenced their own cultural/ national backgrounds. In a subsequent class, the “results” were discussed with the class, and students also discussed whether educators and information professionals needed to do anything differently to help people develop the student’s chosen conception of information literacy. − The second activity consisted of a seminar and a poster display. Students were set the task of producing posters that showed “What information literacy means to my future career”, with each group consisting of 3-6 students. In the first week the groups discussed the focus for their posters and drafted ideas. By the next week each group produced an A0 sized poster: these were put up in a display in Sheffield University’s Information Commons. The exhibition was attended by all students, and by Departmental staff and librarians. This was a very lively session, and the posters demonstrated the variety of career aspirations of the students (including library work in various sectors, but also management roles, consultancy, government posts etc.). Students were able to identify aspects of information literacy most important to them. The third activity involves a smaller number of students from the same cohort, using the Virtual World, Second Life. The presenter set up a three dimensional exhibition “What information/literacy means to me” based around quotations from the research study referred to above, and from another study by Shahd Salha (a PhD student researching Syrian school librarians’ conceptions of information literacy). People interact with the exhibition (as avatars), and are then encouraged provide their own quotations [this activity will take place in Spring 2010, but the exhibition is already in place]. In the subsequent roundtable the presenter would prefer to be led by the interests and questions of participants. However her own three questions would be: How have other participants exploited cultural/national differences in their students to gain a richer picture of information literacy? Have other participants used posters in their information literacy teaching? Have others used conceptions of information literacy derived from research in their teaching? References: Webber, S. Boon, S. and Johnston, B. (2005) “A comparison of UK academics' conceptions of information literacy in two disciplines: English and Marketing.” Library and Information Research, 30 (93), 4-15.

Due to adverse living conditions, healthcare system issues, natural disasters, wars, famine, etc., people migrate to different countries every day to start a new life as immigrants. Recently, Türkiye has received migration flows due to wars in Syria and Ukraine. Additionally, there have been migrations from countries with low living standards, such as Afghanistan and Pakistan. It can be said that children are the most affected group by these migrations. Educational support programs have been implemented for students coming through migration. Especially during the initial stages of learning to read and write, immigrant children have faced significant challenges. The aim of this study is to identify and evaluate the problems encountered in the process of teaching initial reading and writing to immigrant students, according to the views of teachers. As the focus is on identifying the problems encountered in the initial reading and writing instruction of immigrant students, a qualitative research method has been employed in the study. Among the qualitative research designs, "case study" has been preferred. The study was conducted in the spring semester of the 2022-2023 academic year in Denizli and Şanlıurfa. Participants are primary school teachers working in state schools affiliated with the Ministry of National Education. The "criterion sampling method" was used in selecting participants, considering the criterion of "teachers with immigrant students in their classes." These students are refugees or have refugee status and have a foreign background. A total of 49 (34 female, 15 male) primary school teachers were reached in the research. Teachers participated in the study on a voluntary basis. A researcher-developed personal information form and an open-ended question form were used to obtain research data. The open-ended question form was developed with expert opinions. Participants in the sample were reached through Google Forms or directly. Content analysis was employed in data analysis. The data were transferred to the computer, and codes were identified. Related codes were grouped together to reach sub-themes. Sub-themes were combined to form themes. When explaining themes and sub-themes, direct quotations were included. According to the results obtained from the research, parents cannot assist their children's studies at home adequately because they do not know Turkish well enough. The majority of immigrant students, due to not having received preschool education, have readiness levels below what is expected. These students experience difficulties in pronouncing certain letters, writing from left to right, speaking and understanding Turkish, and communicating with their peers. According to teachers' views, even if immigrant students somehow learn to read, they struggle to comprehend what they read. These students cannot read sentences meaningfully because they are not familiar with the stress and intonation of Turkish. They also face difficulties in writing letters of the Latin alphabet because they are not familiar enough with them.

Introduction In any list of dictators and antagonists of the West the name of Libya’s Colonel Muammar Qaddafi will always rank highly as one of the most memorable, colourful and mercurial. The roles he played to his fellow Libyans, to regional groupings, to revolutionaries and to the West were complex and nuanced. These various roles developed over time but were all grounded in his self-belief as a messianic revolutionary figure. More importantly, these roles and behaviours that stemmed from them were instrumental in preserving Qaddafi’s rule and thwarting challenges to it. These facets of Qaddafi’s public self accord with the model of “persona” described by Marshall. Whilst the nature of political persona and celebrity in the Western world has been explored by several scholars (for example Street; Wilson), little work has been conducted on the use of persona by non-democratic leaders. This paper examines the aspects of persona exhibited by Colonel Qaddafi and applied during his tenure. In constructing his role as a revolutionary leader, Qaddafi was engaging in a form of public performance aimed at delivering himself to a wider audience. Whether at home or abroad, this persona served the purpose of helping the Libyan leader consolidate his power, stymie political opposition and export his revolutionary ideals. The trajectory of his persona begins in the early days of his coming to power as a charismatic leader during a “time of distress” (Weber) and culminates in his bloody end next to a roadside drainage culvert. In between these points Qaddafi’s persona underwent refinement and reinvention. Coupled with the legacy he left on the Libyan political system, the journey of Muammar Qaddafi’s personas demonstrate how political personality can be the salvation or damnation of an entire state.Qaddafi: The Brotherly RevolutionaryCaptain Muammar Qaddafi came to power in Libya in 1969 at the age of just 27. He was the leader of a group of military officers who overthrew King Idris in a popular and relatively bloodless coup founded on an ideology of post-colonial Arab nationalism and a doing away with the endemic corruption and nepotism that were the hallmarks of the monarchy. With this revolutionary cause in mind and in an early indication that he recognised the power of political image, Qaddafi showed restraint in adopting the trappings of office. His modest promotion to the rank of Colonel was an obvious example of this, and despite the fact that in practical terms he was the supreme commander of Libya’s armed forces, he resisted the temptation to formally aggrandize himself with military titles for the ensuing 42 years of his rule.High military rank was in a way irrelevant to a man moving to change his persona from army officer to messianic national leader. Switching away from a reliance on military hierarchy as a basis for his authority allowed Qaddafi to re-cast himself as a leader with a broader mission. He began to utilise titles such as “Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council” (RCC) and “Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution.” The persona on display here was one of detached impartiality and almost reluctant leadership. There was the suggestion that Qaddafi was not really acting as a head of state, but merely an ordinary Libyan who, through popular acclaim, was being begged to lead his people. The attraction of this persona remained until the bitter end for Qaddafi, with his professed inability to step aside from a leadership role he insisted he did not formally occupy. This accords with the contention of Weber, who describes how an individual favoured with charisma can step forward at a time of crisis to complete a “mission.” Once in a position of authority, perpetuating that role of leadership and acclamation can become the mission itself:The holder, of charisma seizes the task that is adequate for him and demands obedience and a following by virtue of his mission. His success determines whether he finds them. His charismatic claim breaks down if his mission is not recognized by those to whom he feels he has been sent. If they recognize him, he is their master—so long as he knows how to maintain recognition through ‘proving’ himself. But he does not derive his ‘right’ from their will, in the manner of an election. Rather, the reverse holds: it is the duty of those to whom he addresses his mission to recognize him as their charismatically qualified leader. (Weber 266-7)As his rule extended across the decades, Qaddafi fostered his revolutionary credentials via a typical cult of personality approach. His image appeared on everything from postage stamps to watches, bags, posters and billboards. Quotations from the Brother Leader were set to music and broadcast as pop songs. “Spontaneous” rallies of support would occur when crowds of loyalists would congregate to hear the Brotherly Leader speak. Although Qaddafi publicly claimed he did not like this level of public adoration he accepted it because the people wanted to adore him. It was widely known however that many of these crowds were paid to attend these rallies (Blundy and Lycett 16).Qaddafi: The Philosopher In developing his persona as a guide and a man who was sharing his natural gifts with the people, Qaddafi developed a post-colonial philosophy he called “Third Universal Theory.” This was published in volumes collectively known as The Green Book. This was mandatory reading for every Libyan and contained a distillation of Qaddafi’s thoughts and opinions on everything from sports to politics to religion to the differences between men and women. Whilst it may be tempting for outsiders to dismiss these writings as the scribbling of a dictator, the legacy of Qaddafi’s persona as political philosopher is worthy of some examination. For in offering his revelations to the Libyan people, Qaddafi extended his mandate beyond leader of a revolution and into the territory of “messianic reformer of a nation.”The Green Book was a three-part series. The first instalment was written in 1975 and focuses on the “problem of democracy” where Qaddafi proposes direct democracy as the best option for a progressive nation. The second instalment, published in 1977, focuses on economics and expounds socialism as the solution to all fiscal woes. (Direct popular action here was evidenced in the RCC making rental of real estate illegal, meaning that all tenants in the country suddenly found themselves granted ownership of the property they were occupying!) The final chapter, published in 1981, proposes the Third Universal Theory where Qaddafi outlines his unique solution for implementing direct democracy and socialism. Qaddafi coined a new term for his Islamically-inspired socialist utopia: Jamahiriya. This was defined as being a “state of the masses” and formed the blueprint for Libyan society which Qaddafi subsequently imposed.This model of direct democracy was part of the charismatic conceit Qaddafi cultivated: that the Libyan people were their own leaders and his role was merely as a benevolent agent acceding to their wishes. However the implementation of the Jamahiriya was anything but benevolent and its legacy has crippled post-Qaddafi Libya. Under this system, Libyans did have some control over their affairs at a very local level. Beyond this, an increasingly complex series of committees and regional groupings, over which the RCC had the right of veto, diluted the participation of ordinary citizens and their ability to coalesce around any individual leader. The banning of standard avenues of political organisation, such as parties and unions, coupled with a ruthless police state that detained and executed anyone offering even a hint of political dissent served to snuff out any opposition before it had a chance to gather pace. The result was that there were no Libyans with enough leadership experience or public profile to take over when Qaddafi was ousted in 2011.Qaddafi: The Liberator In a further plank of his revolutionary persona Qaddafi turned to the world beyond Libya to offer his brotherly guidance. This saw him champion any cause that claimed to be a liberation or resistance movement struggling against the shackles of colonialism. He tended to favour groups that had ideologies aligned with his own, namely Arab unity and the elimination of Israel, but ultimately was not consistent in this regard. Aside from Palestinian nationalists, financial support was offered to groups such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the Moro National Liberation Front (Philippines), Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa), ETA (Spain), the Polisario Front (Western Sahara), and even separatist indigenous Australians. This policy of backing revolutionary groups was certainly a projection of his persona as a charismatic enabler of the revolutionary mission. However, the reception of this mission in the wider world formed the basis for the image that Qaddafi most commonly occupied in Western eyes.In 1979 the ongoing Libyan support for groups pursuing violent action against Israel and the West saw the country designated a State-Sponsor of Terror by the US Department of State. Diplomatic relations between the two nations were severed and did not resume until 2004. At this point Qaddafi seemed to adopt a persona of “opponent of the West,” ostensibly on behalf of the world’s downtrodden colonial peoples. The support for revolutionary groups was changing to a more active use of them to strike at Western interests. At the same time Qaddafi stepped up his rhetoric against America and Britain, positioning himself as a champion of the Arab world, as the one leader who had the courage of his convictions and the only one who was squarely on the side of the ordinary citizenry (in contrast to other, more compliant Arab rulers). Here again there is evidence of the charismatic revolutionary persona, reluctantly taking up the burden of leadership on behalf of his brothers.Whatever his ideals, the result was that Qaddafi and his state became the focus of increasing Western ire. A series of incidents between the US and Libya in international waters added to the friction, as did Libyan orchestrated terror attacks in Berlin, Rome and Vienna. At the height of this tension in 1986, American aircraft bombed targets in Libya, narrowly missing Qaddafi himself. This role as public enemy of America led to Qaddafi being characterised by President Ronald Reagan (no stranger to the use of persona himself) as the “mad dog of the Middle East” and a “squalid criminal.” The enmity of the West made life difficult for ordinary Libyans dealing with crippling sanctions, but for Qaddafi, it helped bolster his persona as a committed revolutionary.Qaddafi: Leader of the Arab and African Worlds Related to his early revolutionary ideologies were Qaddafi’s aspirations as a pan-national leader. Inspired by Egypt’s Gamel Abdul Nasser from a young age, the ideals of pan-Arab unity were always a cornerstone of Qaddafi’s beliefs. It is not therefore surprising that he developed ambitions of being the person to bring about and “guide” that unity. Once again the Weberian description of the charismatic leader is relevant, particularly the notion that such leadership does not respect conventional boundaries of functional jurisdictions or local bailiwicks; in this case, state boundaries.During the 1970s Qaddafi was involved in numerous attempts to broker Arab unions between Libya and states such as Egypt, Syria and Tunisia. All of these failed to materialise once the exact details of the mergers began to be discussed, in particular who would assume the mantle of leadership in these super-states. In line with his persona as the rightly-guided revolutionary, Qaddafi consistently blamed the failure of these unions on the other parties, souring his relationship with his fellow Arab leaders. His hardline stance on Israel also put him at odds with those peers more determined to find a compromise. Following the assassination of Egypt’s Anwar Sadat in 1981 Qaddafi praised the act as justified because of Sadat’s signing of the Camp David Accords with Israel.Having given up on the hope of achieving pan-Arab Unity, Qaddafi sought to position himself as a leader of the African bloc. In 2009 he became Chairperson of the African Union and took to having himself introduced as “The King of Kings of Africa.” The level of dysfunction of the African Union was no less than that of the Arab League and Qaddafi’s grandiose plans for becoming the President of the United States of Africa failed to materialise.In both his pan-Arab and pan-Africa ambitions, we see a persona of Qaddafi that aims at leadership beyond his own state. Whilst there may be delusions of grandeur apparent in the practicalities of these goals, this image was nevertheless something that Qaddafi used to leverage the next phase of his political transformation.Qaddafi: The Post-9/11 Statesman However much he might be seen as erratic, Qaddafi’s innate intelligence could result in a political astuteness lacking in many of his Arab peers. Following the events of 11 September 2001, Qaddafi was the first international leader to condemn the attacks on America and pledge support in the War on Terror and the extermination of al-Qaeda. Despite his history as a supporter of terrorism overseas, Qaddafi had a long history of repressing it at home, just as with any other form of political opposition. The pan-Islamism of al-Qaeda was anathema to his key ideologies of direct democracy (guided by himself). This meant the United States and Libya were now finally on the same team. As part of this post-9/11 sniffing of the wind, Qaddafi abandoned his fledgling Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) program and finally agreed to pay reparations to the families of the victims of the Pan Am 107 flight downed over Lockerbie in 1987.This shift in Qaddafi’s policy did not altogether dispel his persona of brotherly leadership amongst African nations. As a bloc leader and an example of the possibility of ‘coming in from the cold’, Qaddafi and Libya were reintegrated into the world community. This included giving a speech at the United Nations in 2009. This event did little to add to his reputation as a statesman in the West. Given a 15-minute slot, the Libyan leader delivered a rambling address over 90 minutes long, which included him tearing up a copy of the UN Charter and turning his back to the audience whilst continuing to speak.Qaddafi: The Clown From the Western point of view, performances like this painted Qaddafi’s behaviour as increasingly bizarre. Particularly after Libya’s rapprochement with the West, the label of threatening terrorist supporter faded and was replaced with something along the lines of a harmless clown prince. Tales of the Libyan leader’s coterie of virgin female bodyguards were the subject of ridicule, as was his ardour for US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Perhaps this behaviour was indicative of a leader increasingly divorced from reality. Surrounded by sycophants dependent on his regard for their tenure or physical survival, as well as Western leaders eager to contrast his amiability with that of Saddam Hussein, nobody was prepared to draw attention to the emperor’s new clothes.Indeed, elaborate and outlandish clothing played an increasing role in Qaddafi’s persona as the decades went on. His simple revolutionary fatigues of the early years were superseded by a vast array of military uniforms heavily decorated with medals and emblems; traditional African, Arab or Bedouin robes depending on the occasion; and in later years a penchant for outfits that included images of the African continent or pictures of dead martyrs. (In 2009 Vanity Fair did a tongue-in-cheek article on the fashion of Colonel Qaddafi entitled Dictator Chic: Colonel Qaddafi—A Life in Fashion. This spawned a number of similar features including one in TIME Magazine entitled Gaddafi Fashion: The Emperor Had Some Crazy Clothes.)The Bedouin theme was an aspect of persona that Qaddafi cultivated as an ascetic “man of the people” throughout his leadership. Despite having many palaces available he habitually slept in an elaborate tent, according once again with Weber’s description of the charismatic leader as one who eschews methodical material gain. This predisposition served him well in the 1986 United States bombing, when his residence in a military barracks was demolished, but Qaddafi escaped unscathed as he was in his tent at the time. He regularly entertained foreign dignitaries in tents when they visited Libya and he took one when travelling abroad, including pitching it in the gardens of a Parisian hotel during a state visit in 2007. (A request to camp in New York’s Central Park for his UN visit in 2009 was denied; “Inside the Tents of Muammar Gaddafi”).The role of such a clown was unlikely to have been an aim for Qaddafi, but was instead the product of his own increasing isolation. It will likely be his most enduring character in the Western memory of his rule. It should be noted though that clowns and fools do not maintain an iron grip on power for over 40 years.The Legacy of Qaddafi’s Many Personas Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was a clever and complex leader who exhibited many variations of persona during his four decades of rule. These personas were generally facets of the same core self-belief of a charismatic leader, but could be conflicting, and often confusing, to observers. His eccentricities often hid a layer of deeper cunning and ambition, but ultimately led to his marginalisation and an impression by world leaders that he was untrustworthy.His erratic performance at the UN in 2009 perhaps typifies the end stages of Qaddafi’s leadership: a man increasingly disconnected from his people and the realities of what was going on around him. His insistence that the 2011 Libyan revolution was variously a colonial or terrorist inspired piece of theatre belied the deep resentment of his rule. His role as opponent of the Western and Arab worlds alike meant that he was unsupported in his attempts to deal with the uprising. Indeed, the West’s rapid willingness to use their airpower was instrumental in speeding on the rebel forces.What cannot be disputed is the chaotic legacy this charismatic figure left for his country. Since the uprising climaxed in his on-camera lynching in October 2011, Libya has been plunged in to turmoil and shows no signs of this abating. One of the central reasons for this chaos is that Qaddafi’s supremacy, his political philosophies, and his use of messianic persona left Libya completely unprepared for rule by any other party.This ensuing chaos has been a cruel, if ironic, proof of Qaddafi’s own conceit: Libya could not survive without him.References Al-Gathafi, Muammar. The Green Book: The Solution to the Problem of Democracy; The Solution to the Economic Problem; The Social Basis of the Third Universal Theory. UK: Ithaca Press, 2005.Blundy, David, and Andrew Lycett. Qaddafi and the Libyan Revolution. Boston and Toronto: Little Brown & Co, 1987.Marshall, P. David. “Persona Studies: Mapping the Proliferation of the Public Self”. Journalism 15.2 (2014): 153-170.Qaddafi, Muammar. Speech at the United Nations 2009. ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BKMyY2V0J0Y›. Street, John. “Celebrity Politicians: Popular Culture and Political Representation.” British Journal of Politics and International Relations 6 (2004): 435-52.Street, John. “Do Celebrity Politics and Celebrity Politicians Matter?” The British Journal of Politics & International Relations 14.3 (2012): 346-356.TIME Magazine. “Gaddafi Fashion: The Emperor Had Some Crazy Clothes.” ‹http://content.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,2055860,00.html›.TIME Magazine. “Inside the Tents of Muammar Gaddafi.” ‹http://content.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,2058074,00.html›.Totman, Sally, and Mat Hardy. “In the Green Zone: 40 years with Colonel Qaddafi.” Ed. Geoffrey Hawker. APSA 2009: Proceedings of the APSA Annual Conference 2009. Sydney: Macquarie University, 2009. 1-19.Totman, Sally, and Mat Hardy. “The Rise and Decline of Libya as a Rogue State.” OCIS 2008: Oceanic Conference on International Studies. Brisbane: University of Queensland, 2008. 1-25.Vanity Fair. “Dictator Chic: Colonel Qaddafi—A Life in Fashion.” ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2009/08/qaddafi-slideshow200908›.Weber, Max, Hans Heinrich Gerth, and C. Wright Mills. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. London: Routledge, 2009.Wilson, J. “Kevin Rudd, Celebrity and Audience Democracy in Australia.” Journalism 15.2 (2013): 202-217.