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1
Ingram, Norman. « The politics of dissent : pacifism in France, 1919-1939 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259182.
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2
Grummitt, David Iain. « Calais 1485-1547 : a study in early Tudor politics and government ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362349.
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This thesis examines the role of Calais in the early Tudor state, 1485-1547. From 1453 until 1558 Calais was the last English possession in France. I will reexamine the town and marches within the context of the development of the early Tudor state and the transition from the medieval to the early modern period. It is clear that the importance of Calais to the early Tudors has been underestimated by historians. The central theme of the thesis is the growth of effective royal government under the early Tudors. This is set in the historiographical framework of the 'new monarchy' and the 'Tudor revolution in government'. Themes such as the relationship between the centre and the periphery; the organisation of royal finance; the role of the king, the court and his ministers in government; the defence of the realm and foreign policy are explored with reference to specific political and administrative changes in Calais. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first examines the role of Calais within the late medieval English polity. It shows how, by proper management of the wool trade that was channelled through the town, Calais became a central pillar of late medieval finance and thus a place of prime political importance during the fifteenth century. The second chapter analyses the developing role of Calais in the early Tudor polity and the growth of royal authority in the town that helped maintain its continued importance. The third chapter explores the office-holding class in Calais and considers the roles of the king's affinity and his household in the government of the realm. The fourth chapter describes the defence of Calais under the early Tudors and the transition from the bastard feudal retinue to the professional army loyal only to the king. The final chapter reassesses the finances of Calais and the role that the town played in the organisation of the crown's resources as a whole.
3
Bell, L. A. « The Modernist Left in France : a political and intellectual history ». Thesis, University of Reading, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.233140.
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4
O'Sullivan, Lisa Gabrielle. « Dying for home : the medicine and politics of nostalgia in nineteenth-century France ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2006. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1771.
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Nostalgia was first conceived as a clinical entity in the seventeenth century, and understood as an extreme psychological and physical reaction to dislocation. The condition was interpreted as a rupture of bonds thought to bind individuals to their local environment. This dissertation analyses the medical and political meanings attached to nostalgia in nineteenth-century France. It traces the medical and psychiatric history of nostalgia, and its rise and decline as a nosological category. In contrast to other extant interpretations, it shows how nostalgia was constructed in largely spatial terms. Nostalgia's subsequent temporalisation and internalisation reflect the emergence of new models of subjectivity within French psychology and psychiatry. The dissertation also shows how an examination of a neglected account in medical history can enrich our understanding of French nation-building and nationalism. It demonstrates that medical discussions of nostalgia informed, and were informed by, larger political considerations. In particular, it examines the role of nostalgia in debates about identity, patriotism and national belonging. Even after its demise as a clinical category, the concept continued to carry important ideological meanings relating to the role of the physical environment in human development, and the equation of physical displacement and pathology continued to influence French psychiatric and political discourses until the fin de siecle.
5
Horler-Underwood, Thomas. « The Querimoniae Normannorum (1247) : land, politics, and society in thirteenth-century Normandy ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.668343.
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6
Duck, Roger James. « National politics and the development of local administrative structures during the French Revolution : the example of the Herault 1789-1801 ». Thesis, Canterbury : University of Kent, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35740515h.
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7
McNamara, Sara. « Posters, Politics and immigration during the May 1968 Protests in France ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/110.
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How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.
8
Smith, D. S. « Politics and metaphysics : some developments in the history of Nietzsche-reception in France 1872-1972 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332878.
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9
Moore, Christopher Lee. « Music in France and the Popular front (1934-1938) : politics, aesthetics and reception ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102813.
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The French Popular Front was a coalition of left-wing political parties (Communists, Socialists, and Radicals) united through a common desire to combat fascism and improve the living conditions of France's workers. Between 1935 and 1938, the ideology of the Popular Front, largely informed by that of the Parti Communiste Francais (PCF), exerted tremendous influence on the cultural life of the French nation. Many cultural and musical organizations heeded the Popular Front's call for broad-based anti-fascist solidarity among intellectuals, artists, and the working class. In the realm of culture, this translated into multiple initiatives designed to bring art to the masses and to encourage the proletariat to become more active in the cultural life of the nation.Sympathetic to the Popular Front's larger political aims, a number of French musicians and composers became affiliated with the Communist-sponsored Maison de 1a Culture and its affiliated musical organizations, the most prominent of which was the Federation Musicale Populaire (FMP). They participated in the administrative, cultural and intellectual life of the FMP; they took part in conferences, wrote articles on the theme of "music for the people," and were advocates for the organization within French musical life at large. Furthermore, these composers wrote works for government-commissioned events, for amateur groups, and for spectacles designed for mass audiences.
Some of the FMP's most prominent proponents (Darius Milhaud, Georges Auric, and Arthur Honegger) were former members of Les Six, a group that had been particularly interested in borrowing music derived from "popular" sources like the music hall and the circus following World War I. This study argues that the aesthetic approach of Les Six, which found support in FMP presidents Albert Roussel and Charles Koechlin, was reinvigorated during the Popular Front for a much more clearly defined political purpose. While the general interest in "popular" sources was still maintained, composers at the FMP now sought to integrate folklore and revolutionary music into their works "for the people" in an attempt to create and underline cultural links between workers and intellectuals---a compositional approach for which this dissertation coins the expression "populist modernism."
This study, the first book-length examination of French musical culture in light of Popular Front politics, concentrates on some of the period's most significant populist modernist works and draws upon contemporaneous journalistic coverage and archival documents that in many cases have hitherto never been the object of musicological study. The research shows that in 1936, following an initial infatuation with the genres and styles of socialist realist Soviet works, French left-wing composers developed a more inclusive view of what constituted music "for the people." Composers continued to write music indebted to politically resonant popular sources like folklore and revolutionary songs, but they also drew upon these genres in works (like the collaborative incidental music for Romain Rolland's Le 14 Juillet) that employed modernist compositional techniques. Though this approach was most obviously felt in the numerous works composed for organizations like the FMP, populist modernism also emerged in works performed at the Theatre de l'Opera-Comique and the 1937 Paris Exposition. By cutting across musical genres as well as institutional and social contexts, populist modernism emerges as the dominant aesthetic trend in French music during the years of the Popular Front.
10
Brown, Howard Gordon. « Power, bureaucracy and the state elite : the revolutionary politics of army control and administration in France 1792 to 1799 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305690.
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11
Schmitz-Thursam, Trevor Charles. « The Tumult of Amboise and the Importance of Historical Memory in Sixteenth-Century France ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4789.
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Humanist legal scholarship was the catalyst to historical revolution that took place in sixteenth-century France. French philologists succeeded in demonstrating the cultural distinctiveness of France from a heretofore assumed classical heritage shared with ancient Rome. As a result, scholars sought to retrace the historical origins of France in the non-Roman Gauls and Franks. Their intensive study of the laws, customs and institutions that developed in France, as distinct from ancient Rome, transformed the understanding of the national past. Following the introduction of the principles of historical anachronism and cultural relativism, the sixteenth century witnessed a transformation of traditional perceptions of historical time. It was during this period when the historical myths, legends and traditions that comprised the cultural fabric of French society were called into question, were transformed, and emerged as new myths that spoke more directly to the crises of the French Religious Wars. The purpose of this study is to attach greater significance to the Tumult of Amboise of 1560 than has previously been afforded in the scholarship of this period. The Tumult of Amboise provide not only the impetus for the civil wars that were waged in France for nearly half a century, but also served as the catalyst for an first expression of Protestant resistance theory that was to change the face of political discourse in this period. The debate centered around the Tumult of Amboise set the stage for constitutional theories regarding the laws of succession and the role of the Estates-General that were dominate political discourse in the latter half of the sixteenth century. As political polemicists increasingly sought to reconstruct an image of the mythical French past, in order to demonstrate the ancientness of the French constitution, the historical fiction that developed around these efforts became a functioning political ideology that should be viewed as one of the first concerted expressions of French nationalism. In this regard, the recreation of the national past took on a patriotic dimension heretofore absent from traditional, chroniclesty led medieval histories and, in time, developed into a uniquely Gallican mythology that stood defiantly as a rival to the cultural heterodoxy of Rome. Further, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate the developmental nature of political discourse in this period. As the civil wars progressed, doctrines of constitutionalism and limited monarchy began to be laced with more abstract theories regarding the nature of political obligation and the responsibility of the ruler to his subjects. Employing a comparative analysis of discourse from the 1560's to the succession of Henri IV, it will be shown that the transformation of political propaganda was direct! y dependent on the historical memory of the participants, who engaged in an effort to frame the political and religious crises within the context of their perceptions of the past.
12
Harding, Christian. « Community, cult and politics : the history of the monks of St Filibert in the ninth century ». Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/915.
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13
Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. « Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
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14
Woods, Michael. « Reality vs. Perceptions : The Treatment of Early Modern French Jews in Politics and Literary Culture ». VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3391.
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Although historians have written extensively on both the early modern era and the development of an absolute monarchy, the history of Jewish communities in France and the role they played has been largely ignored. Beginning with the French Wars of Religion, this study analyzes to what extent France’s religious situation affected the growth of absolutism and how this in turn affected the Jews. Taking advantage of the fractured nature of the early French monarchy, Jews began settling in provinces along the border of both Spain and the Holy Roman Empire. Affected by economic jealousies and cultural perceptions of Jews, the treatment of these communities by local officials led to requests by Jews for royal intervention in these regions. Perceptions of Jews evolved through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as the French Enlightenment influenced the way Jewish characters were presented. This study then ties these perceptions of Jews to the political and economic reality of these communities in an attempt to create a unified history of France’s early modern Jewish population.
15
Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. « The French army and the plebiscite of 1870 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.
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16
Robbie, Steven. « The emergence of regional polities in Burgundy and Alemannia, c.888-940 : a comparative assessment ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3033.
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This study uses the ‘duchies' of Burgundy and Alemannia as case studies for an examination of the nature and causes of political change in the five decades after the death in 888 of the Emperor Charles the Fat ended the Carolingian monopoly on kingship in the Frankish realms. Existing narratives of this period posit discontinuity between the pre- and post-888 political worlds and define the status of dukes in opposition to royal power as the manifestation of either regional communal identity or self-centred aristocratic greed. Close examination of Burgundy and Alemannia indicates that such approaches are invalid, and that the fundaments of the Carolingian system persisted in the ideology and practice of politics after 888: a desire for the control over land and religious establishments, juxtaposed with a deep-seated belief in the centrality of the kingship to the political order. Dukedoms emerged in both regions not as a result of deep-rooted social forces but as short-term responses by magnates to crises at the centre. The perception that the dukedom was an essential form of political organization failed to take root in either territory prior to 940. Although the status of the dukedoms ultimately developed in different ways in the two kingdoms, it is suggested that the root causes of this are best sought in high politics itself.
17
Dirickson, Perry. « School Spirit or School Hate : The Confederate Battle Flag, Texas High Schools, and Memory, 1953-2002 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5467/.
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The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.
18
Mason, Kayla M. « Vérité et Sévérité : The Politics of Memorialization and Cultural Interpretations of the Rafle du Vél d'Hiv, 1945-2012 ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1461535486.
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19
Doyle, Charles James. « The judicial reaction in south-eastern France, 1794-1800 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59cc347e-6a12-4540-8d81-65018e2170da.
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The thesis investigates and analyses the hitherto neglected phenomenon of political reaction within the judiciary of south-eastern France during the period between the Thermidorian Reaction and the advent of the Consulate. The character, objectives and effects of the 'reaction judiciaire1 are studied through a series of different perspectives. The first task is to highlight the discrepancy between the concepts of the social and political effects of a revamped judicial system formulated during the Year III and the corrupt abuse of judicial power by reactionary provincial judges. Indeed, the study constantly seeks to explore the conceptual as well as the practical damage inflicted on the Directorial regime by the supposed trustees of the post-Terrorist republican settlement. Emphasis is placed upon the collaboration between the southern judges and the counter-revolutionary elements within the local community, especially in the discussion of the origins of the judicial reaction. The changes of technique and of objective which the judiciary experienced are explored in full. It is described from its beginnings as a weapon of retribution for the aggrieved local community against the former agents of the Terror to its role in the subversion of regional jacobinism to its support for the period of unchecked counter-revolution during the Year V and finally to its function as a 'rearguard' defender of arrested counter- revolutionaries during the period of the Second Directory. In addition, due consideration is given to the motivation of individual judges who operated the reaction. It is hoped that the thesis has provided a model for the study of the causes, techniques and aims of political reaction from within an independent state power. Furthermore, it is hoped that the work is seminal in its suggestion that judicial reaction and its many ramifications had both a direct and indirect bearing upon the fall of the Directory.
20
Hendrickson, Jon. « "We Are Now a Mediterranean Power" : Naval Competition and Great Power Politics in the Mediterranean, 1904-1914 ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888467.
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21
Cole, Alistair. « Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.
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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]
22
Grant, Sarah. « Representations of the princesse de Lamballe (1749-1792) : the portraiture, patronage and politics of a royal favourite at the court of Marie-Antoinette ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1797d7c6-5c22-44a9-8ab3-adfcddfd43fc.
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This thesis examines the portraiture and patronage of Marie Thérèse Louise de Savoie-Carignan, the princesse de Lamballe (1749-1792). It is the first comprehensive and detailed study to be undertaken of the princess's activities as patron. Lamballe was Marie-Antoinette's longest-serving confidante and Superintendent of the Queen's Household. Through close formal analysis of the portraits combined with careful consideration of the sitter's personal circumstances and the wider cultural and historical context, the thesis challenges scholarly assumptions that the princess had only negligible influence as a sitter and patron. As a case study of an independent, professionally ambitious and childless widow, it identifies a wider range of motives and cultural meanings than has previously been ascribed to female court patronage of this period. The first chapter demonstrates that the early depictions of Lamballe as a docile and grieving princess were largely dictated by her father-in-law, an identity the princess subsequently discarded when she assumed a professional role at court. Chapter two examines portraits executed during the princess's rise to political and social prominence and shows that her attachment to the queen and the length of time she spent in her company and service, together with her publicly visible roles as freemason and salonnière, made her a figure of considerable renown and influence and thereby a highly significant patron at the French court. This was enhanced by the princess's international reputation as a talented amateur artist in her own right and by her financial and social support of aspiring artists and art institutions. The princess's engagement with the cult of sentiment and advocacy of women artists is allied to the sorority encouraged by Marie-Antoinette within the women of her select circle. Complementary chapters on the princess's previously unknown anglophile inclinations (discussed in Chapter three) and her private collections, library, and musical and literary patronage (considered in Chapter four) further reveal that Lamballe was an informed and cultivated female patron who operated at the very centre of Marie-Antoinette's circle.
23
Claveau, Cylvie. « L'autre dans les Cahiers des droits de l'homme, 1920-1940 : une sélection universaliste de l'altérité à la Ligue des droits de l'homme et du Citoyen en France ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37604.
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This doctoral dissertation examines the position of the Other with regard to the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen (LDH) in France during the interwar period of the twentieth century. A key institution of French political and intellectual life, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen exemplified the confrontation and contradiction between theory, discourse, and reality. The dissertation is divided into two parts: the first part introduces Them, the members of the Ligue; while the second part describes (or identifies) the Other, the colonized migrants, the foreigners, the political and ethnic refugees of the interwar period. This research demonstrates that, although in theory these groups were considered equal in the name of universalism, in practice the discourse of the Ligue discriminated against them. The evidence shows that the members of the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen despised all foreigners, and established the level of discrimination according to a hierarchy of contempt.
24
Bukaitė, Vilma. « Political and diplomatic relations between the Republic of Lithuania and France in 1919–1940 ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092603-04021.
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The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.
25
Pépin, Guilhem. « The relationship between the kings of England and their role as dukes of Aquitaine and their Gascon subjects : forms, processes and substance of a dialogue (1275-1453) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670166.
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Bamba, Abou. « Dubbing Modernization : The United States, France, and the Politics of Development in the Ivory Coast, 1946-1968 ». Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/18.
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I argue that competing visions of development guided the interventions of the United States and France in the West African country of Ivory Coast during the late colonial and early independence periods from 1946 through the 1960s. Indeed, the postwar arrival of American modernity provided an opportunity for nationalist leaders to triangulate the relationship between metropolitan France and colonial Ivory Coast. The ensuing politics of triangulation forced French colonial officials, diplomats, and development experts to “dub” modernization in order to bolster (neo)colonial ties between France and the Ivory Coast. By dubbing I mean the effort to translate and adapt for French purposes development concepts and techniques first elaborated in the United States. I explore these issues in case histories of the port of Abidjan, Kossou dam, and San Pedro development projects. I highlight the discursive as well as institutional frameworks that shaped the development of Ivory Coast. In the early twentieth century, French colonialism’s mission civilisatrice and mise en valeur posited that the colonizers were rational and productive, while the colonized were backward and incompetent to exploit their natural resources. After the Second World War, the ascendant American modernization paradigm added a new level of valuation to colonialism’s moral economy. It proposed a dynamic and progressive teleology in which the colonized could become modernized and actually “work by themselves” to reproduce hegemonic U.S. technological, economic, and political norms. Modernization was a civilizing project as well, but in contrast French (neo)colonialism now appeared static and paternalistic. French attempts to recuperate their position in the Ivory Coast deployed the epistemic memories of decades of work in the colony but ironically involved promoting forms of regional planning pioneered by the Tennessee Valley Authority. To reach these insights, I have used an interdisciplinary historical methodology that is multiarchival and multisited. My dissertation is based on research in numerous French and American archives as well as oral histories with French and American actors who participated in the (post)colonial development drive in the Ivory Coast.
27
Finnen, Patrick Joseph. « "Strange Times:" The Language of Illness and Malaise in Interwar France ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1398089945.
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Cheng, Chi-Suen. « Yves Daniel-Lesur and le canique des cantiques : nonconformism and humanism in a mid-twentieth-century choral work ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2016. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/310.
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In 1936, André Jolivet (1905-1974), Yves Baudrier (1906-1988), Olivier Messiaen (1908-1992), Jean-Yves Daniel-Lesur (1908-2002), and Pierre Schaeffer (1910-1995) founded the group Jeune France. They initiated this group under the influence of politically nonconformist movements in France which had started in the 1920s. The ideology of Jeune France was to revive in music 'true human qualities', free from 'extreme political domination'. At a time when some composers, associated with a revolutionary Left wing, were exploring avant-garde ideas in music that included atonalism, serialism, and other advanced techniques out of the common practice, other composers fell into a nationalistic Right wing, recalling the French Catholic traditions, and promoting an exclusive and true 'French' music. In contrast to these polarizing trends, Jeune France tried to trace back its art to its origins, and the goal of Jeune France was to re-establish music composition as something less 'abstract' than the Left, and more 'human' than the Right. The most powerful sound that can reflect the tenets of humanism in music is probably the human voice, especially multiple voices in a choral setting. Thus unaccompanied choral works, in particular, came to be a hallmark of many major composers of the 20th Century. The prevailing social and political environment of the pre-World War Two era also played an important role in contributing to the revival of unaccompanied choral music as a major genre. To demonstrate how these general social and political forces operated in the particular in France at this time, I have used Daniel-Lesur's Le Cantique des Cantiques (1952) to show how these affected a composer at this time. The goal of this research has been to look in depth at both Daniel-Lesur and his most famous work, about which little has been written in English; and to add to a growing body of literature which explores the rise of unaccompanied choral compositions as an important genre in the early 20th Century, a shift that is tied to political, cultural, and social conditions as well as musical ones. Taking Le Cantique des Cantiques as a token of a type, I show how this work reflects these issues as well as the aesthetics behind Jeune France. Finally, I have tried to show just how the experience of Jeune France influenced Daniel-Lesur as a composer as it did his more famous contemporary, Messiaen.
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Hammond, Catherine. « Family conflict in ducal Normandy, c. 1025-1135 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3940.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis focuses on conflict within families in Normandy, c. 1025 to 1135. Despite the occurrence of several acute struggles within the ducal house during this period, and a number of lesser known but significant disputes within aristocratic families, this topic has attracted little attention from historians. Kin conflict was cast by medieval commentators as a paradox, and indeed, it is often still regarded in these terms today: the family was a bastion of solidarity, and its members the very individuals to whom one turned for support in the face of an external threat, so for a family group to turn against itself was aberrant and abhorrent. In this thesis, I draw on significant narrative and documentary evidence to consider the practice and perception of family discord. When considered in its broader setting, it emerges that kin disputes were an expected and accepted part of Norman society at this time. I begin by introducing the topic, justifying my approach, considering the relevant historiography, and providing an overview of the sources. In chapter one, I examine the representations of family and conflict in a range of primary sources to glean contemporary views. In chapters two and three, I focus on the practice of conflict within the ducal family, considering the causes of disputes, and then the place of internal ducal dissension in the Norman world. Chapter four analyses the same issues in relation to discord within aristocratic families, before chapter five explores family disputes which arose from patronage of the Church. In the conclusion, I consider the Norman example within its comparative contemporary milieu and ponder the broader themes of family conflict.
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Jones, Thomas Chewning. « French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.
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Davies, Kerrith. « Winning the West : the creation of lower Normandy, c.889-c.1087 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6024c204-0ba1-4f3a-b582-4c63835103b2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis re-evaluates the chronology of Lower Normandyâs integration into the duchy growing around Rouen from the tenth century onwards. The introduction argues that modern accounts of Normandyâs development remain dependent on the works of Dudo of Saint-Quentin and Flodoard of Rheims. Difficulties with these authors and alternative approaches to Normandyâs early history are identified. It is argued that regional distinctions throughout the later duchy hindered efforts to bring about political cohesion. Chapters One and Two identify the ninth-century Breton occupation and early tenth-century Scandinavian settlement of Lower Normandy as the twin sources of ongoing regional divisions. The early dukesâ interest in and influence over the west are also called into question. Chapters Three and Four instead posit that ducal interest in Lower Normandy was a product of the late tenth century, with direct intervention following in the favourable circumstances of the early eleventh century. Ducal success in this period depended upon the co-operation of regional aristocrats and ecclesiastical institutions and continuing constraints on Rouenâs influence and authority are emphasised. Chapter Five argues that Robert the Magnificent was a more assertive ruler, who actively strengthened ducal authority in Lower Normandy in spite of renewed opposition. Chapter Six considers how rebellion against William the Conqueror in 1047 reveals growing local interest in the conduct of ducal government. Victory allowed William to consolidate ducal authority in Lower Normandy, encouraging further expansion beyond its borders. Local landholders, however, resultantly received little direct ducal patronage, including scant reward in the post-Conquest settlement of England. In conclusion, while Lower Normandy had been brought firmly under ducal control by 1087, it is argued that it was only under Williamâs son, Henry I, that the regionâs aristocrats acquired any major influence over ducal policy and secured an equal position within the wider Anglo-Norman nobility.
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Clerbois, Sébastien. « Contribution à l'étude du mouvement symboliste : l'influence de l'occultisme français sur la peinture belge (1883-1905) ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211854.
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Kim, Minchul. « Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.
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Glozier, Matthew Robert. « A nursery for men of honour : Scottish military service in France and The Netherlands, 1660-92 ». Thesis, View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/67.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis examines individual Scottish soldiers and Scottish regiments abroad in the second half of the seventeenth century, with particular focus on Scottish military service in France and the Netherlands, c.1660-92. The study contends that privately contracted units, of the sort common in the period of the Thirty Years' War (1618-48), evolved into regular standing regiments by the end of the seventeenth century. This process is visible in the altered conditions experienced by professional Scottish officers and ordinary soldiers who served abroad in this period. This study proposes that Britain's foreign policy was primarily affected by that of her two most potent neighbours: France and the Netherlands profoundly affected the attitude of the Stuart monarchs towards their subjects fighting abroad.
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Bukaitė, Vilma. « Lietuvos Respublikos politiniai ir diplomatiniai santykiai su Prancūzija 1919–1940 m ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2013~D_20130701_092454-22884.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Disertacijoje nagrinėjama Lietuvos ir Prancūzijos politinių bei diplomatinių santykių dinamika 1919–1940 m. Atspindima Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos nepriklausomybės tarptautinio pripažinimo procesui. Analizuojamas Prancūzijos poveikis Vilniaus klausimo sprendimui tarptautinėse institucijose 1920–1923 m. ir Prancūzijos pozicija dėl Lietuvos santykių su Lenkija. Tiriami Lietuvos vyriausybės santykiai su prancūzų administracija Klaipėdos krašte 1920–1923 m. Nagrinėjama Prancūzijos kaip Klaipėdos konvencijos signatarės laikysena ginant Klaipėdos krašto gyventojų interesus 1925–1939 m. Įvertinamas Lietuvos ir SSRS politinių ryšių poveikis santykiams su Prancūzija. Analizuojama Prancūzijos įtaka Lietuvos dalyvavimui Baltijos valstybių vienijimosi projektuose. Tiriamos Lietuvos vyriausybės pastangos sustiprinti valstybės saugumą, įsijungiant į Prancūzijos ir SSRS 1934–1935 m. kurtą Rytų paktą. Tiriamos Lietuvos valstybės pastangos gauti Prancūzijos politinę paramą, 1938 m. gavus Lenkijos ultimatumą ir 1934–1935 m. ir 1938–1939 m. pr. Vokietijai taikant spaudimą dėl Klaipėdos krašto. Apibrėžiamas Prancūzijos požiūris į Lietuvos okupaciją ir aneksiją. Disertacijos rengimui naudoti Lietuvos centriniame valstybės archyve, bibliotekų rankraštynuose, Prancūzijos užsienio reikalų ministerijos Diplomatinių archyvų centre saugomi ir publikuoti istoriniai šaltiniai.The thesis deals with the dynamics of the political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and France in 1919–1940. The influence of France on the process of the international recognition of Lithuania’s independence is reflected. The impact of France on solving the issue of Vilnius between 1920 and 1923 and the position of France on the relations between Lithuania and Poland are analysed. The relations of the Government of Lithuania and French administration in Klaipėda region between 1920 and 1923 are considered. The attitude of France as a signatory of Klaipėda Convention in defending the interests of the inhabitants of Klaipėda region between 1925 and 1939 is investigated. The impact of the political relations between Lithuania and the USSR on the relations with France is assessed. The influence of France on Lithuania’s participation in the projects of unification of the Baltic States is analysed. The attempts of the Government of Lithuania to strengthen the state’s security when joining the Eastern Pact in 1934–1935 are analysed. The attempts of the Lithuanian State to obtain a political support of France after Poland issued the ultimatum in 1938 and with Germany exerting pressure in 1934-1935 and 1938-1939 for Klaipėda region are examined. The position of France on Lithuania’s occupation and annexation is defined. Historical sources stored in the Lithuanian Central State Archives and the Centre for Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France were... [to full text]
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Richholt, Heather, et University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. « Noble comportment and the evolution of social order in the work of M. de la Chetardye ». Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2001, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/361.
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Margolis, Oren, et Brian Maxson. « The 'Schemes' of Piero de' Pazzi and the Conflict with the Medici (1461–2) ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6175.
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This article opens up an important but overlooked chapter in the political and diplomatic history of Florence, as well as that of fifteenth-century Franco-Italian relations more broadly. In late 1461, the city of Florence elected ambassadors to go to France to congratulate King Louis XI on his accession to the throne. Intended as a purely ceremonial mission, the Florentine diplomat Piero de' Pazzi ignored his commission and pursued policies that explicitly promoted French interests in Italy. By doing so, Piero sought to improve the standing of his own family, both domestically and abroad, at the expense of the Medici regime in Florence and the anti-French Italian League that the Medici supported. This article offers for the first time a full investigation of a surprisingly early example of tensions between the Medici and the Pazzi, tensions that famously erupted in the Pazzi Conspiracy of 1478.
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Escarpit, David. « L'écrit politique en occitan en Gironde (1860-1914) ». Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BOR30003/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’écrit politique en occitan en Gironde (1860-1914) Le projet de thèse consiste en une analyse des usages non-littéraires de l’occitan en Gironde entre 1868 et 1914, essentiellement dans et autour de la presse. Le projet est servi par l’existence d’un imposant corpus déjà dépouillé, référencé et listé, d’articles, billets, chansons et poèmes en langue d’oc, parus au cours de cette période au sein de divers organes de presse girondins. Il s’agit d’un occitan dit de connivence utilisé à des fins politiques : il s’agit de toucher les masses d’électeurs issus des milieux ruraux, qui ne maîtrisent pas encore, pour la majorité, le français. Cette étude a permis de mettre en lumière un pan quasiment inexploré du monde de l’édition bordelaise du XIXe siècle : l’écrit politique en langue d’oc. Soit sous la forme de pamphlets imprimés, sans utilisant le nouveau vecteur de diffusion de l’information et de l’opinion qu’est la presse, cet écrit a donné lieu à de véritables productions d’envergure. S’intégrant à des pratiques langagières occitanes antérieures propres à Bordeaux, il a su se renouveler jusqu’à rejoindre les marges du mouvement renaissantiste occitan, par ailleurs quasi-inexistant en Bordelais à cette époque. Dévoilant l’intérêt pour les milieux politiques d’utiliser l’idiome minoritaire jusque dans l’agglomération bordelaise, cet écrit nous permet de toucher du doigt une réalité sociolinguistique encore mal connue, dans laquelle la conscientisation des masses dans le projet républicain (ou pour s’y opposer) passe par la langue d’ocOccitan and political paper in Gironde ( 1860-1914 ) The project of thesis consists of an analysis of the non-literary practices of the Occitan in Gironde between 1860 and 1914, essentially in and around the press. The project is served by the existence of an impressive already skinned, referenced and listed corpus, articles, bills, songs and poems in langue d'oc, appeared during this period within diverse Girondist organs of press. We are talking about an Occitan of complicity used for political purposes: it is a question of touching the masses of voters stemming from rural circles, which do not still master, for the majority, French. This study allowed to highlight an almost unexplored piece of the publishing of Bordeaux world of the XIXth century : the political paper in Occitan. Or under the shape of printed pamphlets, without using the new vector of distribution of the information and the opinion that is the press, this paper gave rise to real large-scale productions. Becoming integrated into previous Occitan linguistic practices peculiar to Bordeaux, it knew how to be renewed until join the margins of the Occitan rebirth movement, besides quasi-non-existent in the country at that time. Revealing the interest for the political circles to use the minority idiom to the urban area of Bordeaux and around, this paper allows us of touch of the finger a still badly known sociolinguistic reality, in which one conscientizacion of the masses in the republican project (or to oppose it) needs the occitan language
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Filipovich, Jean 1947. « The Office du Niger under colonial rule : its origin, evolution, and character, 1920-1960 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67462.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Office du Niger irrigation scheme, located on the Niger River in the Republic of Mali, originated in a grandiose but seriously flawed proposal devised in 1920 by a French colonial Public Works engineer named Emile Bélime. Originaly conceived as a means of transforming the Niger Valley into a cotton belt, and later promoted as the heart of a French West African granary, the scheme never attained more than a tiny fraction of its presumed agricultural potential. Its construction and exploitation required the forced uprooting of tens of thousands of Africans. It absorbed a large portion of scarce colonial revenues until after the Second World War and generated no profits. During the inter-war period, the Office du Niger gradually acquired the de facto status of a state within the State, with Emile Bélime at its head. When the scheme was finally recognized as an economic and humanitarian failure in 1945, colonial authorities endeavoured to eliminate its worst shortcomings and give it a new identity as a prototype of economic and technical assistance to an underdeveloped area. After 1961, Malian leaders felt that the scheme could be used as a pilot project for agricultural development in the new republlc, and the scheme's existence has dictated the course of Malian agricultural policy ever since.Le projet d'irrigation de l'Office du Niger, situé dans le delta intérieur du Niger au Mali, est né d'une proposition très insuffisante mais grandiose conçue en 1920 par un ingénieur des Travaux Publics Coloniaux, Émile Bélime. Conçu à l'origine comme un moyen de transformer la Vallée du Niger en une vaste plantation de coton, et envisagé par la suite comme le grenier central de l'Afrique Occidentale, ce projet n'a jamais atteint qu'une petite partie de son potentiel agricole espéré. Sa réalisation et sa mise en exploitation on nécessité le déracinement par contrainte de dizaines de milliers d'Africains. Même après la deuxième guerre mondiale, le projet a absorbé encore une grande partie des revenus coloniaux, déjà limités, mais il n'a généré aucun revenu. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, l'Office du Niger a acqui petit à petit le statut de facto d'un état dans l'État, dirigé par Émile Bélime. En 1945, quand le projet a été finalement reconnu comme une échec sur le plan économique et humanitaire, les autorités coloniales ont essayé de corriger les erreurs les plus graves et lui ont accordé le nouveau statu de prototype pour d'autres projets d'assistance économique et technique aux régions sous-développées. En 1961, le Gouvernement du Mali, qui avait récemment accédé à l'indépendance, pensait en faire un projet pilote pour le développement agricole du pays. Sa réalisation détermine encore aujourd'hui la politique agricole du Mali. fr
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Lundberg, Anna. « La Centrafrique est-elle un guêpier ? : Traduire la réalité d'un texte français sur l'Afrique ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-67350.
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The aim of this paper is to examine the translation of a political and historical text on the French-African relations from French into Swedish, focusing on the translation of cultural reference and metaphor. The African context is relatively unknown to Swedish readers. This and other factors mean that some expressions and phenomena mentioned in the source text will need explanation in the translated text. This type of text also contains a large number of metaphors that may have to be adapted to the target text context.The analysis in this paper has been made using the author’s own translation of an extract of the essay book ”La France en Afrique – Cinq siècles de présence: vérités et mensonges” by Jean-Paul Gourévitch. A number of works dedicated to the translation of metaphors and cultural reference have been studied and theories applied to the translation of this particular source text.The main results of the study are firstly that Ogden & Richards triangle of reference will be particularly helpful to the translator when dealing with the issues of cultural reference and metaphor. Secondly, Vermeer’s skopos theory helps the translator make the text relevant and adapted to the reader’s needs. Thirdly, the target text structure is of importance.
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Sintès, Guillaume. « Préfiguration, structuration et enjeux esthétiques du métier de chorégraphe (France, 1957-1984) : une histoire administrative, réglementaire et politique de la danse ». Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080069.
Texte intégralRésumé :
De l'inscription dans la loi française de la reconnaissance de son statut d'auteur (le 11 mars 1957) à la publication de la définition légale de sa fonction au Journal Officiel (le 1er janvier 1984), une génération de chorégraphes a construit les contours, les modalités et les conditions d'un métier. Ce combat s’est traduit par un engagement syndical de longue haleine pendant les années 1960 et 1970. Réuni au sein du Syndicat national des auteurs et compositeurs (SNAC), un groupe de chorégraphes a travaillé à l’élaboration de rapports, d’enquêtes et d’études qui ont abouti à l’organisation professionnelle du champ chorégraphique, permettant ainsi à la « nouvelle danse française » qui lui succèdera dans les années 1980, d'obtenir une considérable visibilité esthétique et de marquer de son empreinte l'histoire culturelle et artistique. Rendre compte des progrès sociaux, comme des configurations et reconfigurations du métier de chorégraphe, c’est aussi rendre compte de la structuration du champ chorégraphique dans son ensemble. Cette thèse interroge l’historiographie juridique du droit d’auteur des chorégraphes pour clarifier la notion de statut d’auteur en danse. Elle propose une généalogie de la politique culturelle en danse pour démythifier l’idée d’un désert administratif et chorégraphique, constitutif de l’ère pré-Lang. Enfin, l’étude des différents projets de réglementation de l’enseignement de la danse permet de révéler les enjeux politiques et esthétiques qui ont contribué, pendant près de vingt-cinq années de négociation, à exacerber les oppositions au sein du champ chorégraphique. Ainsi, s’élabore une histoire administrative, réglementaire et politique de la danse en France qui éclaire une période de l’histoire contemporaine de la danse encore trop peu étudiéeFrom the registration of an author status' recognition within the French law (March 11th, 1957), to the publication of its function's legal definition in the January 1st, 1984 Journal Officiel (official gazette of the French Republic), a whole generation of choreographers created the outlines, modalities and conditions of a profession. This struggle was the result of a long term trade union commitment between the years 1960 and 1970. Brought together under the National Syndicate of Authors and Composers (SNAC), a group of choreographers worked on drafting reports, surveys and studies which resulted in the professional organization of a choreographic field, thus allowing what was to become “the new 80s French dance” (nouvelle danse française) to obtain a substantial aesthetic visibility and to leave its mark within the cultural and artistic history. To give a full account of the social progress, such as configurations and reconfigurations of the profession of choreographer, is to also give a full account of the structuring of the choreographic field as a whole. This thesis questions the legal historiography regarding choreographers' copyright law in France (droits d'auteur) so that the notion of author's status in dance can be clarified. It suggests a genealogy of cultural politics in dance in order to demystify the idea of an administrative and choreographic deserted landscape, constitutive of the pre-Lang era (Jack Lang, French minister of culture). Finally, the study of the different projects on the regulation of dance education makes it possible to reveal political and aesthetic issues which, during a negotiation period of almost twenty five years, has contributed to the exacerbation of opposition within the choreographic field. Thus, an administrative, regulatory and political history of dance in France is able to develop, which reveals an era of contemporary history of dance still insufficiently researched
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Lantschner, Patrick. « The logic of political conflict in the late Middle Ages : a comparative study of urban political conflicts in Italy and the southern Low Countries, c. 1370-1440 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88345337-bad5-4eb6-b626-ec6ae003cfef.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.
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Silva, Glaydson Jose da. « Antiguidade, arqueologia e a França de Vichy : usos do passado ». [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279943.
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Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu FunariTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:46:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_GlaydsonJoseda_D.pdf: 1833896 bytes, checksum: 0dc2ffab6a911066f09ab355ccba7cc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os usos do mundo antigo, pela História e pela Arqueologia, como forma de estabelecer compreensões do mundo contemporâneo. Propõe uma reflexão acerca do papel do passado nos jogos de estratégia e afirmações identitárias, à medida que percebe os estudos sobre a Antigüidade muito próximos das representações coletivas na contemporaneidade. Parte da premissa de que o saber sobre o passado, sua e escrita e suas leituras, são poderes e geram poderes. Do ponto de vista temático, trata da apropriação do passado gaulês, romano e galo-romano na França durante o Regime de Vichy (1940-1944). Mas trata, também, da inserção do objeto num contexto mais amplo, europeu, na medida em que analisa as instrumentalizações da Antigüidade pelo Nazismo e pelo Fascismo. Aproxima-se do objeto com uma análise das figurações da Gália e dos gauleses na historiografia francesa, principalmente a partir do século XIX. Trata do estatuto dos historiadores ao se relacionarem com os poderes do Estado, especificamente, no caso, de Jérôme Carcopino, notável romanista que foi ministro da educação sob Vichy. Por perceber na sociedade francesa atual uma presença muito marcante da Antigüidade, como forma de legitimação de direitos, advindos da origem, analisa-se, também, as formas de apropriação do mundo antigo pelas extremas direitas, representadas no trabalho pelo Front National e pelo grupo Terre et Peuple
Abstract: The purpose of this research work is to analyze the uses of the ancient world by the fields of History and Archaeology as a way to establish understandings of the present world. As ancient studies are very close to present time collective representations, this study proposes a reflection on the role of past in strategy and identity affirmation games. It has as a premise the notion that knowledge of the past, its writing and its interpretations, are powers and create powers. In terms of subject, this study focuses on the appropriation of the Gaul, Roman and Gaul-Roman past during the Vichy Regime (1940-1944). It also analyzes the subject within a greater European frame, for it focuses on the 'instrumentalizations¿ of Antiquity by the Nazi and Fascist regimes. It analyzes, especially from the 19th century on, the characterizations of Gaul and Gaul people in French historiography. It focuses on historians¿ status while they related to State powers, as in the case of Jérôme Carcopino, remarkable scholar in Roman studies, who was Minister of Education under the Vichy regime. As Antiquity is present everywhere in modern French society, this research work also analyzes the different forms of appropriation of the ancient world by extreme Right parties, represented in the text by the Front National party and the Terre et Peuple grou
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História
44
Kay, Simon Michael Gorniak. « Literary, political and historical approaches to Virgil's Aeneid in early modern France ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13837.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the increasing sophistication of sixteenth-century French literary engagement with Virgil's Aeneid. It argues that successive forms of engagement with the Aeneid should be viewed as a single process that gradually adopts increasingly complex literary strategies. It does this through a series of four different forms of literary engagement with the Aeneid: translation, continuation, rejection and reconciliation. The increasing sophistication of these forms reflects the writers' desire to interact with the original Aeneid as political epic and Roman foundation narrative, and with the political, religious and literary contexts of early modern France. The first chapter compares the methods of and motivations behind all of the sixteenth-century translations of the Aeneid into French; it thus demonstrates shifts in successive translators' interpretations of Virgil's work, and of its application to sixteenth-century France. The next three chapters each analyse adaptation of Virgil's poem in a major French literary work. Firstly, Ronsard's Franciade is analysed as an example of French foundation epic that simultaneously draws upon and rejects Virgil's narrative. Ronsard's poem is read in the light of Mapheo Vegio's “Thirteenth Book” of the Aeneid, or Supplementum, which continues Virgil's narrative and carries it over into a Christian context. Next, Agrippa d'Aubigné's response to Virgilian epic in Les Tragiques is shown to have been mediated by Lucan's Pharsalia and its anti- epic and anti-imperialist interpretation of the Aeneid. D'Aubigné's inversion of Virgil is highlighted through comparison of attitudes to death and resurrection in Les Tragiques, the Aeneid and Vegio's Antoniad. Finally, Guillaume de Salluste du Bartas' combination, in La Sepmaine and La Seconde Sepmaine of the hexameral structure of Genesis with Virgil's narrative of reconciliation after civil war is shown to represent the most sophisticated understanding of and most complex interaction with the Aeneid in sixteenth-century France.
45
Dessy, Clément. « Les écrivains devant le défi nabi : positions, pratiques d'écriture et influences ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209795.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En 1888, une communauté de peintres s’associe sous l’appellation « Nabis ». Ce terme, issu de l’hébreu, signifie à la fois les « prophètes » et les « initiés ». Paul Sérusier qui vécut sa rencontre avec Paul Gauguin comme une révélation est à l’origine de la formation du groupe. Une année auparavant, le symbolisme littéraire triomphe en France et suscite l’émulation parmi une nouvelle génération d’écrivains qui se cristallise autour de /La Revue Blanche/ et le /Mercure de France/. Entre les Nabis et les symbolistes s’établit dès lors un intense réseau de collaborations. Tant dans l’élaboration des décors et programmes du Théâtre de l’œuvre de Lugné-Poe que dans l’illustration d’ouvrages d’André Gide, d’Alfred Jarry ou encore de Jules Renard, les Nabis participent activement à la vie littéraire de leur temps tout en s’incarnant volontairement comme une avant-garde picturale. Les échanges nombreux entre peintres et écrivains sont alors loin de se limiter à de simples commandes. Ils aboutissent souvent à des amitiés durables comme celles qui unirent Gide à Maurice Denis et Jarry à Pierre Bonnard. La recherche s’interroge sur la motivation de cette nouvelle génération d’écrivains qui sollicita le groupe nabi, ainsi que sur la nature des projets qui les unirent. Les revues littéraires occupent une place importante dans le rassemblement entre les écrivains et ce groupe de peintres. La volonté d'identifier une aile picturale qui fasse écho dans le champ artistique au désir d'innover dans le champ littéraire stimule les sollicitations des écrivains de la seconde génération symboliste. Les Nabis, qui se méfient toutefois d'une soumission trop grande au fait littéraire, induisent par leurs développements artistiques et leurs théories les paramètres d'une nouvelle relation entre peintres et écrivains dans laquelle ces derniers ne recherchent plus la domination stratégique de l'art littéraire sur la peinture.Outre ces considérations historiques, le rapprochement souhaité entre les deux groupes fut tel que la production littéraire ne put qu’être influencée par les théories des Nabis. La tendance "formaliste" représentée par ce groupe pictural a souvent conduit les chercheurs à prendre acte de l'autonomie tant du littéraire que du pictural dans les échanges entre Nabis et écrivains. Les influences sont cependant nombreuses de la peinture vers la littérature. Il est toutefois nécessaire de prendre en compte des écrivains oubliés par l'histoire littéraire, tels Romain Coolus, Gabriel Trarieux ou Louis Lormel, pour percevoir les effets de cette influence picturale. La reprise d'un dispositif de couleurs, exaltées ou déformées, le jeu poétique sur le thème de la ligne ou de l'arabesque fondent une recherche d'effet visuel dans l'écriture qui entend renouveler les images poétiques. Ce constat entre en résonance avec la rénovation picturale revendiquée par les Nabis. Des esthétiques communes entre peintres et écrivains, tournant autour des notions de synthèse, simplicité, de la référence à l'enfance ou à la fantaisie humoristique rassemblent Nabis et poètes qui les soutiennent dans une communauté d'initiés à l'art nouveau.
Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
46
Bruneau, Sonia. « Les cinéastes insurgés en mai 68 : des hommes et des films pris dans l'événement : élements pour une socio-histoire des Etats Généraux du cinéma (1956-1998) ». Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030110.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La recherche interroge la rencontre des cinéastes avec Mai 68. En prenant comme point de départ la mobilisation de mille cinq cent professionnels du cinéma, regroupés alors sous le terme générique de cinéastes, en considérant leur diversité professionnelle, politique, sociale, générationnelle, ainsi que les films produits dans le cadre des Etats Généraux du cinéma, l’intérêt est d’introduire de la complexité dans un événement souvent ramené à ses causes ou à ses effets supposés et en retour, d’élargir le regard sur le cinéma souvent réduit aux seuls réalisateurs et aux films. L’enjeu est d’articuler le temps court de l’événement dans le temps long, en multipliant les jeux d’échelle à partir de trois angles d’approche : entrer dans les façons dont se structure un milieu professionnel, dans les rapprochements et les antagonismes ; questionner leur rapport à l’Etat en ne lissant pas leur ambivalence (comment les liens de dépendance sont acceptés, comment ils génèrent aussi des critiques) ; saisir l’évolution de la légitimité politique des cinéastes et de leur média, les différentes manières d’intervenir dans l’espace public, au regard de leur champ d’expérience et de leur horizon d’attente. À partir de ces trois prismes, il s’agit de remonter à 1956, de « déterritorialiser » Mai 68 en déplaçant la question du pourquoi au comment ; puis de se confronter au déroulé accidenté de l’événement, à son incertitude et à la pluralité des façons de le vivre ; enfin, de filer des parcours qui se construisent en référence à Mai 68 et d’observer les déplacements de sens de l’événement pendant les commémorations décennales à travers le devenir des films des Etats GénérauxOur research examines the encounter of cineasts with May 1968. In the context of May 68, the term “cineast” encompasses all professionals that perform an activity related to cinema. The analysis starts from the mobilization of 1500 cineasts and takes into account their professional, political, social and generational diversity. Considering these as well as the films produced during the Etats Généraux du cinema, our interest lies in revealing the complexity of an event often often reduced to a question of cause and effect, and in enlarging the view on cinema often reduced to the directors and the films. The focus resides in articulating the short time of the event in a longer time, at different scales from three angles. The first angle addresses how this professional sphere is structured in affinities and in antagonisms. Then we move into questioning the relations to authority without polishing the ambivalences (how the dependences are accepted and criticized as well). The last angle attempts to capture the political legitimacy of cineasts and of their media while getting into how cineasts consider the different ways of intervening in the public space. From these three perspectives, we go back to 1956 and gain a broader view on May 68 by “deterritorializing” it and asking how instead of the usual why. We then reveal how the event has unfolded, its hectic circumstances, its uncertainty and the various ways it has been subsequently experienced. Finally we show the paths constructed in reference to May 68 and analyze how the meaning of the event has evolved at the decennial commemorations and how the films of the Etats Généraux du cinema have been utilised
47
Péaud, Laura. « Du projet scientifique des Lumières aux géographies nationales : France, Prusse et Grande-Bretagne (1780-1860) ». Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20111/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Entre 1780 et 1860 en Europe, la géographie se structure peu à peu en champ scientifique et académique indépendant, et particulièrement en France, Prusse et Grande-Bretagne. Au même moment dans ces trois pays européens, des géographes travaillent à ce que leur champ soit enfin considéré comme une science à part entière, au même titre par exemple que l'histoire ou les mathématiques. Ils construisent leur champ à la faveur d'un renouvellement profond de ses principes institutionnels et épistémologiques, selon un processus similaire dans ces trois sphères. Ils organisent progressivement les connaissances géographiques selon une exigence de scientificité, dont ils discutent les modalités. Ce processus de construction à la fois scientifique et disciplinaire est profondément marqué par l'héritage des Lumières et l'esprit universaliste, mais, parallèlement, il se trouve également influencé et informé par le contexte politique. Entre 1785 et 1860, les savoirs géographiques sont en effet investis d'une valeur stratégique grandissante : ils jouent un rôle majeur dans les idéologies politiques des États et également dans les actions politiques menées. En interrogeant conjointement les champs du politique et des savoirs géographiques, cette thèse ainsi à mettre en évidence en quoi le processus de montée en discipline des savoirs géographiques engagé simultanément en France, en Prusse et en Grande-Bretagne se trouve fondamentalement en tension entre, d'une part, une exigence universaliste portée à l'échelle européenne par le champ scientifique et, d'autre part, la nationalisation progressive des savoirs géographiquesBetween 1780 et 1860, geography tends to become a full scientific field in Europe, built thanks to renewed institutional and academic principles, especially in France, Prussia and Great Britain. t the same time in these three European countries, geographers expect that their field will be finally considered as a proper science, compared for instance to history or mathematics. In order to complete this aim, they gradually organise geographical knowledge according to scientific patterns. The French, Prussian and British spheres are affected by a similar process. This scientific and academic construction of a proper geographical field is influenced by a universalistic spirit, inherited from the European Enlightenment, but also deeply affected by the political context. Between 1785 and 1860, geographical knowledge is recognised as strategic : it plays a major role in the politics of the states and, therefore, in the organisation of the different policies developed in this period. By questionning at the same time the field of geography and the field of politics and policy, this thesis intends to highlight how the process of academic and scientific construction of geography engaged at the same time in France, Prussia and Great-Britain is essentially in a position of tension between a demand of universalism and the progressiv nationalisation of geographical knowledge
48
Haffner, Stephanie C. « Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany ? » Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.
49
Mabo, Solenn. « Les citoyennes, les contre-révolutionnaires et les autres : participations, engagements et rapports de genre dans la Révolution française en Bretagne ». Thesis, Rennes 2, 2019. http://www.bu.univ-rennes2.fr/system/files/theses/2019_theseMaboS.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Centrée sur les rapports de genre dans le champ politique, cette thèse s’empare de la représentation figée de Bretonnes fanatiques et contre-révolutionnaires en analysant les voies de leur participation à la Révolution, qu’elles la soutiennent, la combattent ou s’y impliquent autrement. Des actions d’envergure aux interventions plus quotidiennes, leur engagement est confronté à celui des hommes pour observer comment se manifestent et se recomposent des pratiques et identités politiques sexuées. Après un prologue qui présente la place des femmes dans la société bretonne au XVIIIe siècle, la thèse s’organise autour de trois grands axes. Le premier montre comment elles participent à la séquence pré-révolutionnaire puis investissent les nouveaux espaces de la citoyenneté. Le second explore les marges de la participation politique en observant comment des femmes ordinaires sont impliquées plus ou moins volontairement dans la dynamique révolutionnaire. Le dernier axe présente les résistances à la Révolution, des luttes religieuses à la chouannerie, et examine comment se fabriquent des trajectoires féminines contre-révolutionnaires. L’ensemble repose sur l’exploitation d’archives très dispersées et engage une réflexion sur les mécanismes de la mise en lumière ou de l’occultation des femmes dans les événements et la documentation. En dégageant toute une gamme d’interventions féminines jusque-là ignorées ou peu visibles, cette thèse propose une autre histoire de la Révolution en Bretagne, qui entend nourrir la compréhension de l’ensemble du processus révolutionnaire et alimenter l’histoire des rapports de genre en situation de crise ou de conflitFocused on gender relations in the political field, this thesis revisits the traditional image of fanatical and counter-revolutionary Breton women by analysing the ways of their participation in the Revolution, whether they supported it, fought against it or got otherwise involved. From major actions to everyday interventions, their commitment is compared with that of men to observe how gendered political practices and identities are manifested and recomposed. After an introduction presenting the place of women in Breton society in the eighteenth century, the study proceeds along three major axes. The first presents how they participated in the pre-revolutionary sequence and then invested the new spaces of citizenship. The second explores the margins of political participation by observing how ordinary women were more or less voluntarily involved in revolutionary dynamics. The third and last part focuses on the resistance to the Revolution, from religious struggles to Chouannerie, and shows how some counter-revolutionary feminine destinies were forged. The present work is based on the exploitation of very scattered archives and engages in a reflection on the mechanisms of the highlighting or the occultation of women in the events and the documentation. By revealing a whole range of previously ignored or inconspicuous feminine interventions, this thesis offers another history of the Revolution in Brittany, which can foster a better understanding of the whole revolutionary process and enrich the history of gender relations in crisis or conflict situations
50
Garreau, Bernard. « Femmes et politique : le cas des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010 ». Phd thesis, Université du Maine, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00714657.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Tout en s'inscrivant dans le cadre général de l'histoire des femmes et de l'histoire électoralecontemporaine, la thèse se veut d'abord une thèse d'histoire locale quantitative et fait appel égalementà quelques données relevant d'autres disciplines (science politique, droit public, sociologie). Tout endonnant lieu à une comparaison avec l'évolution constatée au plan national, la thèse s'intéresse àl'histoire d'une population donnée (toutes les catégories de femmes élues), dans un espacegéographique donné (le département de la Sarthe), sur une période donnée (1945-2010).L'augmentation du nombre de femmes élues et la diversification des fonctions auxquelles elles ontaccédé sont appréhendées au travers d'une interrogation qui exprime la problématique de la thèse, àsavoir : quelle est la portée de cette progression et quelle signification peut-on y donner ? En réponsela thèse s'efforce de montrer que cette progression quantitative des femmes élues s'est accompagnéed'un certain nombre de pratiques réglementaires ou comportementales qui en limitent la portée et ennuancent la signification. Le plan chronologique adopté permet de mettre en relief les trois phases quiont marqué l'histoire des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010 en reliant chacune à la problématiquegénérale. Cette articulation générale de la thèse débouche ainsi sur un plan en 3 parties intituléesrespectivement : Les années 1945/1970 : une présence tolérée, un statut inchangé ; Les années1970/1990 : une présence acceptée, une pression contenue ; Les années 1990 / 2010 : une présencereconnue, une inégalité maintenue.