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1
Stevens, Bron. « President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords}
these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an
Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as
a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a
demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region.
The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the
culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower
administration, as the United States became the only power able to
influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the
President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the
personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far
short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally
sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by
hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of
over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The
weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among
even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to
influence Israel or the Arabs.
2
Morsy, Ahmed. « Bandwagon for profit : Egyptian foreign policy toward Iran ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13077.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What explains the lack of normalized relations between Egypt and Iran? Despite mutual potential benefits Egypt and Iran could have gained from normalized bilateral relations over the past several decades, a range of factors prevented them from doing so, including personality politics, domestic political and economic considerations, as well as regional and external alliances and competing visions of regional order. Accordingly, the trajectory of modern Egyptian policy toward Iran has been non-linear. Realist and constructivist schools of International Relations theory, on their own, cannot adequately explain how Egypt's foreign policy toward Iran varied from times of hostility, friendship, stagnation, and openness under Presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, and Muhammad Morsi. As such, neoclassical realism - with its emphasis on the interaction between geopolitical structural conditions and the roles of leadership and domestic politics in shaping a state's foreign policy - offers the best framework for analyzing Egypt's foreign policy behavior toward Iran.
3
Rashdan, Abdelfattah A. (Abdelfattah Ali). « The Shift of the Egyptian Alliance from the Soviet Union to the United States, 1970-1981 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500417/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to examine internal and external factors affecting the Egyptian-Soviet alliance during the period under investigation. Chapter I provides background information on Egyptian-Soviet relations, and in Chapter II important developments in those relations are outlined. Chapter III examines the October War of 1973 and Soviet policy during the war. Chapter IV traces efforts to reach a settlement in the Middle East, highlighting the role of the United States in the negotiations. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that Egypt, like other small nations, has not surrendered its interests to the aims of either of the superpowers.
4
Copp, John W. « Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970 ». PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
5
Amer, Rawya M. Tawfik. « State-society relations and regional role : comparing Egypt and South Africa ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00e6d89-06a1-40b5-b760-33965d32bcef.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study explains the regional roles of Egypt and South Africa in the last two decades by reference to the state’s relationship with society, a variable that has long been underplayed in international relations and foreign policy literature. It suggests that the different character of this relationship in each country has shaped the opportunities and constraints affecting the foreign policy choices of both the state and societal institutions in the two countries. The study adopts a cross-disciplinary approach using debates on state capacity and its relationship with regime type in comparative politics and political economy to understand and evaluate the two countries' foreign policies in their respective regions. After analysing the impact of state-society relationships on the regional role conceptions of the state and societal actors, the study compares the performance of these actors in two case studies; the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the case of Egypt and the Zimbabwean crisis in the case of South Africa. It concludes that although the role of each state in resolving its respective regional conflict has been less than effective, the post-apartheid democratic dispensation has provided opportunities for South African social forces to play roles that complemented, checked and balanced the role of the state, compared to their Egyptian counterparts. On the other hand, the soft authoritarian Egyptian state used its role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to maintain the international alliances that helped to sustain its domestic control. This constrained the state's foreign policy options. It made marketing peace as 'a strategic choice' and containing resistance movements the priorities of Egypt's intervention in the Palestinian issue. The co-optation of the Egyptian business community and the exclusion of Islamist forces by the state weakened their roles in conflict resolution, depriving the state of tools of effectiveness. In the case of South Africa, racial politics, the ANC's liberation movement psyche, and the domination of the presidency over foreign policy making have hindered the promotion of NEPAD's principles of democracy and respect for human rights in the case of Zimbabwe. However, South African civil society played a crucial role in supporting its Zimbabwean counterpart, holding the South African state accountable to its foreign policy principles and its democratic institutions, and intervening where the state's role was missing or insufficient.
6
Snider, Erin. « Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.
Texte intégral
7
Taher, Nadia Adel. « Foreign aid and power relations : the government of Egypt, USAID and housing in Helwan ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1462/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign aid, power and housing are the three key issues covered in this thesis. The focus of the thesis is on aid and the relationships that it triggers, and the role that power plays in shaping these relationships. This will be examined in the context of housing. The thesis explores the way in which power impacts on inter and intra donor- recipient relations. While the economic relation in aid has been often the preoccupation of those engaged in this debate, the political relationship has been often overlooked. This research shows that an appreciation of the role that politics in general, and power in particular plays in aid, is necessary for an understanding of the aid process. In order to form a complete picture of this process, both the planned intervention (policy-planning-implementation) and the community side, were covered by the research. This included the examination of the interactions between and amongst different collective actors as well as the impact of such interactions. The research thus examines the particular relationship between the government of Egypt (GOE) and the United State Agency for International Development (USAID), which has gone through numerous changes over the last two decades, highlighting the way in which it had been predominantly a political relationship. A housing project, co-funded by the GOE and USAID, targeting factory workers in Helwan, an industrial suburb of Cairo, was studied. The uniqueness of this case is that it was an attempt by USAID to change GOE housing policy. On the one hand, the analysis looks into the inter-and intra relationship between the different actors involved in the project. On the other hand, these various and complex relationships are examined in terms of their impact on two communities who were involved in the project.
8
Aka, Philip Chukwuma. « Soviet Cultural Diplomacy in the Middle East : a Case Study of USSR'S Cultural Relations with Egypt and Syria, 1955-1971 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500642/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.
9
Doeser, Fredrik. « In search of security after the collapse of the Soviet Union : foreign policy change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-1993 / ». Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7484.
Texte intégral
10
Sowada, Karin N. « Egypt in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Old Kingdom : a re-appraisal of the archaeological evidence ». Phd thesis, School of Archaeology, Classics and Ancient History, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4127.
Texte intégral
11
Rezk, Dina. « Anglo-American political and intelligence assessments of Egypt and the Middle East from 1957-1977 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608033.
Texte intégral
12
El, Khouly El Sayed. « Egypt's relationship with the superpowers, 1970-1976 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66157.
Texte intégral
13
Westerlund, Joel. « Perspectives on Development and Diplomacy : A Case Study of Swedish Foreign Relations with Mozambique ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-182472.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis presents a case study of Sweden’s foreign relations with Mozambique. It has been conducted in a deductive way departing from Arturo Escobar’s post-development theory, and with qualitative textual and content analysis combined with a semi-structured interview as methods. The aim of the study has been to test post-development theory on a least likely case, i.e. a case least likely to prove the theory right. The question being posed is whether countries giving foreign aid are doing so with altruistic or egoistic motives, and the starting point for this case study is the supposition that Sweden might exhibit a degree of altruism in its foreign policy. Sweden has been chosen as an example of an odd man out-state in international perspective, in order to ascertain whether structuralist critiques of the Western establishment and its development practices hold true or not. The results of this study show a mixed picture, where certain criteria of Escobar’s theory are found even in this least likely case; however, they are not fulfilled to the maximum, and the study also shows deep flaws in Escobar’s theory. The thesis presents a scrutiny of the historical relations between Sweden and Mozambique and moves on to a reading of official documents from Swedish authorities. Escobar’s cynical view of the Western establishment as consisting exclusively of malicious plutocrats is challenged, acknowledged and questioned at the same time. The study teaches us that there are exceptions to the rule, and that it might be dangerous to be so categorical in one’s assessments.
14
Kassem, Madjdy. « The foreign policy of Anwar Sadat : continuity and change, 1970-1981 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:399e0973-167a-4747-937a-9cc3e83236f9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis aims to examine both continuity and change in Egyptian foreign policy between 1970 and 1981. The overarching question of this work is: Why and how did President Sadat affect changes in foreign policy? More specifically, the thesis examines the evolution of Egyptian foreign policy in three concentric circles: the Superpowers, the Arab world, and Israel. The broader aim of the thesis is to provide a detailed study of Egyptian foreign policy in this period, which witnessed a multitude of watershed events. The topic is important because Egypt is a leading state in the Arab world, a core actor in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a strategic ally of the superpowers during the Cold War. The thesis offers a detailed chronological account of Egyptian foreign policy during the 1970s. It advances a revisionist interpretation of the early Sadat years, arguing that there was much greater continuity with the foreign policy of Gamal Abdel-Nasser than is commonly believed. The account ends in 1981, with the assassination of Anwar Sadat and the succession of Hosni Mubarak. It is argued that Sadat not only managed to reverse Nasser’s radical path in foreign policy, but that he also succeeded in institutionalising his most significant policy changes: peace with Israel and the removal of Egypt from the Arab-Israeli conflict. The methodology of the thesis is principally empirical and qualitative in nature. The thesis is based on extensive archival research, recently declassified official documents, memoirs of policymakers in English and Arabic, and oral histories in the form of interviews and transcripts of discussions with former Egyptian policymakers.
15
Lindner, Jörg. « Den svenska Tysklands-hjälpen 1945-1954 ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Historiska studier, 1988. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65859.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Swedish postwar aid to Germany from 1945 to 1954 is described and analyzed, especially as an expression of Swedish attitudes developed over a long period of societal evolution. As early as 1943/44 both Swedish voluntary agencies and the Swedish government began to plan program of postwar aid to Germany. Older and more recent attitudes to Germany, the views of Germans living in exile in Sweden and the intentions of the Western allies toward a conquered Germany were central in determining the nature and scope of Swedish aid. Programs incorporated the values of traditional Christian charity, secularized philanthropy and applied methods developed for emergency aid abroad and for social assistance at home. The new concept of the welfare state, strong in Sweden at the time, led to aid also being aimed toward long-term socio-political goals. Children, young people, mothers, refugees, displaced persons and what was regarded as the German elite were the main recipients of various aid efforts. In the atmosphere of the Cold War, aid came to be increasingly directed to West Germany. Postwar aid, with Germany as the main non-Scandinavian recipient, was Sweden's first experience as a long-term aid donor. While the efforts of voluntary agencies were concentrated abroad, the Swedish welfare state developed rapidly at home, leaving no room for privately sponsored social work. Even after 1950/54, therefore, the work of Swedish voluntary agencies was directed at needs abroad, mainly to so-called undeveloped countries outside Europe. The premises underlying such aid and its contents were largely the same as for postwar aid to Germany.digitalisering@umu
16
Gafuik, Nicholas. « More than a peacemaker : Canada's Cold War policy and the Suez Crisis, 1948-1956 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83103.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper will rather seek to uncover and emphasize Cold War imperatives that served as significant guiding factors in shaping the Canadian response to the Suez Crisis. The success of Canadian diplomacy in the 1956 Suez Crisis was in the ability of Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B. Pearson and his Canadian colleagues to protect Western interests in the context of the Cold War. Suez threatened Anglo-American unity, and the future of the North Atlantic alliance. It also presented the Soviets an opportunity to gain influence in the Middle East. The United Nations Emergency Force ensured that Britain and France had a means to extricate themselves from the Crisis. Canada wished to further protect Western credibility in the eyes of the non-white Commonwealth and Afro-Asian bloc. It was, therefore, important to focus international attention on Soviet aggression in Hungary, and not Anglo-French intervention in Egypt.
17
Helleberg, Elina. « Framing the role of Russia : An analysis of selected news articles and interviews with Swedish and German journalists on the annexation of Crimea in 2014 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196375.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This M.A studied how Russia was represented in selected media in Sweden and Germany, focusing on the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The purpose was to study how and which factors that influenced the view of Russia in selected media. The study was accomplished through a qualitative framing analysis of 32 news articles in Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt and by interviewing six Swedish and German journalists, applying a thematic analysis. Theoretical perspectives from framing, agenda setting and foreign policy theory were drawn upon to view how it influenced the media reporting. The results show that the representation of Russia was negative and President Putin was seen as the most dominant actor in all four newspapers. The Swedish newspapers DN and SvD took a larger international approach compared to the two German newspapers and focused less on national actors, while German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt focused and set the agenda for German actors in the conflict. Results from the interviews showed a low influence of foreign policy in the media reporting, that the views of Russia in Sweden and Germany are influenced by each country’s historical, cultural, political and economic factors and respective relations between Sweden and Germany’s relations to Russia.
18
Pienoski, Christine Marie Pienoski. « Pyramids of Lake Erie : The Historical Evolution of the Cleveland Museum of Art's Egyptian Collection ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1461522282.
Texte intégral
19
Regnauld, Amélie. « La RDA en Egypte, 1969-1989 : la construction d'une politique étrangère : de la "solidarité anti-impérialiste" aux "avantages réciproques ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010689.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse s’inscrit dans le cadre du double renouvellement historiographique des études sur la politique étrangère des démocraties populaires et des recherches transnationales sur le bloc de l’Est. Elle montre comment la RDA construit en Égypte une politique extérieure souveraine, qui passe progressivement d’un impératif dominant, la « solidarité anti-impérialiste », à un autre, l’« avantage réciproque ». La thèse analyse le processus de déplacement des objectifs politico-idéologiques aux priorités économiques de la RDA, de la mise en place de ses relations diplomatiques avec le Caire, en juillet 1969, aux prémices de sa disparition, en 1989. Après un prologue qui présente les structures et les fondements de l’activité est-allemande en Égypte, la thèse s’organise autour de trois grands axes. Le premier reconstitue le cadre chronologique et politique de la relation bilatérale et met en lumière le passage progressif de l’euphorie révolutionnaire au pragmatisme économique. Le second montre que la coopération militaro-économique et culturelle devient le champ privilégié de l’autonomie est-allemande en Égypte : la prise en compte croissante des intérêts nationaux de Berlin-Est invite à nuancer le primat de l’idéologie dans la mise en œuvre de sa politique étrangère. Le dernier axe s’intéresse aux interlocuteurs de la RDA en Égypte. Si l’influence de l’idéologie décline à l’échelle étatique, cette dernière se redéploie aux échelons local et régional, Berlin-Est identifiant de nouveaux partenaires anti-impérialistes. Ce travail inclut l’examen des modes de réception, d’appropriation et d’instrumentalisation de la phraséologie socialiste en vigueur chez les acteurs égyptiensIn a context of historiographical reassessment both in the field of people’s democracies foreign policy studies and transnational research on the Eastern bloc, this thesis explores how the GDR built a two-phase sovereign foreign policy in Egypt, with an overarching motive gradually shifting from the concept of « anti-imperialistic solidarity » to that of « reciprocal advantage ». The present work analyses this shift in agenda from political ideological to economic priorities, beginning with the GDR’s establishment of diplomatic relationship with Cairo in 1969, and ending in 1989 with the early signs of its demise. After an introduction on the funding and structures of East-German activities in Egypt, the study proceeds along three major lines. The first aims at reconstructing the bilateral relationship along a timeline – from revolutionary euphoria to economic pragmatism. The second shows how military-economic-cultural cooperation proves to be a perfect terrain of autonomy in Egypt for the GDR : in this perspective, East-Berlin’s gradual taking into account of its own national interests forces to downplay ideological motives as a key to its foreign policy. The third and last part focuses on the GDR’s network of partners in Egypt. While ideology declines at state level, it gains momentum at regional level asEast Berlin spots new anti-imperialist supporters at local scale. Finally, this work analyses how the Egyptians receive, take possession and eventually advantage of, socialist phraseology
20
Turiano, Annalaura. « De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970) ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en ÉgypteIn 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt
21
Åkerlund, Andreas. « Mellan akademi och kulturpolitik : Lektorat i svenska språket vid tyska universitet 1906–1945 ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-133779.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to analyze the establishment and development of lectureships in the Swedish language in German universities during the first half of the 20th century. Building on earlier research about the role of language teaching abroad for public diplomacy, the study sees the lecturer as a part of both the the academic and political fields in Germany and Sweden. The establishment of and changes in the system of lectureships in Swedish 1906–1945 are explained through an analysis of the actors involved and of the assets allowing the actors to control both the establishment of lectureships and the appointment of lecturers in Germany. During the Weimar Republic a number of actors were involved in the establishment of the lectureships. They included academics with a scholarly interest in Scandinavian languages and old Norse,, the German state, which worked to promote the study of foreign countries and international academic mobility as a way of breaking German isolation after World War I, and the Swedish organization for the preservation of Swedishness abroad for which the teaching of Swedish abroad was a way of increasing the academic status of the language. After the National Socialist takeover in 1933 the NSDAP and the Swedish foreign ministry also took an interest in the Swedish lectureships in Germany for propaganda purposes. The dissertation shows how a system for the appointment of Swedish lecturers to Germany was established through interaction between the actors. Central in this process were the control over economic assets, a social network which made recommendations of lecturers possible, and the control over communication between both the lecturers and universites and between the German and Swedish states. The study also shows that the uneven distribution of assets between German and Swedish actors resulted in an inferior position for the German state and organizations in relationship to their Swedish counterparts.
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THOMASSON, Fredrik. « 'A Dangerous Man of the Enlightenment' : J.D. Åkerblad and Egiptology and Orientalism in times of revolutions ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12706.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 September 2009Examining Board: Prof. Antonella Romano, (EUI) – supervisor; Prof. Anthony Molho, (EUI); Prof. Maya Jasanoff, Harvard University; Prof. Eldem Edhem, Bogaziçi University.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
I. The first part: The making of a diplomat and orientalist treats Åkerblad’s education, his initial diplomatic career and travels in East. The aim has been to give a broad background of what influenced both his political and scholarly choices and interests. Åkerblad became an accomplished oriental linguist in Uppsala. In 1783 he was sent to Constantinople to finish his education as an interpreter in the Swedish foreign service. After a short time in Turkey he was fluent in Turkish, Arabic and Modern Greek. Already before leaving Sweden in 1783 he had the ambition to travel in the East. There was a tradition of Swedes travelling in the Ottoman empire, they were not many, but Åkerblad was certainly inspired by them. II. The second part: 1789-1801: Political and professional change focuses on the decade following the French Revolution. Passing Paris in the spring of 1789 Åkerblad met the leading scholars in his fields. He missed the events of July by a couple of months. Åkerblad was initially an enthusiastic observer of the change in France. The fall of the French monarchy had immediate effects in both Constantinople and Stockholm. Sweden entered a period of political instability until 1809 when Finland was lost to Russia and a new constitution curtailed royal power. III. The third part: Reading Egyptian; deciphering the Rosetta inscriptions gives a detailed account of Åkerblad’s Egyptian work. It also describes his final diplomatic appointments in The Hague and Paris. Here the mainly chronological exposé of the first two parts is abandoned. Åkerblad’s entire work with the Rosetta inscription 1802-1815, as well as his continued Coptic and Egyptian research is treated. To give sufficient weight to what may be considered Åkerblad’s most important scholarly work it is necessary to treat his Egyptian involvement in a single context. IV. Åkerblad was ordered back to Sweden in 1804 when the diplomatic relations with France were severed. He disobeyed and went to Italy instead. This fourth part chronicles Åkerblad’s years during Occupation and restoration in Italy, the most stationary period in his adult life. Åkerblad’s life and his scholarly interests are certainly not representative of his times. But it cannot be the task of a biography to try to capture only what is representative. This biography is instead an attempt to make a few aspects of the period visible, some of them hitherto ignored. To write about Åkerblad’s experiences today sheds light on a few tumultuous decades and highlights the view of a scholar from the European periphery.
23
King, Ralph. « Egypt's foreign policy in the decade after Camp David : an interpretation ». Phd thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112065.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an interpretation of Egypt’s foreign policy in the decade, loosely-defined,
after the signing of the Camp David accords in September 1978. It
examines the way in which Husni Mubarak managed the diplomatic legacy
bequeathed to him by Anwar Sadat.
The thesis pursues two, interrelated themes. First, it examines the content
of Egypt's most important diplomatic relationships during the 1980s, and the
linkages between them. Second, it considers Egypt's role in Arab politics and the
nexus between that role and Egypt's position in the wider international system.
Egypt's foreign policy during the 1980s was dominated by the United States,
the Arab world, and Israel, with the Palestinian question as a common
denominator. Equally important, even if less attention-getting, was the
management of the vital Egyptian-Sudanese relationship. The purpose of
Mubarak's diplomacy was, whilst adhering to the peace treaty with Israel, to
inject a degree of flexibility into Egyptian diplomacy. This could be achieved by
repairing those relationships which Sadat had damaged, and reducing the
salience of those which he had built up excessively; thus, for example, the
restoration of relations with the Soviet Union served symbolically to offset
Egypt’s unavoidable dependence on the United States.
The overall contention of the thesis is this: although Egypt's perceived
central role in inter-Arab politics is its principal source of international prestige,
that role is itself co-determined by the interests of outside powers.
Consequently, Egyptian policymakers must strive to preserve a balance between
the dictates of what may be called the 'Arab regional' and the 'Middle Eastern'
systems.
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Martin, Nathan. « Anglo-Swedish foreign relations during the reign of Elizabeth I ». 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1537005951&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=14215&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2008.Title from title screen (site viewed Oct. 31, 2008). PDF text:178 p. ; 1 Mb. UMI publication number: AAT 3307554. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in microfilm and microfiche formats.
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Wichhart, Stefanie Katharine 1975. « Intervention : Britain, Egypt, and Iraq during World War II ». 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/13272.
Texte intégral
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OSTERBERG, Oscar. « The promotion of a new state : a study of the Czechoslovak public diplomacy in Sweden, 1920-1938 ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5928.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 27 September 2004Examining board: Prof. Peter Becker (European University Institute) - supervisor ; Prof. Bo Stråth (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philip Taylor (University of Leeds) ; Prof. Kristian Gerner (University of Lund)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Wichhart, Stefanie Katharine. « Intervention : Britain, Egypt, and Iraq during World War II / ». Thesis, 2007. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2007/wichharts70798/wichharts70798.pdf#page=3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Texas at Austin, 2007.Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 420-428). Available electronically via the University of Texas at Austin's web site.
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Turiano, Anna-Laura. « De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970) ». Thesis, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en ÉgypteIn 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt