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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Sweden – Foreign relations – Egypt »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Sweden – Foreign relations – Egypt"

Bedi̇r, Ayşe. « EVREN KÜÇÜK, Türkiye-İsveç İlişkileri (1914-1938) / Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938), Publications of Turkish Historical Society, Ankara 2017. [Book Review] ». Belleten 82, n^o 294 (1 août 2018) : 759–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2018.759.

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The purpose of this book review is to fulfi ll the absence of comprehensive study on the Turkey-Sweden relations both Sweden and Turkey yet. Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938) is an original work, which is suitable for scientifi c criteria and prepared as a doctoral thesis, receives the details of the relations of both countries for the fi rst time in detail, and sheds light on the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the early Republican period of Turkey. Very rich sources are used in this work with a simple language and style. As it is seen that in preparation of the book the sources of the foreign archives and local archives such as Sveria Riksarkivet (Sweden State Archives), Sveria Krigsarkivet (Sweden Military Archives), Kungliga Bibliotek (Sweden Royal Library), Uppsala University, Carolina Rediviva Library, The National Archives (London), League of Nations Photo Archive, Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives, Red Crescent Archives, Presidency Archive, Foreign Ministry Archives, Istanbul Sea Museum Archive, Turkish Revolution History Institute Archives have been used. Additionally, the book uses domestic and foreign literature, newspapers and magazines.

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Brown, L. Carl, et Jon B. Alterman. « Egypt and American Foreign Assistance, 1952-1958 ». Foreign Affairs 82, n^o 2 (2003) : 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033553.

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Thomson, Jennifer. « What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy ? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas ». International Studies Perspectives 21, n^o 4 (24 janvier 2020) : 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.

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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.

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Elder, N. C. M. « Democracy and foreign policy : the case of Sweden ». International Affairs 63, n^o 4 (1987) : 685–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619712.

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Al-Weshah, Abdellateef. « American Foreign Policy Towards Egypt under Hosni Mubarak’s Regime ». Przegląd Strategiczny, n^o 9 (15 novembre 2016) : 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2016.1.5.

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Sari, Deasy Silvya. « Indonesian Foreign Policy Towards Egypt Post-Husni Mubarak Administration ». Jurnal ICMES 2, n^o 2 (26 décembre 2018) : 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.29.

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The article explains the change and continuity of Indonesian Foreign Policy toward Egypt post Husni Mubarak Administration. This issue is explored because after the administration of Husni Mubarak, Egypt experienced domestic political instability in the form of a government regime change in a short time, namely the election of Mursi as president through elections in 2011, the overthrow of Mursi, and the election of Al Sisi as new president in 2013 through elections. This article concludes that on facing some changes in Egypt post-Husni Mubarak, Indonesia did ‘the change and continuity’ in her foreign policy. The ‘change’ was done because of administration of Presiden Yudhoyono wanted to ensure the implementation of Indonesia's national interests, namely, the security of Indonesian citizens in Egypt, education programs, and the sustainability of Indonesia-Egypt trade relations. This change was motivated by bureaucratic advocacy and restructuring domestic agent on decision making of Indonesian government. The ‘continuity’ takes place in terms of Indonesia’s doctrine of foreign policy, namely ‘free and active policy’. 'Free policy’ was carried out impartially in the Egyptian conflict and ‘active policy’ was implemented by maintaining security, education, and trade cooperation with Egypt.

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Saleh, Alamira Samah. « Foreign Correspondents between the Hammer and the Anvil ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, n^o 3 (28 août 2020) : 98–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.3.98.

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For many decades, Egypt has been considered a distinctive society in which individuals from different nations with different backgrounds and ideologies can live. However, it seems that the Egyptian political, social, and media landscape has witnessed considerable shifts in the dimensions of such diversity. This study examines the contemporary Egyptian perspective on the presence of foreign correspondents and the radical change in Egypt’s regulations toward their work, and moreover, the repercussions of such policies that might be affecting the safety, level of freedom, and sometimes the whole identity of foreign correspondents in Egypt. Moreover, it examines the tactics with which the government seeks to accentuate the discourses of “Othering” in Egyptian public perceptions via whipping up hype in the media. Undoubtedly, the events experienced by Egypt between 25 January 2011 and the present have changed the idea the state and society have of foreigners, in general, and foreign correspondents, in particular. Some indicators confirmed that a state of “xenophobia” has been escalating over the past nine years. Foreign correspondents and journalists have been among the groups harmed by this sentiment, to the detriment of their working conditions. Results show that the transitional period that followed Hosni Mubarak’s toppling in 2011 until today has witnessed many transformations in the handling of foreign correspondents’ work in Egypt. There have been attacks on and expulsions of journalists from Al Arabiya, Al Jazeera, The Associated Press, the BBC, CBS, CNN, Danish television, and others.

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Elfakharani, Ashraf M. A., Rohana Abdul Rahman, Hamza E. Albaheth et Nor Anita Abdullah. « Bilateral Investment Treaties and the Increase in Egyptian Appearances before International Arbitration Tribunals ». African Journal of International and Comparative Law 29, n^o 1 (février 2021) : 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2021.0349.

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Bilateral investment treaties (BITs), as the name indicates, are meant to govern investment relations between two signatory states. In this context, Egypt holds a significant place among all respondent states, having to face a very high number of legal issues from foreign investors. These cases are pending before several international investment tribunals and Egypt is facing claims of over USD 20 billion annually from its foreign investors. In spite of such a grim situation, there are legal arbitrations that have increased the appearance of Egypt in international arbitration forums. There are several reasons for such a situation to arise, mainly because of the governmental measures towards foreign investors and interests. This article argues that in spite of the unspecified criteria shown towards foreign investors, the Bilateral Investment Treaty's items have played a vital role in increasing Egyptian appearances.

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Karvonen, Lauri, et Bengt Sundelius. « Interdependence and Foreign Policy Management in Sweden and Finland ». International Studies Quarterly 34, n^o 2 (juin 1990) : 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600709.

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Rydberg, Åsa. « Constitutional and Institutional Developments ». Leiden Journal of International Law 12, n^o 2 (juin 1999) : 451–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000217.

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On 10 February 1999, H.E. Ms. Anna Lindh, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden visited the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to sign an Agreement with the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. The Agreement with Sweden differs from the previously concluded agreements with Italy, Finland and Norway in that it is limited to convicted persons with strong ties to Sweden.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Sweden – Foreign relations – Egypt"

Stevens, Bron. « President Carter and the Egypt-Israeli rapprochement ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114551.

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On 17 September 1978 Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords} these provided -frameworks within which a comprehensive peace and an Egypt-Israel treaty could be negotiated. The Accords were heralded as a breakthrough in the search -for peace in the Middle East and a demonstration o-f the supreme power o-f the United States in the region. The crucial American role in negotiating these Accords was the culmination of a trend, exhibited as early as the Eisenhower administration, as the United States became the only power able to influence Israe1. Such inf1uence was best exerted directly by the President; the Camp David Accords were a direct consequence of the personal intervention of President Carter. Yet the Accords fell far short of the comprehensive peace the Carter administration originally sought and claimed to have achieved. Israel remains surrounded by hostile neighbours, involved in intermittent wars and in occupation of over one million unwilling Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza. The weaknesses of the Accords and the hostile reception they received among even 'moderate’ Arab regimes reflects the limitations on US power to influence Israel or the Arabs.

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Morsy, Ahmed. « Bandwagon for profit : Egyptian foreign policy toward Iran ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13077.

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What explains the lack of normalized relations between Egypt and Iran? Despite mutual potential benefits Egypt and Iran could have gained from normalized bilateral relations over the past several decades, a range of factors prevented them from doing so, including personality politics, domestic political and economic considerations, as well as regional and external alliances and competing visions of regional order. Accordingly, the trajectory of modern Egyptian policy toward Iran has been non-linear. Realist and constructivist schools of International Relations theory, on their own, cannot adequately explain how Egypt's foreign policy toward Iran varied from times of hostility, friendship, stagnation, and openness under Presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, and Muhammad Morsi. As such, neoclassical realism - with its emphasis on the interaction between geopolitical structural conditions and the roles of leadership and domestic politics in shaping a state's foreign policy - offers the best framework for analyzing Egypt's foreign policy behavior toward Iran.

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Rashdan, Abdelfattah A. (Abdelfattah Ali). « The Shift of the Egyptian Alliance from the Soviet Union to the United States, 1970-1981 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500417/.

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The purpose of this study is to examine internal and external factors affecting the Egyptian-Soviet alliance during the period under investigation. Chapter I provides background information on Egyptian-Soviet relations, and in Chapter II important developments in those relations are outlined. Chapter III examines the October War of 1973 and Soviet policy during the war. Chapter IV traces efforts to reach a settlement in the Middle East, highlighting the role of the United States in the negotiations. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that Egypt, like other small nations, has not surrendered its interests to the aims of either of the superpowers.

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Copp, John W. « Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970 ». PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.

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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.

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Amer, Rawya M. Tawfik. « State-society relations and regional role : comparing Egypt and South Africa ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00e6d89-06a1-40b5-b760-33965d32bcef.

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The study explains the regional roles of Egypt and South Africa in the last two decades by reference to the state’s relationship with society, a variable that has long been underplayed in international relations and foreign policy literature. It suggests that the different character of this relationship in each country has shaped the opportunities and constraints affecting the foreign policy choices of both the state and societal institutions in the two countries. The study adopts a cross-disciplinary approach using debates on state capacity and its relationship with regime type in comparative politics and political economy to understand and evaluate the two countries' foreign policies in their respective regions. After analysing the impact of state-society relationships on the regional role conceptions of the state and societal actors, the study compares the performance of these actors in two case studies; the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the case of Egypt and the Zimbabwean crisis in the case of South Africa. It concludes that although the role of each state in resolving its respective regional conflict has been less than effective, the post-apartheid democratic dispensation has provided opportunities for South African social forces to play roles that complemented, checked and balanced the role of the state, compared to their Egyptian counterparts. On the other hand, the soft authoritarian Egyptian state used its role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to maintain the international alliances that helped to sustain its domestic control. This constrained the state's foreign policy options. It made marketing peace as 'a strategic choice' and containing resistance movements the priorities of Egypt's intervention in the Palestinian issue. The co-optation of the Egyptian business community and the exclusion of Islamist forces by the state weakened their roles in conflict resolution, depriving the state of tools of effectiveness. In the case of South Africa, racial politics, the ANC's liberation movement psyche, and the domination of the presidency over foreign policy making have hindered the promotion of NEPAD's principles of democracy and respect for human rights in the case of Zimbabwe. However, South African civil society played a crucial role in supporting its Zimbabwean counterpart, holding the South African state accountable to its foreign policy principles and its democratic institutions, and intervening where the state's role was missing or insufficient.

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Snider, Erin. « Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.

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Taher, Nadia Adel. « Foreign aid and power relations : the government of Egypt, USAID and housing in Helwan ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1462/.

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Foreign aid, power and housing are the three key issues covered in this thesis. The focus of the thesis is on aid and the relationships that it triggers, and the role that power plays in shaping these relationships. This will be examined in the context of housing. The thesis explores the way in which power impacts on inter and intra donor- recipient relations. While the economic relation in aid has been often the preoccupation of those engaged in this debate, the political relationship has been often overlooked. This research shows that an appreciation of the role that politics in general, and power in particular plays in aid, is necessary for an understanding of the aid process. In order to form a complete picture of this process, both the planned intervention (policy-planning-implementation) and the community side, were covered by the research. This included the examination of the interactions between and amongst different collective actors as well as the impact of such interactions. The research thus examines the particular relationship between the government of Egypt (GOE) and the United State Agency for International Development (USAID), which has gone through numerous changes over the last two decades, highlighting the way in which it had been predominantly a political relationship. A housing project, co-funded by the GOE and USAID, targeting factory workers in Helwan, an industrial suburb of Cairo, was studied. The uniqueness of this case is that it was an attempt by USAID to change GOE housing policy. On the one hand, the analysis looks into the inter-and intra relationship between the different actors involved in the project. On the other hand, these various and complex relationships are examined in terms of their impact on two communities who were involved in the project.

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Aka, Philip Chukwuma. « Soviet Cultural Diplomacy in the Middle East : a Case Study of USSR'S Cultural Relations with Egypt and Syria, 1955-1971 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500642/.

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This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.

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Doeser, Fredrik. « In search of security after the collapse of the Soviet Union : foreign policy change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-1993 / ». Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7484.

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Sowada, Karin N. « Egypt in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Old Kingdom : a re-appraisal of the archaeological evidence ». Phd thesis, School of Archaeology, Classics and Ancient History, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4127.

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Livres sur le sujet "Sweden – Foreign relations – Egypt"

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-U.S. relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2003.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-U.S. relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2003.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-U.S. relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2002.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-U.S. relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2002.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-U.S. relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2001.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-U.S. relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2001.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-U.S. relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2003.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-United States relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2003.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service., dir. Egypt-United States relations. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2004.

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Kotschwar, Barbara. Reengaging Egypt : Options for US-Egypt economic relations. Washington, DC : Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2010.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Sweden – Foreign relations – Egypt"

Bekaj, Armend. « Kosovo and Sweden ». Dans Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations, 211–25. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371588-11.

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« FOREIGN RELATIONS ». Dans Early Dynastic Egypt, 148–75. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203024386-17.

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Stansfield, Gareth. « 21. Israeli–Egyptian (in)security ». Dans Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708902.003.0021.

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This chapter examines the Yom Kippur War of 1973 from a foreign policy perspective. It first provides a background on the Arab–Israeli Conflict that began in 1948 with the War of Independence, followed by the Suez Conflict in 1956 and the Six-Day War in 1967, and culminated in the Yom Kippur War. It then considers the Egyptian build-up to war in 1973 and why Egypt attacked Israel, as well as the peace process that eventually settled the conflict between the two countries via the Camp David Accords. It also analyses the relative normalization of the Egyptian–Israeli relations and the effective breaking of Egypt’s alliance with other Arab states opposed to the existence of Israel. It concludes with an assessment of the aftermath of the Yom Kippur War and the rapprochement between Egypt and Israel.

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« Contemporary Muslim-Christian Relations in Egypt : Local Dynamics and Foreign Influences ». Dans Religious Minorities in the Middle East, 71–96. BRILL, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004216846_005.

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Hinnebusch, Raymond, et Anoushiravan Ehteshami. « 11. Foreign Policymaking in the Middle East : Complex Realism ». Dans International Relations of the Middle East, 249–70. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198809425.003.0011.

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This chapter studies foreign policymaking by regional states in the Middle East based on a ‘complex realist’ approach. This acknowledges the weight of realist arguments but highlights other factors such as the level of dependency on the United States, processes of democratization, and the role of leadership in informing states' foreign policy choices. To illustrate this approach, the chapter examines decision-making by four leading states — Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Egypt — in relation to the key events and crises of the last decade: the 2003 Iraq War; the 2006 Hezbollah War; and the post-2014 War with the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (IS). The cases indicate that, as realists expect, states' foreign policies chiefly respond to threats and opportunities, as determined by their relative power positions.

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Hinnebusch, Raymond, et Anoushiravan Ehteshami. « 11. Foreign Policymaking in the Middle East : Complex Realism ». Dans International Relations of the Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708742.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the process of foreign policymaking by regional states based on a ‘complex realist’ approach, which acknowledges the weight of realist (or power based) arguments but takes into account other factors such as the role of leadership in informing states’ foreign policy choices. The chapter first provides an overview of complex realism and the framework of analysis by considering the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) environment. It then illustrates the complex realist approach with an an assessment of decision-making by four leading states — Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Egypt — in relation to the key events and crises of the last decade: the 2003 Iraq War, the 2006 Lebanon War, and the post-2014 war with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The chapter concludes with a discussion of the relative weight of the various policymaking determinants in the 2000s.

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Piazza, Bárbara Azaola. « The foreign policy of post-Mubarak Egypt and the strengthening of relations with Saudi Arabia : balancing between economic vulnerability and regional and regime security ». Dans Foreign Policy in North Africa, 46–70. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003022312-3.

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Young, John W., et John Kent. « 26. Conflict and Chaos in the Middle East ». Dans International Relations Since 1945, 643–69. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0026.

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This chapter examines the unrest across the Middle East in the 2010s. The first section focuses on the civil war in Syria and the role of so-called Islamic State., examining the causes of the Syrian uprising and the development of protests against President Assad into civil war. It describes the growth of Jihadism, formation of Ahrar al-Sham, and emergence of ISIS, and the subsequent declaration of a Caliphate. The escalation and destructive impact of the conflict is examined in the context of increasing international intervention and the involvement of foreign powers in both exacerbation of the conflict and efforts to restore peace. The second section describes the growing regional importance of Iran alongside the 2015 nuclear deal and tensions with Saudi Arabia. The chapter concludes with the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt, conflict in Yemen, and the downfall of Gaddafi in Libya.

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Mandaville, Peter. « 8. Islam and International Relations in the Middle East : From Umma to Nation State ». Dans International Relations of the Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708742.003.0009.

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This chapter examines the issue of identity in the Middle East from an Islamic perspective. It shows how Islam, in a variety of forms, has interacted with the domestic, regional, and international politics of the region. The chapter first provides an overview of the history and concepts of Islam and international relations in the Middle East before discussing the relationship between pan-Islam, colonialism, and the establishment of modern nation states in the Middle East, using Egypt and Saudi Arabia as case studies. It then explores the political economy of Islamic revival as well as the role of Islam in Cold War geopolitics and in foreign policymaking. It also considers how globalization has acted as a facilitator of transnational Islam and concludes by assessing how the Arab Spring has created new opportunities and challenges for the Islamic movement, along with their implications for Arab states’ foreign policies.

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Grandet, Pierre. « Egypt’s New Kingdom in Contact with the World ». Dans The Oxford History of the Ancient Near East : Volume III, 367–454. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190687601.003.0028.

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The foreign relations of the New Kingdom of Egypt can be described as a combination of continuity and change. On one hand, the physical geography of its environment and the basic underpinnings of the relationship with its neighbors, whoever they were, remained constant, whatever political events affected Egypt. On the other hand, a change in attitude can be discerned from the rich textual and pictorial records documenting wars against newly emerging powers in the north and the east and an unprecedented effort to subjugate Nubia in the south. This chapter offers a review of the evidence and theories regarding New Kingdom Egypt’s contacts with its neighbors (Nubia, Libya, the Mediterranean, Canaan, and Syria), as well as the pharaohs’ foreign policy toward Hatti and Mittani.

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