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1
Grishin, I. « Sweden after Swedish Model ». World Economy and International Relations, no 6 (2014) : 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-6-53-64.
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Since the turn of the 1980–90s the Swedish society has undergone fundamental changes. It has altered the vector of the socioeconomic development. The social democrats have lost their position as the dominant party. They changed the course of the governmental policy from social-state to liberal one that was taken over and strengthened by the government of center-right parties after their victory in the 2006 and 2010 general elections. The social democrats have found themselves in the unprecedented since 1917 long opposition. All of this means that, despite keeping predominance of the institutional-redistributive principle of social policy, the former model of societal development has in essence consigned to history.
2
Eriksson, Martin. « Beyond economic policy : The post-war expansion of ice-breaking in Sweden from a small state perspective ». International Journal of Maritime History 31, no 4 (novembre 2019) : 842–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419873998.
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This article examines the expansion of post-war Swedish ice-breaking and winter navigation from a small state perspective previously put forth in research on the corresponding historical developments in Finland. The results confirm the notion that the post-war expansion of winter navigation was related to the contemporary transformation within the forestry industries. Both State maritime actors and interest groups from the forestry industries framed ice-breaking as a decisive instrument to promote the exports of pulp and paper. This coincided with the introduction of cost-efficiency measures within transport policy, which allowed the State ice-breaker service to expand at the expense of the railways.
3
Eriksson, Martin. « Embedding Big Business. The Political Economy of the 1938 Corporate Tax Reform in Sweden ». Enterprise & ; Society 15, no 2 (12 février 2014) : 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khu003.
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This article examines the business–government relations during the policy and decision-making processes that preceded the 1938 corporate tax reform in Sweden. This reform involved creating a new tax system under the turbulent economic conditions of the interwar period. But while literature on tax history has found that such circumstances often disable actors from agreeing on tax policies, a constructive outcome was still reached in the Swedish case. In this regard, it is demonstrated that one crucial factor behind the creation of the 1938 corporate tax reform was the formation of a coalition between the Social Democratic party and the business peak associations around a number of areas where their taxation interests coincided. Here, the Social Democrats agreed to shelter profits from corporations as long as they were managed according to the intentions of their countercyclical economic policy that encouraged industrial investments and employment expansion.
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Eriksson, Martin. « Compensating for the war. Railway nationalisation and transport policy change in Sweden, 1939–47 ». Journal of Transport History 38, no 2 (5 juillet 2017) : 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526617717430.
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This paper deals with the negotiations and the decision-making process related to the nationalisation of the GDG rail network in Sweden during the period 1939–47. It highlights some of the distinct features of the railway nationalisation process in Sweden. It is noted that the nationalisation of GDG was exposed to factors and contexts that had not been anticipated when Parliament made the policy decision to nationalise the non-State railways in 1939. During World War II, the financial situation of GDG had benefited from new transport conditions which limited road–rail competition. Furthermore, the Social Democrats began to implement a more active transport policy as part of their post-war economic policy. This led to an outcome in 1947 where the GDG shareholders were compensated more generously than they would have been in 1939.
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Voronov, K. « Erosion of “Swedish Model” and Devaluation of the Non-Alignment Policy ». World Economy and International Relations 59, no 12 (2015) : 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-48-57.
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The erosion of the socio-economic “Swedish model” and the reduction of non-alignment in the national foreign policy have been and is taking place in history and politics simultaneously, exerting a fatal mutual interaction. The derived deviations are leading to a radical alteration of Sweden’s image, of its previous national and international specificity. The degradation of the “Swedish model” has been taking place as a result of activity of intrinsic forces and factors closely connected with structural social problems, matters of national economy efficiency and adaptation to world economy requirements, to processes of globalization. The general destructive transformation, a big number of qualitative doctrinal and institutional changes taking place since 1990s till now in the framework of the “Swedish model” is also linked with the condition of internal strife and alignment of political party forces in the country, aiming at finding an adequate answer to new challenges of the 21st century. The events of Ukrainian crisis (particularly concerning Crimea and Donetsk Basin) apparently influenced Sweden, politically resounding with a known painful historical “Poltava syndrome”. Although the incorporation of Sweden (as well as that of other small Nordic states) in European regional and Nordic sub-regional integration processes reflects the principal objective economic trend to internationalization of the world economy, the forms, rates and prospects of political integration into the EU sometimes generate objections, resistance and even disapproval of state institutions by a part of society in connection with external as well as internal socioeconomic reasons (particularly in terms of the “Swedish model” acute agenda). The loss of the famous features of Sweden’s international policy, especially after its accession to the European Community/European Union, as well as its leveling led to the loss of the original political role of the country in the Northern sub-region and in Europe at large. Immanent undermining, washing out of fundamental guarantees in the Swedish policy of neutrality pushes Stockholm forward to shameless convergence with Euro-Atlantic partners and their alliances – the EU and NATO. To all appearances, a complicated search is going on in the country – the search of a new socioeconomic model, of the foreign policy and the national security policy modification.
6
SCHOLZ, MICHAEL F. « East Germany's North European Policy prior to International Recognition of the German Democratic Republic ». Contemporary European History 15, no 4 (6 octobre 2006) : 553–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003547.
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The main aim of the GDR's foreign policy was to promote the survival and stabilisation of the SED dictatorship, and the so-called ‘worldwide revolution’, by seeking external recognition. After it was granted full sovereignty in 1954–5 the East German state carefully cultivated relations with Western countries. The Scandinavian countries received special attention on the basis of common history, natural economic and transport links, a close relationship with their respective communist parties and East German conformity to Soviet policy in the Baltic region. Up to the 1970s the GDR's main aim was to end its own international isolation. Despite a few spectacular successes, not even Sweden was won over and the final breakthrough did not come until the government of the FRG embarked on its new and successful Ostpolitik. In 1972–3 the Scandinavian countries were among the first officially to recognise the GDR.
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Ekberg, Kristoffer, et Victor Pressfeldt. « A Road to Denial : Climate Change and Neoliberal Thought in Sweden, 1988–2000 ». Contemporary European History 31, no 4 (novembre 2022) : 627–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077732200025x.
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Neoliberal and conservative actors, financed by the fossil fuel industry, have been identified as crucial parts of a climate change denialist counter movement since at least the 1980s. We claim that this intersection stems from more than just vested interest fuelling advocacy groups. By focusing on the intellectual developments and social networks of core actors in the environmental debate in Sweden, we trace the history of opposition to environmental regulation in a country proclaiming to be an environmental pioneer. Our analysis shows that while the framing of climate change in terms of complexity initially provided actors with arguments for neoliberal policies, the obstruction of climate and environmental action was steeped in a neoliberal thought style. Our findings demonstrate the importance of scrutinising economic paradigms and thought styles that has enabled the delay of climate policy as well as the continued need for historical and geographically specific studies of obstruction.
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Gylfason, Thorvaldur. « AN INTERVIEW WITH ASSAR LINDBECK ». Macroeconomic Dynamics 10, no 1 (14 décembre 2005) : 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1365100506050024.
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Sweden has a long and distinguished tradition in economics, beginning with Knut Wicksell and continuing with Gustav Cassel, Eli Heckscher, Erik Lindahl, Gunnar Myrdal, Bertil Ohlin, and Erik Lundberg, all of whom are now gone. Yet, for several of these men, economics was not enough: Wicksell spoke out on moral issues and served time in jail, and Myrdal was for many years a high official at the United Nations and, briefly, a cabinet minister, as was Ohlin, who made his mark at home primarily as leader of the opposition in a country governed mostly by Social Democrats, serving in parliament for 32 years. For Assar Lindbeck, however, economics has been broad enough: he has devoted a long and distinguished career to economics, and to economics alone, with unfailing enthusiasm and energy over half a century. Not that he was not wanted elsewhere: over the years, he has declined challenging job offers from an international organization and a Swedish daily newspaper, to name but two examples, as well as from universities outside Sweden. Assar has managed to harness his varied and wide-ranging talents within the many mansions of economics. He is one of the most versatile economists of his generation. Indeed, he is one of the few who, for clarity, need to divide their bibliography into categories by subject: Macroeconomics and monetary economics, Public economics, Labor economics, International economics, Economic systems and economic structures, Methodology and history of economic thought, and Swedish economy. His work on these different subjects has ranged from pure theory to applied policy-oriented and empirical studies. In addition to the numerous scientific publications listed at the end of this interview, his bibliography includes nearly 200 articles for magazines and newspapers. His ivory tower has always been equipped with a high-speed elevator. But, as he points out in the conversation to follow, all his research work, as well as his journalism, is driven by an overarching interest in bettering economic policy and organization—in other words, boosting economic and social efficiency for the purpose of lifting ordinary people's standard of life. This has been, and remains, a guiding principle—a Leitmotiv, if you prefer—from which he has never swerved. Assar Lindbeck is a towering figure in Swedish economics and in Swedish national life.
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Lemola, Tarmo. « Country report ». Science & ; Technology Studies 16, no 1 (1 janvier 2003) : 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.55159.
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The paper discusses the transformation of Finnish science and technology policy from the mid-1960s until today. The basic argument of the paper is that, if there is a “Finnish model” of science and technology policy, it was not created in the years of rapid growth in the Finnish economy after the deep economic and societal depression of the early 1990s. The Finnish transformation process in a policy for science and technology is characterized by a gradual change of more than three decades through incremental improvements in policy doctrines, institutions, organizations and instruments. After a short period of diversity at the turn of the 1970s, the pervasive trend has been an increase in technology and innovation orientation of science and technology policy. The policy has been based on national specificities, but more on active adoption of policy doctrines and institutional and organizational models from the countries, like Sweden, which from the Finnish perspectives have been considered successful and legitimate.
10
Willis, Michael S. « THE HEALTH ECONOMICS OF CALCIUM AND VITAMIN D3 FOR THE PREVENTION OF OSTEOPOROTIC HIP FRACTURES IN SWEDEN ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 18, no 4 (décembre 2002) : 791–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462302000600.
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Objective: The objective of this study was to examine the economics of administering calcium and vitamin D3 to post-menopausal women in Sweden. We focus primarily on the cost-effectiveness of treating older women for whom clear evidence of efficacy is available. We supplement this information, however, with estimates of the cost-effectiveness of treating certain high-risk groups of younger women, while acknowledging the greater uncertainty involved.Methods: We developed a Markov model for analyzing the occurrence and timing of hip fractures, based almost entirely on peer-reviewed data from Sweden. In a 3-year randomized clinical trial, the combination of calcium and vitamin D3 was shown to reduce the risk of hip fractures by 27%. Costs for treating hip fractures were based on 1,080 women who were hospitalized in Stockholm.Results: Treatment of 70-year-old women was cost saving at efficacy as low as two-thirds that seen in the clinical trials, and upwards. Even at modest rates of efficacy, treatment of the high-risk 50- and 60-year-old cohorts was generally cost-effective and in some cases even cost saving. Particularly cost-effective was treatment of women with identified osteoporosis or a maternal family history of hip fracture.Conclusion: Simulation results suggest a role for lifetime treatment of older women with calcium and vitamin D3 in Sweden. While there is more uncertainty underlying the treatment of younger women, our simulation results suggest that treatment may also be cost saving or at least cost-effective for many cohorts of high-risk 50- and particularly 60-year-old women, in particular those with osteoporosis or a maternal family history of hip fracture.
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Noiriel, Gérard. « “Civil Rights” Policy in the United States and the Policy of “Integration” in Europe : Divergent Approaches to a Similar Issue ». Journal of Policy History 6, no 1 (janvier 1994) : 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003651.
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Comparing European and North American policies with respect to “civil rights” is a difficult exercise for two reasons. First, it is important to emphasize that Europe and the United States are not political entities of a same nature. Granted, the fact that the nations that today comprise Europe are heirs of common history explains in part the similarities in their political behavior and distinguishes them as a group from the “New World.” Yet in the American case, despite the country's federalist structure and the existence of fifty states within the Union, we are dealing with a single nation, endowed with a central government capable of generating policies that are valid throughout the territory. Such is not the case with Europe. As is well known, the European continent is divided into two sharply contrasted spheres. On the one hand, there is the East, thrown into confusion by the devastation of communism and mired in a profound economic crisis. On the other hand, there is the West, comprised of nations that share a level of economic prosperity comparable to that of the United States but which do not form a single political entity. At present, the European Economic Community includes only twelve European states; the remaining countries, such as Switzerland, Sweden, and Austria, have yet to become members. In this essay, the question of “civil rights” will be examined specifically in light of those countries that already belong to the EEC.
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Hedemark, Åse. « Constructing the literate child : an analysis of Swedish literature policy ». Library and Information History 36, no 2 (août 2020) : 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/lih.2020.0018.
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This article examines Swedish literature policies since the 1970s and the construction of the literate child as expressed in policy texts. Literacy has in the past few decades, in Sweden as well as in other countries, been linked to economic growth and citizenship. In these political processes, some reading practices are considered beneficial and others less beneficial or even harmful. Using Carol Bacchi's policy analysis, this study reveals an increased interest in children's reading practices. There has been a movement in the argumentation from identifying the lack of access to high-quality literature to emphasising lack of reading ability as the main problem. Also noticeable is that the responsibility of educating children about the virtues of reading is placed on parents in the later policy texts, whereas institutions such as school and libraries are defined as the sole reading educators in earlier policies. The results presented in this study shed light on the changing conditions for library work.
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Enflo, Kerstin, et Joan Ramón Rosés. « Coping with regional inequality in Sweden : structural change, migrations, and policy, 1860-2000 ». Economic History Review 68, no 1 (16 juin 2014) : 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.12049.
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Carlson, Benny. « Wagner's Swedish Students : Precursors of the Middle Way ? » Journal of the History of Economic Thought 25, no 4 (décembre 2003) : 437–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1042771032000147506.
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During the period 1871–1918, Sweden was under the in.uence, in many respects, of intellectual currents emanating from the German Empire. On the plane of economic policy many Swedish social scientists and public debaters were in.uenced by German Kathedersozialismus and state socialism. In Sweden, as in other countries, this heritage has long been tucked out of view in historical writings, perhaps because there was not much to boast about after the defeat of the “German model” in the First World War.1 Interest has begun to awaken in recent years, however. Leading economists such as Gustav von Schmoller and Adolph Wagner have attracted attention (see e.g., Backhaus 1997) and their in.uence in the United States has been examined (Carlson 1999, Rodgers 1998, and Senn 1997). In Sweden, too, interest in German Kathedersozialismus and state socialism is rising with respect to its in.uence on social scientists (Wisselgren 2000) and (social democratic) politicians (Karlsson 2001).
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stewart, john. « Public health and municipal policy making : Britain and Sweden, 1900–1940 – By Marjaana Niemi ». Economic History Review 61, no 2 (mai 2008) : 508–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.2008.00432_11.x.
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Deng, Haoran, Tzuhan Lin, Zihao Ma et Yixi Wang. « The impact of European Monetary Union on different countries within the EU ». Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 2 (6 novembre 2022) : 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v2i.2371.
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The decision on the establishment of economic and Monetary Union will be regarded as a major event in the economic history of Europe. A stable European monetary structure will affect the future not only of the Member States of the Community, but also of the whole world. It is likely to serve as a guidepost for the economic policies of future members of the European Community, such as Austria, Sweden and Finland, as well as the emerging market economies of Central and Eastern Europe. These countries are looking forward to closer links with the European Community. Monetary union would also provide a currency for the European Community. The creation of economic and monetary union is a complex undertaking from both a technical and a political point of view. It requires a high degree of consistency between economic policy and performance. At the same time, it would greatly reduce the economic autonomy of participating countries. The traditional differences in the economic and monetary policies of the member states of the European Community also have different effects. Therefore, this paper mainly studies the influence of EMU on different EU countries by studying the EU's political ideology, historical and economic development, economic main body structure and cultures of different EU countries.
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Siouta, Eleni, et Ulf Olsson. « Patient Centeredness from a Perspective of History of the Present : A Genealogical Analysis ». Global Qualitative Nursing Research 7 (janvier 2020) : 233339362095024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2333393620950241.
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The overall aim of this study, performed in Sweden, was to problematize the contemporary national and transnational discourse on patient centeredness, which during recent decades has become a given, having become established as a dogma in conversations, writing, and thinking about patients and health care. We did that by showing that ideas such as patient centeredness can be seen differently from the way they are depicted in contemporary discourses about health care. In the presented analysis, we drew on Foucault’s concepts of governmentality, ‘history of the present’ and genealogy. This means that we reflected on contemporary conceptions of how phenomena, such as the care seeker, have been constructed within other discourses about health care. Empirically, we used different health policy documents—government reports from three different historical periods. The analysis showed that contemporary narratives about centeredness are neither more, nor less, care seeker-centered than the narratives of yesteryear. Rather, the phenomenon of the care seeker is given different frames and meanings within the framework of different economic and historical discourses about health care. Our analysis raised questions about the contemporary construction of patient centeredness. In a world with such huge economic differences between nations, as well as between citizens within most nations, the contemporary discourse may be limited as it does not problematize structural issues in the same way as previous discourses had done. Perhaps what is needed today are national and international patient-centered or person-centered discourses which also discuss policies and practices that are population- and social group-centered. In the final discussion of the analysis, we identified a new patient-centered discourse, which views the patient as a resource among other resources. The most important limitation of this type of study is that it is only about discourses and policy issues and not about daily practical activities.
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Rom-Jensen, Byron Z. « Yellow-Blue Collars : American Labor and the Pursuit of Swedish Policy, 1961-1963 ». American Studies in Scandinavia 50, no 2 (30 octobre 2018) : 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v50i2.5777.
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This article studies the Kennedy administration’s labor market policies as a case of lesson drawing during a transnational moment in the early 1960s. With the election of Kennedy, leaders in the labor movement rose to positions of policymaking influence, in the process reimagining the United States’ political and economic landscape. This spirit of reform led to the embrace of Sweden’s solidarity wage policy and Rehn-Meidner model as lessons on how to balance full employment, economic growth, and a powerful labor movement. However, Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg and Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers found implementing Swedish policies to be more difficult than they expected, even with the support of a sitting president. Their experiences demonstrate the possibility for policy diffusion from small states to the United States over a short period, as well as its risks and limitations.
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Talalaeva, Ekaterina Yu, et Tatiana S. Pronina. « SWEDISH ISLAMISM AS A SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ASPECT IN THE FORMATION OF AN ETHNO-CONFESSIONAL PARALLEL SOCIETY ». Baltic Region 13, no 4 (2021) : 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2021-4-7.
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An ethno-confessional parallel society, a new actor in the European geopolitical space, is transforming the social and political fabric of Sweden. An institutionalised Muslim parallel society is emerging in vulnerable areas, such as marginalised immigrant districts of Swedish cities, through the efforts of Islamist political, social, and economic structures adhering to the religious and political doctrine of the Muslim Brotherhood. Committed to maintaining the Muslim identity, these organisations seek gradual Islamisation of the Swedish population through ideological influence on immigrants with a Muslim background. These efforts thwart cultural assimilation attempts and hinder the implementation of Swedish integration policy. The lack of research into the peaceful Islamisation of Swedish society and the related problems of Islamophobia, anti-Muslim racism, and radicalisation of Muslim youth lends urgency to investigating the influence of Islamist organisations on the Swedish Muslim immigrant community. This study analyses the literature, sources, and statistics on the essential aspects of Swedish Islamisation to provide a holistic picture of the formation of an ethnic-confessional parallel society in Sweden. The findings help evaluate the effectiveness of the national policy on confronting parallel societies, as well as of measures to promote democratic values as the foundation of a united Swedish society.
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De Luca, Giovanni, et Federica Pizzolante. « Detecting Leaders Country from Road Transport Emission Time-Series ». Environments 8, no 3 (27 février 2021) : 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/environments8030018.
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Nowadays, climate change and global warming have become the main concerns worldwide. One of the main causes are the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions produced by human activities, especially by the transportation sector. The adherence to international agreements and the implementation of climate change policy are necessary conditions for reducing environmental problems. This paper investigates the lead–lag relationship between Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and Annex I member countries on road transport emission performance focusing on the statistical analysis of the lead–lag relationships between the road transport emission time-series from 1970–2018 extracted by the Emissions Database for Global Atmospheric Research (EDGAR) database. The analysis was carried out using the cross-correlation function between each pair of the countries’ time-series considered. Empirical results confirm that some nations have been playing a role as leaders, while others as followers. Sweden can be considered the leader, followed by Germany and France. By analyzing their environmental policy history, we can figure out a common point that explains our results.
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Skoglund, Peter, et Eva Svensson. « Discourses of Nature Conservation and Heritage Management in the Past, Present and Future : Discussing Heritage and Sustainable Development from Swedish Experiences ». European Journal of Archaeology 13, no 3 (2010) : 368–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461957110386703.
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The relationship between heritage management and nature conservation in Sweden has changed over time, from an earlier division between the two sectors – with nature conservation attached to the growing movement of environmental politics – towards more integrated ways of working under the umbrella of sustainable development. As forests have been associated with nature, the earlier divide has been more evident with forested areas than agricultural areas, a view that has contributed to the marginalization of such landscapes and their inhabitants. With the more integrated policy, heritage management is drawn into the societal discourse of ecological modernization, where environmental and sustainability issues have become new business ideas and sources of further economic growth. From an ecological modernization perspective, nature and cultural heritage are today (touristic) commodities, enforcing the power of the urban world over the rural world and thus risk contributing to further marginalization of the inhabitants. However, heritage sites appear to function as boundary objects in local communities, and may thus function as meeting places and sources of enhancement of community pride. Therefore, we argue for community participation and public communication within the heritage sector, especially concerning marginalized, forested landscapes in order to contribute to an increased knowledge and understanding of the local heritage and history, thus opening the way for creative local processes.
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Türegün, Adnan. « Revisiting Sweden’s response to the Great Depression of the 1930s : economic policy in a regional context ». Scandinavian Economic History Review 65, no 2 (16 février 2017) : 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.2017.1286258.
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Papanikos, Gregory T. « Cultural Differences in Children’s Recommended Punishment of Moral Transgressions ». Athens Journal of Social Sciences 9, no 4 (30 septembre 2022) : 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajss.9-4-1.
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Migration flows are as old as human history itself. In Greece, the first movements of people are recorded in the 13th century BCE and not stopped ever since. Inflows and outflows of people are a permanent future of Greek history. However, a distinction should be made between three types of flows. Firstly, people are forced to leave their country because of national agreements of resettlements. A world example of such resettlement was the exchange of population between Greece and Turkey in the first part of the 20th century. Secondly, people flee an area to save their lives because of war and prosecutions, including genocides. An example of such migration was the outflow of Greeks from Asia Minor because of the war between Turkey and Greece. Thirdly, people migrate for social reasons which may include economic, political and educational purposes. This was definitely the case of the post-Second World War period in Greece when many Greeks moved outside of Greece to find better jobs abroad (e.g., Germany); study abroad (e.g., U.K.); and to live in a democratic country (e.g., Canada, Sweden, etc.), because in Greece a dictatorship (1967-1974) had abolished democracy. Greece has also been on the receiving end of many migrants from all over the world for the same reasons. The latest example is the flow of Ukrainians who are coming to Greece due to the Russian-Belarus invasion of their country. These migration flows are examined in this paper. Keywords: migrants, refugees, migration policy, Greece, Ukraine
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Canarella, Giorgio, et Stephen M. Miller. « Inflation persistence and structural breaks ». Journal of Economic Studies 43, no 6 (14 novembre 2016) : 980–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-10-2015-0190.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to report on a sequential three-stage analysis of inflation persistence using monthly data from 11 inflation targeting (IT) countries and, for comparison, the USA, a non-IT country with a history of credible monetary policy. Design/methodology/approach First, the authors estimate inflation persistence in a rolling-window fractional-integration setting using the semiparametric estimator suggested by Phillips (2007). Second, the authors use tests for unknown structural breaks as a means to identify effects of the regime switch and the global financial crisis on inflation persistence. The authors use the sequences of estimated persistence measures from the first stage as dependent variables in the Bai and Perron (2003) structural break tests. Finally, the authors reapply the Phillips (2007) estimator to the subsamples defined by the breaks. Findings Four countries (Canada, Iceland, Mexico, and South Korea) experience a structural break in inflation persistence that coincide with the implementation of the IT regime, and three IT countries (Sweden, Switzerland, and the UK), as well as the USA experience a structural break in inflation persistence that coincides with the global financial crisis. Research limitations/implications The authors find that in most cases the estimates of inflation persistence switch from mean-reversion nonstationarity to mean-reversion stationarity. Practical implications Monetary policy implications differ between pre- and post-global financial crisis. Social implications Global financial crisis affected the persistence of inflation rates. Originality/value First paper to consider the effect of the global financial crisis on inflation persistence.
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Strömberg, Kenneth. « Article ». Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 18, no 4 (août 2001) : 371–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/145507250101800412.
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The article reports on a study concerning the rhetorics and practice of three IOGT lodges in the municipality of Hovmantorp in southeastern Sweden between 1885 and 1930. One of the objects was to try and find a possible explanation for the passive attitude shown by the majority of lodge members, working from the assumption that both active and passive members were equally rational in their behaviour. The passive attitudes can possibly be seen as an indication of a lack of interest on the part of members in the idea of association rather than having anything to do with alcohol as such. Another object of the study is to describe the lodges' notion of the ideal human being. One of the methodological problems with this kind of research is the lack of sources on the vast majority of the association's or organisation's members. Historical research is well aware of the problem, but even so the accounts of the ‘active’ members always tend to ‘invade’ the final interpretation of history. Their version is grounded in values that have a very fundamental impact on the national, political and academic discourse, both past and present. In order to shed at least indirect light on the actions of more passive members, the article draws largely on statistical accounts of participation in various lodge activities. These statistical data provide a broad framework for the practical actions of the lodges, and together with the negative versions provided by active members of the actions of passive members they can help to throw some light on the whole scene. The study shows that the development of the lodges' action is closely interwoven with a sharp ideological and social polarisation between active and passive members. With time the active members had to abandon their hopes and expectations of being able to create an ideal human being who didn't drink and who was well educated and who had a high level of political and social awareness; this was eventually replaced by a more pessimistic view of the willingness of passive members to improve themselves. To an ever greater extent the active members began to see themselves as the avant-garde of citizenship. This development was embedded in the logic of practice itself, where lodge meetings were characterised by continuous improvisation. The planned activities showed a firm determination to activate passive members. However their reluctance or absence meant that a small circle of veterans had to intervene in order to save the programmes. A common notion that is widely shared among both historians of popular movements and researchers is that there is at first an initial golden era of movements that eventually translates into a situation of oligarchy and bu-reaucracy. In this study we were unable to see such a golden era. From the very first meetings of the movements the lodges had a small active core and a reluctant majority. Can we learn anything from history? This is a big and difficult question. A clear parallel can be drawn from the early stages of movements to the difficulties that are experienced by political parties today to recruit new members. Another parallel can be seen in the contempt of politicians. This is possibly partly a media phenomenon. Another possible explanation is that the vast majority of people know some friend, relative or colleague who has climbed the ladders of trade unions or political parties to move up the social and economic hierarchy. Idealism may be linked with personal gain. Perhaps it is such experiences that form the basis for the passive stance that is shown by the general population, rather than lack in specific aptitudes or interests?
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Magnusson, Lars. « Social history as economic history in Sweden. Some remarks ». Scandinavian Economic History Review 38, no 2 (mai 1990) : 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.1990.10408183.
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EICHENGREEN, BARRY. « Economic History and Economic Policy ». Journal of Economic History 72, no 2 (30 mai 2012) : 289–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050712000034.
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“The lessons of history” were widely invoked in 2008/09 as analysts and policymakers sought to make sense of the global financial crisis. Specifically, analogies with the early stages of the Great Depression of the 1930s were widely drawn. Building on work in cognitive science and literature on foreign policy making, this article seeks to account for the influence of this particular historical analogy and asks how it shaped both perceptions and the economic policy response. It asks how historical scholarship might be better organized to inform the process of economic policymaking. It concludes with some reflections on how research in economic history will be reshaped by the crisis.
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Martynov, Kirill Konstantinovich. « Electricity market of Sweden : pricing policy and economic regulation ». Interactive science, no 8 (18) (22 août 2017) : 39–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-463273.
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Bracher, Michael, et Gigi Santow. « Economic Independence and Union Formation in Sweden ». Population Studies 52, no 3 (novembre 1998) : 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000150466.
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Tennvall, Gunnel Ragnarson, Ulf Persson et Bo Nilsson. « The Economic Costs of Acute Myeloid Leukemia in Sweden ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 10, no 4 (1994) : 683–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300008266.
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AbstractThe direct and indirect costs of acute myeloid leukemia were estimated for Sweden in 1989. The calculated total cost was SEK 460 million. Nearly half of the costs, or 1.7 million per patient diagnosed, were indirect costs due to premature mortality. Direct costs of relapses and indirect costs of mortality represent costs due to the absence of completely curable therapy. They also represent potential cost savings that could be ootained after introduction of new treatment options in the future.
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Klushina, Ekaterina. « FAMILY POLICY IN SWEDEN : HISTORICAL, SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONTEXT ». Вестник Северо-Кавказского федерального университета, no 3 (2020) : 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-907x.2020.3.19.
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Larsson, Bengt. « Auditor regulation and economic crime policy in Sweden, 1965–2000 ». Accounting, Organizations and Society 30, no 2 (février 2005) : 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.aos.2003.12.002.
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Adamson, Rolf. « Economic history research in Sweden since the mid-1970s ». Scandinavian Economic History Review 36, no 3 (septembre 1988) : 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.1988.10408127.
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Jonsson, Egon. « History of health technology assessment in Sweden ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (juillet 2009) : 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090412.
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Sweden has a long history of using data as a basis to form policies in many sectors of society. The very first documented efforts to collect data and use some kind of evidence to judge health care began 350 years ago in Sweden. In 1663, theSwedish Collegium Medicorum(re-namedCollegium Medicumin 1688) was established; initially to distinguish quackery from medicine, to develop a pharmacopoeia, to control the trade of poisonous drugs, and banish all swindlers who “grease people with their fake, fraudulent, and harmful medicaments”(12;20;25;26).
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Brush, Candida G., Patricia G. Greene et Friederike Welter. « The Diana project : a legacy for research on gender in entrepreneurship ». International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 12, no 1 (16 janvier 2020) : 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijge-04-2019-0083.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a brief history of the evolution of the Diana Project and the Diana International Research Conference. The authors examine the impact of the publications, conferences and research contributions and consider key factors in the success of this collaborative research organization. They discuss the ongoing legacy, suggesting ways to extend this into the future. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses an historical narrative and a citation analysis. Findings The Diana Project was founded by five women professors in 1999 with the purpose of investigating women’s access to growth capital. Following a series of academic articles, and numerous presentations, the first Diana International Conference was held in Stockholm, Sweden. At this convening, 20 scholars from 13 countries shared their knowledge of women’s entrepreneurship, venture creation and growth, culminating in the first volume of the Diana Book Series. Since then, 14 international conferences have been held, resulting in 10 special issues of top academic journals and 11 books. More than 600 scholars have attended or participated in Diana conferences or publications. Research limitations/implications Contributions from the Diana International Conferences’ special issues of journals and books have advanced theory across topics, levels, geographies and methods. Articles emerging from Diana scholars are some of the top contributions about women’s entrepreneurship and gender to the field of entrepreneurship. Future research directions are included. Practical implications This analysis demonstrates the success of a unique woman-focused collaborative research initiative and identifies key success factors, suggesting how these might be expanded in the future. Social implications To date, more than 600 scholars have participated in the Diana International Conferences or publications. Diana is the only community dedicated to rigorous and relevant research about gender and women’s entrepreneurship. Going forward, efforts to expand work on education for women’s entrepreneurship, women entrepreneurship faculty and careers, and women entrepreneurs, gender and policy will take place to extend this legacy. Originality/value The paper is unique in that it is the first to show the substantial legacy and impact of the Diana project since its inception in 1999. Further, it demonstrates how a feminist approach to entrepreneurial principles can yield insights about this unique research initiative and collaborative organization.
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Thomson, Jennifer. « What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy ? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas ». International Studies Perspectives 21, no 4 (24 janvier 2020) : 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.
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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.
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Neil, Fraser. « Economic policy in Sweden : are there lessons from the Swedish model ? » International Review of Applied Economics 1, no 2 (juin 1987) : 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/758528898.
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Molinder, Jakob. « Wage differentials, economic restructuring and the solidaristic wage policy in Sweden ». European Review of Economic History 23, no 1 (16 avril 2018) : 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hey005.
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Ljungberg, Jonas, et Anders Nilsson. « Human capital and economic growth : Sweden 1870–2000 ». Cliometrica 3, no 1 (21 juin 2008) : 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11698-008-0027-7.
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CAIRNCROSS, ALEC. « Economic Policy After 1974 ». Twentieth Century British History 3, no 2 (1992) : 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/3.2.199.
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Lindbeck, Assar, Per Molander, Torsten Persson, Olof Peterson, Agnar Sandmo, Birgitta Swedenborg, Niels Thygesen, Guy Laroque et Jurgen von Hagen. « Options for Economic and Political Reform in Sweden ». Economic Policy 8, no 17 (octobre 1993) : 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1344529.
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Phillips, Paul, et Gregg Olsen. « The Struggle for Economic Democracy in Sweden ». Labour / Le Travail 33 (1994) : 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143834.
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Tyrberg, Maria, et Carl Dahlström. « Policy Effects of Anti-Immigrant Party Representation on Aid to Vulnerable European Union/European Economic Area Citizens ». Political Studies 66, no 1 (27 septembre 2017) : 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717722361.
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While anti-immigrant parties have been electorally successful in European parliaments, it is still unclear whether they have influenced policies. This article contributes by investigating the anti-immigrant party policy impact on a previously unexplored welfare policy area, that concerning the mobility of vulnerable European Union/European Economic Area citizens. In Sweden, the aid offered to these citizens varies a great deal in different municipalities. Furthermore, the largest anti-immigrant party (Sweden Democrats) has, unlike the mainstream political parties, preferences for a strict policy in line with so-called welfare chauvinism. Taking advantage of this subnational variation, our data give us a unique opportunity to investigate whether anti-immigrant party representation impacts welfare policy outcomes. The empirical findings show a negative correlation between Sweden Democrats’ representation and the aid offered and indicates that municipalities where Sweden Democrats holds a pivotal position offer less aid to vulnerable European Union/European Economic Area citizens. The hypothesis that these effects are conditional upon the ideology of the ruling coalition is, however, not supported.
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Rowe, Andrea May. « Gender and innovation policy in Canada and Sweden ». International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 10, no 4 (19 novembre 2018) : 344–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijge-04-2018-0039.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a comparative case study of national innovation system in Canada and Sweden from the perspective of gender equality. The case study focuses on public policy to illuminate the formal aspects of innovation systems as they are conceived by the state in relation to gender, diversity and social inclusion. Formal policy measures are contrasted with interview data to provide a holistic picture of innovation policy as it relates to gender equality in both countries. Design/methodology/approach This paper relies on data from 44 qualitative interviews with innovation leaders in the public sector, private sector and academia in Canada and Sweden, as well as a sample of innovation and gender experts at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), in Paris, France, between 2012 and 2014. The theoretical framework draws on feminist institutionalism to explain the gendered interactions of institutions in innovation spaces. Findings This study finds that Sweden is a global policy leader in the development of gender-conscious innovation policy, while Canada has yet to consider a gender-conscious approach to innovation policy. Gender-conscious innovation policy norms have not traveled across the OECD because of administrative solos and political opportunity structures. Research/limitations implications Each of the people contacted to sit for an interview was chosen primarily on their professional title and their ability to speak from a place of knowledge about innovation in their country and or industry, and this creates a success bias within the study focusing on the knowledge of elites in the field. Practical implications This study explores how policy might be reimagined to support gender equality and diversity, thus changing the institutional landscape to support a wider range of innovations and distributing the benefits of innovation in a more equitable way. Social implications This paper challenges assumptions about the social and economic power dynamics reflected in current innovation systems in Canada and Sweden. Originality/value This is the first study of its kind in comparative public policy to explore differences in gender equality and innovation policy in Canada and Sweden. This research also contributes more widely to the existing body of gender, public policy and innovation literatures in Canada and Sweden, respectively.
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Duménil, Gerard, Mark Glick et Dominique Levy. « The History of Competition Policy as Economic History ». Antitrust Bulletin 42, no 2 (juin 1997) : 373–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003603x9704200203.
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Söderberg, Johan. « Prices and Economic Change in Medieval Sweden ». Scandinavian Economic History Review 55, no 2 (juillet 2007) : 128–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585520701435988.
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Irwin, Douglas A. « Trade Policy in American Economic History ». Annual Review of Economics 12, no 1 (2 août 2020) : 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-070119-024409.
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This article reviews the broad changes in US trade policy over the course of the nation's history. Import tariffs have been the main instrument of trade policy and have had three main purposes: to raise revenue for the government, to restrict imports and protect domestic producers from foreign competition, and to reach reciprocity agreements that reduce trade barriers. Each of these three objectives—revenue, restriction, and reciprocity—was predominant in one of three consecutive periods in history. The political economy of these tariffs has been driven by the location of trade-related economic interests in different regions and the political power of those regions in Congress. The review also addresses the impact of trade policies on the US economy, such as the welfare costs of tariffs, the role of protectionism in fostering US industrialization, and the relationship between the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act and the Great Depression of the 1930s.
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Carlsson, Bo, et Staffan Jacobsson. « Technological systems and economic policy : the diffusion of factory automation in Sweden ». Research Policy 23, no 3 (mai 1994) : 235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-7333(94)90036-1.
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Jönsson, Bengt, et Ulf Haglund. « Cost-effectiveness of Misoprostol in Sweden ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 8, no 02 (mars 1992) : 234–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300013465.
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AbstractBased on an American multicenter study, an economic evaluation of prophylactic misoprostol was undertaken in Sweden. The study included 420 patients with osteoarthritis and nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drug (NSAID)-associated abdominal pain, but no gastric ulcer at inclusion. The frequency of ulcer development with and without prophylactic misoprostol was assessed at 21.7% and 5.6%, respectively, for a 3-month period. All costs for drugs, ambulatory care, hospital care, loss of production, as well as other factors such as dosage and compliance, were transferred to Swedish conditions. It was concluded that in patients with osteoarthritis and NSAID-induced abdominal pain, prophylaxis with misoprostol is cost-effective in Sweden, which is similar to what is found for other countries. A prerequisite for this result is a frequency of ulcer development of 15%. A patient compliance to prophylactic treatment of more than 60% is also presupposed (79% was observed in the above study). Due to the high age of the osteoarthritis patient population, the cost-effectiveness is influenced to only a minor extent by whether indirect costs are included in the calculation.
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Murtuzaliev, Sergey Stanislavovich, et Svetlana Yuryevna Murtuzalieva. « Development of the green economy in Sweden ». Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no 6 (24 mai 2022) : 440–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2206-04.
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In the last decade, the importance of the concept of green economy has increased both in the political and economic context. This concept covers a number of policy measures aimed at reducing the negative impact of economic activity on the environment. Sweden is one of the most ambitious economies actively working towards the development of a green economy. It showed other countries that it is possible to combine economic growth with a reduction in the carbon footprint. The country has the most comprehensive carbon tax, actively invests in the development of electric vehicles, 50 % of its electricity comes from renewable sources. While some countries are hesitating and lagging behind in their environmental programs, Sweden’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been to redouble efforts to transition to a green economy: increased spending aimed at decarbonization, energy efficiency, the creation of green technologies and environmental protection. Eco-innovation is a key element of Sweden’s national environmental policy strategy, and the country is the flagship among the countries of the world in the development of new technologies in such areas as bioenergy, smart power grids, eco-friendly construction, waste recycling, environmentally friendly transport, water management and solar energy. Also, the Swedish government actively subsidizes the green industry and helps polluting industries to reduce the negative impact on the environment. As a long-term climate goal, Sweden intends to achieve zero emissions into the atmosphere by 2045. In this article, the author analyzes the development of Sweden’s green economy in the economic and political spectrum.