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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Sweden – Economic policy – History »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Sweden – Economic policy – History"

Grishin, I. « Sweden after Swedish Model ». World Economy and International Relations, n^o 6 (2014) : 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-6-53-64.

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Since the turn of the 1980–90s the Swedish society has undergone fundamental changes. It has altered the vector of the socioeconomic development. The social democrats have lost their position as the dominant party. They changed the course of the governmental policy from social-state to liberal one that was taken over and strengthened by the government of center-right parties after their victory in the 2006 and 2010 general elections. The social democrats have found themselves in the unprecedented since 1917 long opposition. All of this means that, despite keeping predominance of the institutional-redistributive principle of social policy, the former model of societal development has in essence consigned to history.

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Eriksson, Martin. « Beyond economic policy : The post-war expansion of ice-breaking in Sweden from a small state perspective ». International Journal of Maritime History 31, n^o 4 (novembre 2019) : 842–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419873998.

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This article examines the expansion of post-war Swedish ice-breaking and winter navigation from a small state perspective previously put forth in research on the corresponding historical developments in Finland. The results confirm the notion that the post-war expansion of winter navigation was related to the contemporary transformation within the forestry industries. Both State maritime actors and interest groups from the forestry industries framed ice-breaking as a decisive instrument to promote the exports of pulp and paper. This coincided with the introduction of cost-efficiency measures within transport policy, which allowed the State ice-breaker service to expand at the expense of the railways.

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Eriksson, Martin. « Embedding Big Business. The Political Economy of the 1938 Corporate Tax Reform in Sweden ». Enterprise & ; Society 15, n^o 2 (12 février 2014) : 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khu003.

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This article examines the business–government relations during the policy and decision-making processes that preceded the 1938 corporate tax reform in Sweden. This reform involved creating a new tax system under the turbulent economic conditions of the interwar period. But while literature on tax history has found that such circumstances often disable actors from agreeing on tax policies, a constructive outcome was still reached in the Swedish case. In this regard, it is demonstrated that one crucial factor behind the creation of the 1938 corporate tax reform was the formation of a coalition between the Social Democratic party and the business peak associations around a number of areas where their taxation interests coincided. Here, the Social Democrats agreed to shelter profits from corporations as long as they were managed according to the intentions of their countercyclical economic policy that encouraged industrial investments and employment expansion.

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Eriksson, Martin. « Compensating for the war. Railway nationalisation and transport policy change in Sweden, 1939–47 ». Journal of Transport History 38, n^o 2 (5 juillet 2017) : 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526617717430.

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This paper deals with the negotiations and the decision-making process related to the nationalisation of the GDG rail network in Sweden during the period 1939–47. It highlights some of the distinct features of the railway nationalisation process in Sweden. It is noted that the nationalisation of GDG was exposed to factors and contexts that had not been anticipated when Parliament made the policy decision to nationalise the non-State railways in 1939. During World War II, the financial situation of GDG had benefited from new transport conditions which limited road–rail competition. Furthermore, the Social Democrats began to implement a more active transport policy as part of their post-war economic policy. This led to an outcome in 1947 where the GDG shareholders were compensated more generously than they would have been in 1939.

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Voronov, K. « Erosion of “Swedish Model” and Devaluation of the Non-Alignment Policy ». World Economy and International Relations 59, n^o 12 (2015) : 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-48-57.

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The erosion of the socio-economic “Swedish model” and the reduction of non-alignment in the national foreign policy have been and is taking place in history and politics simultaneously, exerting a fatal mutual interaction. The derived deviations are leading to a radical alteration of Sweden’s image, of its previous national and international specificity. The degradation of the “Swedish model” has been taking place as a result of activity of intrinsic forces and factors closely connected with structural social problems, matters of national economy efficiency and adaptation to world economy requirements, to processes of globalization. The general destructive transformation, a big number of qualitative doctrinal and institutional changes taking place since 1990s till now in the framework of the “Swedish model” is also linked with the condition of internal strife and alignment of political party forces in the country, aiming at finding an adequate answer to new challenges of the 21st century. The events of Ukrainian crisis (particularly concerning Crimea and Donetsk Basin) apparently influenced Sweden, politically resounding with a known painful historical “Poltava syndrome”. Although the incorporation of Sweden (as well as that of other small Nordic states) in European regional and Nordic sub-regional integration processes reflects the principal objective economic trend to internationalization of the world economy, the forms, rates and prospects of political integration into the EU sometimes generate objections, resistance and even disapproval of state institutions by a part of society in connection with external as well as internal socioeconomic reasons (particularly in terms of the “Swedish model” acute agenda). The loss of the famous features of Sweden’s international policy, especially after its accession to the European Community/European Union, as well as its leveling led to the loss of the original political role of the country in the Northern sub-region and in Europe at large. Immanent undermining, washing out of fundamental guarantees in the Swedish policy of neutrality pushes Stockholm forward to shameless convergence with Euro-Atlantic partners and their alliances – the EU and NATO. To all appearances, a complicated search is going on in the country – the search of a new socioeconomic model, of the foreign policy and the national security policy modification.

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SCHOLZ, MICHAEL F. « East Germany's North European Policy prior to International Recognition of the German Democratic Republic ». Contemporary European History 15, n^o 4 (6 octobre 2006) : 553–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003547.

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The main aim of the GDR's foreign policy was to promote the survival and stabilisation of the SED dictatorship, and the so-called ‘worldwide revolution’, by seeking external recognition. After it was granted full sovereignty in 1954–5 the East German state carefully cultivated relations with Western countries. The Scandinavian countries received special attention on the basis of common history, natural economic and transport links, a close relationship with their respective communist parties and East German conformity to Soviet policy in the Baltic region. Up to the 1970s the GDR's main aim was to end its own international isolation. Despite a few spectacular successes, not even Sweden was won over and the final breakthrough did not come until the government of the FRG embarked on its new and successful Ostpolitik. In 1972–3 the Scandinavian countries were among the first officially to recognise the GDR.

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Ekberg, Kristoffer, et Victor Pressfeldt. « A Road to Denial : Climate Change and Neoliberal Thought in Sweden, 1988–2000 ». Contemporary European History 31, n^o 4 (novembre 2022) : 627–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077732200025x.

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Neoliberal and conservative actors, financed by the fossil fuel industry, have been identified as crucial parts of a climate change denialist counter movement since at least the 1980s. We claim that this intersection stems from more than just vested interest fuelling advocacy groups. By focusing on the intellectual developments and social networks of core actors in the environmental debate in Sweden, we trace the history of opposition to environmental regulation in a country proclaiming to be an environmental pioneer. Our analysis shows that while the framing of climate change in terms of complexity initially provided actors with arguments for neoliberal policies, the obstruction of climate and environmental action was steeped in a neoliberal thought style. Our findings demonstrate the importance of scrutinising economic paradigms and thought styles that has enabled the delay of climate policy as well as the continued need for historical and geographically specific studies of obstruction.

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Gylfason, Thorvaldur. « AN INTERVIEW WITH ASSAR LINDBECK ». Macroeconomic Dynamics 10, n^o 1 (14 décembre 2005) : 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1365100506050024.

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Sweden has a long and distinguished tradition in economics, beginning with Knut Wicksell and continuing with Gustav Cassel, Eli Heckscher, Erik Lindahl, Gunnar Myrdal, Bertil Ohlin, and Erik Lundberg, all of whom are now gone. Yet, for several of these men, economics was not enough: Wicksell spoke out on moral issues and served time in jail, and Myrdal was for many years a high official at the United Nations and, briefly, a cabinet minister, as was Ohlin, who made his mark at home primarily as leader of the opposition in a country governed mostly by Social Democrats, serving in parliament for 32 years. For Assar Lindbeck, however, economics has been broad enough: he has devoted a long and distinguished career to economics, and to economics alone, with unfailing enthusiasm and energy over half a century. Not that he was not wanted elsewhere: over the years, he has declined challenging job offers from an international organization and a Swedish daily newspaper, to name but two examples, as well as from universities outside Sweden. Assar has managed to harness his varied and wide-ranging talents within the many mansions of economics. He is one of the most versatile economists of his generation. Indeed, he is one of the few who, for clarity, need to divide their bibliography into categories by subject: Macroeconomics and monetary economics, Public economics, Labor economics, International economics, Economic systems and economic structures, Methodology and history of economic thought, and Swedish economy. His work on these different subjects has ranged from pure theory to applied policy-oriented and empirical studies. In addition to the numerous scientific publications listed at the end of this interview, his bibliography includes nearly 200 articles for magazines and newspapers. His ivory tower has always been equipped with a high-speed elevator. But, as he points out in the conversation to follow, all his research work, as well as his journalism, is driven by an overarching interest in bettering economic policy and organization—in other words, boosting economic and social efficiency for the purpose of lifting ordinary people's standard of life. This has been, and remains, a guiding principle—a Leitmotiv, if you prefer—from which he has never swerved. Assar Lindbeck is a towering figure in Swedish economics and in Swedish national life.

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Lemola, Tarmo. « Country report ». Science & ; Technology Studies 16, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2003) : 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.23987/sts.55159.

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The paper discusses the transformation of Finnish science and technology policy from the mid-1960s until today. The basic argument of the paper is that, if there is a “Finnish model” of science and technology policy, it was not created in the years of rapid growth in the Finnish economy after the deep economic and societal depression of the early 1990s. The Finnish transformation process in a policy for science and technology is characterized by a gradual change of more than three decades through incremental improvements in policy doctrines, institutions, organizations and instruments. After a short period of diversity at the turn of the 1970s, the pervasive trend has been an increase in technology and innovation orientation of science and technology policy. The policy has been based on national specificities, but more on active adoption of policy doctrines and institutional and organizational models from the countries, like Sweden, which from the Finnish perspectives have been considered successful and legitimate.

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Willis, Michael S. « THE HEALTH ECONOMICS OF CALCIUM AND VITAMIN D3 FOR THE PREVENTION OF OSTEOPOROTIC HIP FRACTURES IN SWEDEN ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 18, n^o 4 (décembre 2002) : 791–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462302000600.

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Objective: The objective of this study was to examine the economics of administering calcium and vitamin D3 to post-menopausal women in Sweden. We focus primarily on the cost-effectiveness of treating older women for whom clear evidence of efficacy is available. We supplement this information, however, with estimates of the cost-effectiveness of treating certain high-risk groups of younger women, while acknowledging the greater uncertainty involved.Methods: We developed a Markov model for analyzing the occurrence and timing of hip fractures, based almost entirely on peer-reviewed data from Sweden. In a 3-year randomized clinical trial, the combination of calcium and vitamin D3 was shown to reduce the risk of hip fractures by 27%. Costs for treating hip fractures were based on 1,080 women who were hospitalized in Stockholm.Results: Treatment of 70-year-old women was cost saving at efficacy as low as two-thirds that seen in the clinical trials, and upwards. Even at modest rates of efficacy, treatment of the high-risk 50- and 60-year-old cohorts was generally cost-effective and in some cases even cost saving. Particularly cost-effective was treatment of women with identified osteoporosis or a maternal family history of hip fracture.Conclusion: Simulation results suggest a role for lifetime treatment of older women with calcium and vitamin D3 in Sweden. While there is more uncertainty underlying the treatment of younger women, our simulation results suggest that treatment may also be cost saving or at least cost-effective for many cohorts of high-risk 50- and particularly 60-year-old women, in particular those with osteoporosis or a maternal family history of hip fracture.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Sweden – Economic policy – History"

Arnberg, Klara. « En ohejdad kommersialism ? : Den pornografiska pressen och regleringen av pornografi i Sverige 1950-2000 ». Licentiate thesis, Umeå University, Department of Economic History, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1468.

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This licentiate thesis describes the Swedish pornography policy and how this policy affected the pornography industry. The main aim of the study is to survey the development of the Swedish porn industry 1950-2000 and to consider how it was imagined both as an industry, and as a commercialized form of sexuality. The focus is on the relationship between the pornography industry and the state, and to study this relationship, the thesis is divided into three different but related parts.

The first part concerns the institutional settings with main focus on the abolition of censorship in 1971. The political debates about legalizing pornography are studied in order to ascertain how industry and its actors are conceptualized in this context. It also draws attention to why regulation of the industry was considered necessary in the first place, as well as the how changes in the legislation affected the economic development of the industry itself.

The second part concerns the Swedish pornographic press. My purpose is to map out all publishing houses that produced pornographic magazines from 1950 to 2000, and to chart some aspects of their economic fortunes. The history of pornography and connections to technological change is also studied in terms of estimating the influence of the video breakthrough on sales figures and market strategies for the publishing houses that had to deal with this development.

In the third part, I study the regulation in action, i.e. when the publishers of pornographic magazines are prosecuted. I analyze all of the pre-1971 prosecutions – that is, the prosecutions that took place before regulation was removed. Using these records, it is possible to determine how the regulation was implemented, what content was considered harmful, and how that changed over time. This material, that includes the preliminary investigations from the police, also shows how the pornography producers handle the institutional settings to escape responsibilities and punishment.

In this thesis, I show that the pornography industry in Sweden has a complex and changing relationship to the state. Although pornography is unwanted by politicians during the period, pornography is allowed to publish pictures without any restriction on sexual content in the 1970s. The argument for the deregulation is that censorship is incompatible with a modern democratic and liberal state. Pornography serves as a modern dilemma when the phenomenon is viewed as incompatible with a modern society, conflicting with the goal of gender equality, and when a regulation is seen as incompatible with the idea of basic liberties in a modern democracy.

When it comes to the industry it shows that, quite unexpected, a lot of companies are run by women or as family businesses. There are no empirical grounds for the claim that pornography is an all male industry then, at least not in the Swedish case. The study also shows that the Swedish pornography industry was well established before the law change.

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Persarvet, Viktor. « Svenskt tullskydd. En studie av svensk protektionism under trettiotalet ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-179815.

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This paper attempts to study the Swedish tariffs during the interwar period in order to asses the level of protectionism in Swedish tariff policy during the period. It is foremost the nominal tariffs that are studied, however an estimate of the effective rate of protection of the tariffs is also calculated for a number of goods. In order to asses the level of protectionism, the Swedish tariffs are also compared with Finnish tariff levels during the interwar period. The sample of Swedish tariffs that have been studied in this paper include the fifteen most important kinds of import goods and the fifteen most important kinds of export goods. The nominal tariff of each kind of goods have been weighted by their share of the total import value. The Swedish specific tariffs did not change much during the interwar period except for a few goods such as petroleum, coffee and automobiles. The fluctuation in nominal tariffs were in most cases the result of the steep fall in prices during the period. Compared to the Finnish tariffs, the Swedish tariffs seem to have been generally lower, especially in agricultural goods in which the Swedish tariffs are surprisingly immobile during the period. This paper finds that the Swedish tariff policy during the interwar period were inactive and relatively free-market oriented.

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Eklund, Magnus. « Adoption of the Innovation System Concept in Sweden ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Universitetsbiblioteket [distributör], 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8167.

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Eriksson, Martin. « Trafikpolitik och regional omvandling : Beslutsprocesserna om isbrytningen längs Norrlandskusten 1940-1975 ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Ekonomisk historia, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-22980.

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The aim of this thesis is to understand the decision-making processes concerning ice-breaking along the coast of Norrland, with the specific aim to analyse the activities of regional interest groups in the Norrland region and government agents at different administrative levels at the key stages of the decision-making processes: initiation, drafting and decision-making. The thesis also explores how institutional factors at different administrative levels affected the agents that were involved at those stages of the decision-making processes. As navigation along the northern Swedish coast must negotiate winter conditions which causes ports to freeze over, the government ice-breaking service functions as an instrument to compensate the export firms in Norrland for these constrains. Year-round navigation in the north Swedish coastal waters was achieved through a series of decision-making processes that took place during the period from 1940 to 1975. These decision-making processes are important to study since ice-breaking was an integrated component of the expanding heavy basic industries in Norrland and thereby for the rapidly growing exports during the 1950s and 1960s. This period is the decisive point in the economic history of the Norrland region regarding how the natural resources should be exploited and how exports should be advanced. This study concludes that the decision-making processes were initiated by government agents at different administrative levels. Official investigatory commissions were set up at several occasions to deal with issues related to the government ice-breaker service by the ministries responsible for ice-breaker policy. It is also demonstrated that the decision-making processes concerning ice-breaker investments were initiated by the government boards that were responsible for the operation of the ice-breaker service. In this respect, the study concludes that the government activities during the initiation stages should not be confused as a sign of regional interest group passivity on these issues. The activities of the interest groups during the initiation stages were primarily intended to draw attention to the problems caused by winter to regional shipping, in order to put the issue on the political agenda. As the decision-making processes proceeded into the drafting stages, the participation from regional interest groups was much more significant as the government offered interest groups forums and procedures for structural consulting through various organisational arrangements. The regional interest groups that participated in those arrangements were industrial firms in the heavy basic industries sector. In those cases other regional interest groups participated, they would promote the interests of those firms. As a result, the final drafts from committees and government bodies included arguments that favoured an expansion of ice-breaking to promote the growth of the heavy basic industries in the Norrland region. The analysis of the decision-making stages suggests that a combination of institutional factors at different administrative levels contributed to the outcome of the decision-making processes. One result is that the general aims of macro policy such as trade policy, growth policy and regional development policy were favourable towards an expansion of the government ice-breaker service, which would benefit the export industries in the Norrland region. Another result is that the sectoral organization within the government maritime bodies contributed significantly to the outcome of the decision-making processes. Large-scale planning and operational experimentation was allowed to take place within the ice-breaker service, which convinced the government that ice-breaking and winter navigation was a feasible transport alternative.

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Andersson, Fredrik. « Mot framtiden på gamla spår ? : Regionala intressegrupper och beslutsprocesser kring kustjärnvägarna i Norrland under 1900-talet ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Economic History, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-206.

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In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the Norrland region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in Norrland was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, Norrland had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to Norrland's peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.

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Sternehäll, Tove. « Trust, Power and Partnership : A study of the evolution of Sweden’s bilateral economic partnership with South Africa between 1985-2018 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194051.

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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate how Sweden’s bilateral economic relationship with South Africa has evolved between the years 1985-2018, from a Swedish perspective. The study has four research questions. The first question focuses on how Swedish policies toward South Africa has evolved over time, which is followed by two questions on how these changes has impacted trade and non-trade economic activity between the countries. The last question binds the study together with a discussion of the balance of Swedish priorities between humanitarian goals and domestic self-interests during this period. The existing literature is mainly focused on the economic relationship leading up to the fall of apartheid in 1994, and there is not much written on the subject since then. This study aims to contribute to the field by connecting the apartheid-era literature to the development of the post-apartheid bilateral economic relationship. The study is based on a cross analysis of complementary data sources and methods to capture the complexity of the bilateral economic relationship between the two countries. The main bulk of data is derived through semi-structured interviews with representatives from the Swedish government, the civil society, and researchers with experience of this bilateral relationship. This is complemented with a content analysis of Swedish policy documents and illustrative quantitative data. The thesis is built on an analytical framework based on Embeddedness theory and a conceptualisation of Economic- and Soft Power, which highlights the interconnectedness between social, political, and economic relationships.

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Lindgren, Eva. « Samhällsförändring på väg : Perspektiv på den svenska bilismens utveckling mellan 1950 och 2007 ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-33469.

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The aim of this thesis is to give a perspective on the development of the Swedish automobility between 1950 and 2007. New knowledge on automobility’s role for economic historical development will be achieved by studying the interaction between the diffusion of the private car on the national and the regional level, and the households’ preferences and the government’s regulations of car ownership. The first paper, Two Sides of the Same Coin?, compares car diffusion in Norway and Sweden to find explanations for the national and regional patterns. We ask whether the slower diffusion in Norway can be explained with national differences in income, institutions, infrastructure and population settlements; or if regional differences in income and population density have affected the outcome? Our conclusion is that car diffusion in Norway and Sweden displays two sides of the same coin; the national levels converged, but the process did not follow the same regional pattern. Regional differences in income and population density have in general been a significant explanation for car density in Sweden, but not in Norway. The second paper, Driving from the Centre to the Periphery?, examines whether the diffusion of private cars followed the over-all socio-economic and geographical changes in Sweden from 1960 to 1975. In particular, it studies if ownership per capita followed changes in income or changes in population density (urbanisation). The analysis is based on unique Swedish parish-scale census material that includes all private car owners for the years 1960, 1970 and 1975. Our conclusion is that income levels were more important than other explanations for the diffusion of private cars in Sweden between 1960 and 1975. The third paper, ‘En ledande och samordnande funktion’, contributes with new knowledge on how the Swedish government has organised traffic safety in certain ways since the 1950s. The emphasis is on the establishment and closing down of the National Road Safety Office (TSV) and how the changing forms of organisations before, during and after TSV have been reflected in the road plans from 1958, 1970 and 1990. Our conclusion is that the motives for both establishment and closing down of the TSV were the same; to create a more efficient organisation regarding traffic safety. These changes have been reflected in the road plans where an increased control over the infrastructure can be recognised, especially during the last two decades. The fourth paper, A Dark Side of Car Ownership, examines whether improved technical performance with respect to fuel consumption have been counterbalanced through increasing engine power and weight, how such properties are valued by the consumers, and in what way political instruments have affected this development. The analysis is based on historical data covering all car models within the 50 percentiles of new registrations. Our conclusion is that a vehicle purchase rebound effect can be identified since the fuel consumption has decreased over time, while the engine effect has increased. Also, the Swedish car fleet has developed in a setting of political instruments and regulations working in favour of larger and more fuel consuming cars.

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Häggqvist, Henric. « On the Ocean of Protectionism : The Structure of Swedish Tariffs and Trade 1780–1830 ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-264482.

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In the field of international trade there is an intriguing tension between the ideological allure of free trade and the political reality of protectionism. Typically, the former is favored by scholars while the latter has been more historically prevalent. Protectionism in the form of tariffs and other obstacles trade was generally a preferred trade policy around the globe in the 18th and early 19th centuries. Sweden was no exception and has been seen as highly protectionist and mercantilist during this period. This thesis has sought to shed new light on Swedish trade policy between 1780 and 1830. It has done so by quantifying and homogenizing tariffs and import bans in order to be able to analyze the structure of tariffs. The thesis stands on a theoretical ground which takes into account the different plausible reasons for setting tariffs. It has placed some emphasis on the possible tension between the desire to shelter one’s own industry from foreign competition and the need to use tariffs for fiscal purposes, as an important source of government revenue. It is therefore argued that tariffs need to be separated theoretically and empirically. A simple model is presented which aims to discern three types of tariffs. The model takes into account the tariff rate itself, and also the structure of trade and the presence of domestic substitution. The thesis has found that Swedish tariffs were generally high over the period and that protectionism was prevalent in a large number of economic sectors. There is tentative evidence that protectionist tariffs also distorted trade in certain types of goods, even if they didn’t have an impact on total import levels. Tariffs were also set so as to separate between raw materials and more processed goods, what is called mercantilist differentiation. Substantial empirical support is given to the claim that certain tariffs on inelastic consumption goods were of great fiscal importance, and increasingly so as the period progressed. The fiscal pressure maintained or even increased the import tariffs, which made it possible to decrease tariffs on exports.

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Aldman, Lili-Annè. « En merkantilistisk början : Stockholms textila import 1720–1738 ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economic History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8645.

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The purpose of this thesis is to, from an institutional approach, study how the Stockholm importers within the textile sector adapted their foreign trade to the change in economic policy 1720 through 1738. The focus is to investigate to what extent the introduction of new laws, regulations etc. can be an explanation for what happened to Stockholm’s foreign trade, mainly imports, particularly textile imports during the period. It is mainly the economic policies that had been enacted during the Hornian government and their effects that have been studied. This is a period that has seldom been studied in other research.

This thesis begins when the Russian raids were over. This was a year when the foreign trade still was relatively free and was untouched by the 17th century’s regulations. After 1721 the policies that would be introduced to increase Sweden's level of self-sufficiency and strengthen ties with the North Sea area had several components. Besides the economic policy, the main sources for the thesis are the city toll records.

The trade policies in the shape of tolls and fees, import and consumption bans etc. and the commercial policies together became different kinds of political tools used for several purposes. The conclusion of this thesis is that the economic policies made the Stockholm importers adapt their trade to the change. The import bans and sumptuary laws had an effect. The economic policies gave rise to an increase in the import of textile raw materials. The rise in toll costs and import fees contributed to displacing the foreign trade towards other areas. The change in the economic policies was successful in the sense that it gave rise to new conditions for domestic production within the textile sector and forced Stockholm's importers to adapt their foreign trade.

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Shewchuk, David. « World systems theory and military expenditures : a comparison of Sweden and Canada ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64110.

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Livres sur le sujet "Sweden – Economic policy – History"

Söderberg, Johan. The agrarian economy of sixteenth-century Sweden. Stockholm : Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002.

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Lundin, Per. Science for welfare and warfare : Technology and state initiative in cold war Sweden. Sagamore Beach, MA : Science History Publications/USA, 2010.

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Science for welfare and warfare : Technology and state initiative in cold war Sweden. Sagamore Beach, MA : Science History Publications/USA, 2010.

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1943-, Freeman Richard B., Topel Robert H et Swedenborg Birgitta 1941-, dir. The welfare state in transition : Reforming the Swedish model. Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1997.

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Pettersson, Lars-Olof. Från rivstart till stopplag : Privatiseringsvågen i välfärden 1979-2001. Stockholm : Agora, 2001.

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Civil society and state relations in Sweden. Aldershot, Hants, England : Avebury, 1995.

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1942-, Broberg Gunnar, et Roll-Hansen Nils 1938-, dir. Eugenics and the welfare state : Sterilization policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland. East Lansing : Michigan State University Press, 1996.

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War and the state in early modern Europe : Spain, the Dutch Republic, and Sweden as fiscal-military states, 1500-1660. London : Routledge, 2002.

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Jonter, Thomas. Socialiseringen som kom av sig : Sverige, oljan och USA:s planer på en ny ekonomisk världsordning 1945-1949 = Socialization derailed : Sweden, oil, and the USA's plans for a new world order, 1945-1949. Stockholm : Carlsson, 1995.

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1942-, Petersson Lennart, dir. Post-apartheid Southern Africa : Economic challenges and policies for the future : proceedings of the 16th Arne Ryde Symposium, 23-24 August 1996, Lund, Sweden. New York : Routledge, 1998.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Sweden – Economic policy – History"

Aunesluoma, Juhana. « Trade, Economic Cooperation and Foreign Policy, 1945–48 ». Dans Britain, Sweden and the Cold War, 23–44. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596252_2.

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Brownlow, Graham. « Economic History, the History of Economic Thought and Economic Policy ». Dans An Economist’s Guide to Economic History, 47–53. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96568-0_6.

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Bengtsson, Erik, et Marc Morgan. « Does Democratization Cause Redistribution ? Evidence from Sweden and Brazil ». Dans Palgrave Studies in Economic History, 287–323. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09198-8_9.

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Kang, Thomas, et Anders Nilsson. « The Role of Education in Modernization Drives in Brazil and in Sweden ». Dans Palgrave Studies in Economic History, 173–209. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09198-8_6.

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Komine, Atsushi. « The Unfinished Revolution in Policy ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 189–205. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-12.

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Heise, Arne. « Fiscal Policy after the Crisis ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 245–64. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-15.

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Dow, Sheila. « Keynes on Theorising for Policy ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 173–88. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-11.

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Leeson, Peter T., et Louis Rouanet. « Austrian Economics and Economic Policy* ». Dans Economic Policy and the History of Economic Thought, 159–72. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003228097-10.

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Messina, Silvia A. Conca. « The economic policy of Sweden ». Dans A History of States and Economic Policies in Early Modern Europe, 181–86. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429026881-18.

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Jorberg, Lennart, Olle Kranz et Paul Britten Austin. « Economic and social policy in Sweden, 1850–1939 ». Dans The Cambridge Economic History of Europe from the Decline of the Roman Empire, 1048–105. Cambridge University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521225045.016.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Sweden – Economic policy – History"

Forzati, Marco, et Claus Popp Larsen. « A study of broadband access : Policy & ; Status in Sweden, and global economic impact ». Dans National Fiber Optic Engineers Conference. Washington, D.C. : OSA, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/nfoec.2009.nmc3.

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Motuz, V. K. « METHODOLOGICAL BASIS OF STUDYING SOVIET SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UKRAINIAN VILLAGE BEFORE THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A NEW ECONOMIC POLICY IN IT ». Dans POLITICAL SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY : DEVELOPMENT AREAS AND TRENDS IN UKRAINE AND EU. Baltija Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-91-4-16.

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Alamanova, Chinara. « Experience of Economic Integration of Kyrgyzstan within the Framework of the Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02188.

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At present, practically all countries of the world are involved in integration processes. However, at the present stage, the mechanism of integration interaction is not sufficiently regulated, as evidenced by the experience of integration of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union. The history of various integration groupings, along with regularities, carries in itself essential features of historical uniqueness. This determines the theoretical and practical relevance of the research topic. In the article, the example of Kyrgyzstan explores the experience of the country's integration into an integration association. Practice has revealed not only positive results, but also negative unpredictable consequences. Such experience requires scientific and practical study and will be useful for further improvement of economic integration processes. The abolition of customs control has enabled the development of an illegal flow of goods both to Kyrgyzstan and from Kyrgyzstan. The change in tariffs of the Eurasian Economic Union for third countries may lead to a reduction in multilateral trade. Russia's application of anti-sanctions to individual countries violates the first basic principle of integration: the trade policy of the four members of the Eurasian Economic Union is becoming less coherent. The difficult access of goods due to the application of restrictive measures in relation to the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union is noted. To achieve the integration result, the following conditions are necessary: Conducting a harmonious trade integration policy, Implementation of political (institutional) integration, General political support for integration plans, including by third countries.

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Ermakov, Dmitrij Nikolaevich, et Grigorii Germanovich Popov. « Features of the socio-economic development of the USSR and the internal policy of the Soviet government in 1955-1985. » Dans All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98007.

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In recent years, Russia has shown a high interest in Soviet economic history, which is largely due to the critical understanding of state economic policy in the post-Soviet period. In this regard, this article is relevant from the point of view of expanding the theoretical and methodological base of the historical and economic analysis of the USSR. This article provides a rethinking of the economic development of the USSR on the basis of calculations of personal savings and the share of household consumption in GDP and comparisons of these indicators with Western ones.

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Rezer, Tatiana. « History of Corruption & ; Social Values ». Dans The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-75.

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A study of the history of corruption and the penalties for it has inadvertently led to the conclusion that this socially dangerous phenomenon not only fails to disappear from public administration, but continues to remain and increase, having the features of a transnational phenomenon that affects societies and economies of all countries. Throughout history, there has been an evolution of corruption parallel to the evolution of the state. Corruption undermines democratic institutions and values and the ethical values of the individual, leading to a double standard of behaviour in both public service and civil society. In Russia, corruption is recognised by both officials and the population. The main purpose of the study is to examine the manifestation of corruption and methods of counteracting it from a historical perspective. Objectives: analyse the forms and methods of corruption control as viewed through the prism of historical experience; consider contemporary manifestations of corruption from a position of social values. Research methods: a comparative analysis method to investigate the manifestation of corruption and the possibilities for its prevention from a historical perspective. Main conclusions: corruption is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional phenomenon that is seen and studied as an economic, political, social and cultural problem; social values are the basis of a modern preventive mechanism against corruption; public policy against corruption is the main mechanism and strategy.

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Karnyshev, Alexander. « Psychologo-Economic and Environmental Assessment Baikal Resources in the Geopolitics of China and Russia ». Dans Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.37.

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In geopolitics, the concepts of geography and territory are reduced to the fundamental aspects of relations between States, they serve as a basic method of interpreting the past, they act as the main factors of human existence, organizing all other aspects of existence around them. It is in this perspective that the article examines the attitude to Baikal in the history of the mutually linked foreign policy of Russia and China. It is noted that the Mongols and Manchus, who once conquered China, not only found themselves largely assimilated by the defeated society, but over time, a large part of their ancestral territories began to be perceived as native Chinese. Far from being justified, this also applied to Baikal, although the Yakut etymology of its name, associated with the ethnic ancestors of the Yakuts — the Huns, has been clearly traced since ancient times. Since ancient times, Buryats and Evenks who voluntarily became part of Russia have lived around Baikal. Modern development is characterized by the “penetration” of the Chinese into the business of Asian Russia. In the Baikal region, this focus has basically three goals: forest, clean water, and ownership of land and other natural resources. In a special row, it is necessary to put projects for supplying the population of some Chinese territories with Baikal water, which is planned to be transported both in bottled form and in the future through pipes.

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Sevek, Vyacheslav K., Cheynesh G. Dongak, Olga N. Mongush, Choduraa S. Manchyk-Sat et Ayana E. Chuldum. « Russia and its regions in the new economic reality ». Dans Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.czdh9237.

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In the period of tightening sanctions of the collective West, the issue of developing adaptive solutions against external and internal threats to the national economy for each region of Russia comes to the fore as a strategic regulation of the development of the changing situation, including economic independence, stability and sustainability of the national economy, the ability to self-development. The purpose of the work is to reveal the economic consequences of anti-Russian sanctions. The study uses methods of analyzing the problem of economic security and collecting facts related to the anti-Russian sanctions. The novelty of the study lies in identifying the reasons for imposing sanctions on Russia by the collective West led by the United States and identifying external and internal risks in the socio-economic situation in Russian regions. The authors conclude that Russia faced a significant collective external aggression, unparalleled in modern world and Russian history. In this regard, the development of the Russian economy should change the format of the relationship with the outside world, particularly with unfriendly countries on the internal economic policy. It is important not only to reduce the risks associated with the multiple sanctions’ packages adopted by the U.S. and Western countries, but also to restructure the economy by aiming at the growth of investments into import substitution.

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Uzun Kocamış, Tuğçe, Serdar Kuzu et Emre Aksu. « An Overview of Relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan in Light Of Economic Developments in Central Asia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00459.

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Kazakhstan is in a distinctive position among other Central Asian Republics due to its rich economic resources. It has the highest per capita GDP. Turkey is the first country to recognize the independence of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is the major strategic partner of Turkey in Central Asia. Due to its active and constructive approach, its importance has been increasing in Turkey’s foreign policy. Turkey, having qualified human resources, technology know-how, and international experience, is capable of supporting Central Asian countries in various areas. When their economy, production structure, export and import demands are compared withTurkey, we may see a great collaboration opportunities to complement each other. Due to the common history, ethnics, and culture, Turkey has become the strategic partner for Kazakhstan. Turkeyis also an important market for Kazakhstan as it has a continously developing industry, increasing consumer expenses, and growing export potential.

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Akça, Tacinur. « Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries : An Empirical Study ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.

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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region. The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.

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Voronkova, D. « Comparative analysis of the topics of publications of the journal «Bulletin of Finance, Industry and Trade» for 1913 and 1917 ». Dans Historical research in the context of data science : Information resources, analytical methods and digital technologies. LLC MAKS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m1785.978-5-317-06529-4/25-32.

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The reflection of the economic situation in 1913 and 1917 in the official press organ of the Ministry of Finance – «Bulletin of Finance, industry and trade» may be interesting to both historians and economists. The journal is a valuable source on a wide range of issues in Russian economic history. The article provides a comparative thematic analysis of the journal materials using quantitative methods. For this purpose, the author relies, among other things, on the quarterly “Systematic lists of articles” and the bibliographic database created at NSU in 2005. The best way to present changes in the priorities of the editorial policy of the journal is to refer to the quarterly dynamics of the topics of analytical articles and reports.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Sweden – Economic policy – History"

Davis, Steven, et Magnus Henrekson. Industrial Policy, Employer Size, and Economic Performance in Sweden. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, août 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w5237.

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Fullerton, Don, et James Mackie. Economic Efficiency in Recent Tax Reform History : Policy Reversals or Consistent Improvements ? Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, mai 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w2593.

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Crafts, Nicholas, Emma Duchini, Roland Rathelot, Giulia Vattuone, David Chambers, Andrew Oswald, Max Nathan et Carmen Villa Llera. Economic challenges and success in the post-COVID era : A CAGE Policy Report. Sous la direction de Mirko Draca. CAGE Research Centre, novembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-911675-01-3.

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In 2008 there was an expectation of major reform to social and economic structures following the financial crisis. The European Union (EU) referendum of 2016, and the UK’s subsequent exit from the EU in 2020, was also signalled as a turning point that would bring about epochal change. Now, in the waning of the coronavirus pandemic, we are experiencing a similar rhetoric. There is widespread agreement that the pandemic will usher in big changes for the economy and society, with the potential for major policy reform. But what will be the long-term impacts of the pandemic on the UK economy? Is the right response a “new settlement” or is some alternative approach likely to be more beneficial? This report puts forward a new perspective on the pandemic-related changes that could be ahead. The central theme is assessing the viability of epochal reform in policymaking. There seems to be a relentless desire for making big changes; however, there is arguably not enough recognition of how current settings and history can hold back these efforts. Foreword by: Dame Frances Cairncross, CBE, FRSE.

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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.

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Allan, Duncan, et Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.

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Glick, Mark. An Economic Defense of Multiple Antitrust Goals : Reversing Income Inequality and Promoting Political Democracy. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp181.

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Two recent papers by prominent antitrust scholars argue that a revived antitrust movement can help reverse the dramatic rise in economic inequality and the erosion of political democracy in the United States. Both papers rely on the legislative history of the key antitrust statutes to support their case. Not surprisingly, their recommendations have been met with alarm in some quarters and with skepticism in others. Such proposals by antitrust reformers are often contrasted with the Consumer Welfare Standard that pervades antitrust policy today. The Consumer Welfare Standard suffers from several defects: (1) It employs a narrow, unworkable measure of welfare; (2) It excludes important sources of welfare based on the assumption that antitrust seeks only to maximize wealth; (3) It assumes a constant and equal individual marginal utility of money; and (4) It is often combined with extraneous ideological goals. Even with these defects, however, if applied consistent with its theoretical underpinnings, the consideration of the transfer of labor rents resulting from a merger or dominant firm conduct is supported by the Consumer Welfare Standard. Moreover, even when only consumers (and not producers) are deemed relevant, the welfare of labor still should consistently be considered part of consumer welfare. In contrast, fostering political democracy—a prominent traditional antitrust goal that was jettisoned by the Chicago School—falls outside the Consumer Welfare Standard in any of its constructs. To undergird such important broader goals requires that the Consumer Welfare Standard be replaced with the General Welfare Standard. The General Welfare Standard consists of modern welfare economics modified to accommodate objective analyses of human welfare and purged of inconsistencies.

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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André et Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy : how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.

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We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.

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Werny, Rafaela, Marie Reich, Miranda Leontowitsch et Frank Oswald. EQualCare Policy Report Germany : Alone but connected ? Digital (in)equalities in care work and generational relationships among older people living alone. Frankfurter Forum für interdisziplinäre Alternsforschung, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.69905.

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The policy review is part of the project EQualCare: Alone but connected? Digital (in)equalities in care work and generational relationships among older people living alone, a three-year international project involving four countries: Finland, Germany, Latvia and Sweden. EQualCare interrogates inequalities by gender, cultural and socio-economic background between countries, with their different demographics and policy backgrounds. As a first step into empirical analysis, the policy review aims to set the stage for a better understanding of, and policy development on, the intersections of digitalisation with intergenerational care work and care relationships of older people living alone in Germany. The policy review follows a critical approach, in which the problems policy documents address are not considered objective entities, but rather discursively produced knowledge that renders visible some parts of the problem which is to be solved as other possible perspectives are simultaneously excluded. Twenty publicly available documents were studied to analyse the processes in which definitions of care work and digital (in)equalities are circulated, translated and negotiated between the different levels of national government, regional governments and municipalities as well as other agencies in Germany. The policy review consists of two parts: a background chapter providing information on the social structure of Germany, including the historical development of Germany after the Second World War, its political structure, information on the demographic situation with a focus on the 60+ age group, and the income of this age group. In addition, the background presents the structure of work and welfare, the organisation of care for old people, and the state of digitalisation in Germany. The analysis chapter includes a description of the method used as well as an overview of the documents chosen and analysed. The focus of this chapter is on the analysis of official documents that deal with the interplay of living alone in old age, care, and digitalisation. The analysis identified four themes: firstly, ageing is framed largely as a challenge to society, whereas digitalisation is framed as a potential way to tackle social challenges, such as an ageing society. Secondly, challenges of ageing, such as need of care, are set at the individual level, requiring people to organise their care within their own families and immediate social networks, with state support following a principle of subsidiarity. Thirdly, voluntary peer support provides the basis for addressing digital support needs and strategies. Publications by lobby organisations highlight the important work done by voluntary peer support for digital training and the benefits this approach has; they also draw attention to the over-reliance on this form of unpaid support and call for an increase in professional support in ensuring all older people are supported in digital life. Fourthly, ageing as a hinderance to participation in digital life is seen as an interim challenge among younger old people already online.

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Arora, Sanjana, Hulda Mjöll Gunnarsdottir et Kristin Sørung Scharffscher. Gendered dimensions of the COVID-19 Pandemic. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.255.

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This report forms part of the deliverables produced by the international research project Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak (PAN-FIGHT), funded by the Norwegian Research Council. It provides an overview of project findings pertaining the gender dimensions of the pandemic, with a particular focus on risk perceptions, compliance and vulnerability. The COVID-19 pandemic has reiterated that the impacts of a crisis are not homogenous. Gender, which encapsulates both biological and socio-cultural ways of being, plays a role in how crises are experienced. This is evidenced by the health, economic as well as societal consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic which have affected women and men, girls and boys differently. Knowledge about gendered implications of the pandemic is thus vital for designing equitable policy responses. This report draws on evidence from former research as well as on findings from an online survey conducted as part of the project’s data collection in 2021. The survey, reaching out to respondents in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, investigated public risk perceptions, reactions to governmental of risk communication about COVID-19, compliance with governmental restrictions and risk mitigation measures and vulnerability during the pandemic (N=4206).

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Riley, Brad. Scaling up : Renewable energy on Aboriginal lands in north west Australia. Nulungu Research Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32613/nrp/2021.6.

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This paper examines renewable energy developments on Aboriginal lands in North-West Western Australia at three scales. It first examines the literature developing in relation to large scale renewable energy projects and the Native Title Act (1993)Cwlth. It then looks to the history of small community scale standalone systems. Finally, it examines locally adapted approaches to benefit sharing in remote utility owned networks. In doing so this paper foregrounds the importance of Aboriginal agency. It identifies Aboriginal decision making and economic inclusion as being key to policy and project development in the 'scaling up' of a transition to renewable energy resources in the North-West.

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