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1
Subramony, Dr R. « Sufism in Jammu ». IJOHMN (International Journal Online of Humanities) 5, no 3 (7 juin 2019) : 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i3.114.
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Sufism entered the Indian subcontinent in the twelfth century as a new socio-religious force. Within a short period, it mushroomed to different parts of India. Fro Punjab to Rajputana, from Jammu and Kashmir to Kerala, sufism influenced the life and thought of the people. Though on the eve of its advent, Muslim population in most parts of India was virtually negligible, yet the sufis hardly faced any local resistance to their activities. Sufism reviewed enthusiastic social response. It adjusted itself with the indigenous cultural modes in a smooth manner. As a result, it became a catalyst in shaping and consolidating the Indian regional identities from the thirteenth century onwards. In this context, sufi shrines of the different regions-Ajodhan, Sirhins, Delhi, Ajmer and Gulbarga – played a significant role. For example, Richard Maxwell Eaton has shown that the sufis of Bijapur contributed tremendously to the promotion of vernacular idiom and Dakhani language.
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Rizvi, Sajjad H. « Indian Sufism since the Seventeenth Century ». American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no 3 (1 juillet 2008) : 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i3.1457.
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Based on his doctoral dissertation submitted to the University of London,the present book is a wonderful study of the Sufis ofAurangabad (and, moregenerally, in the Deccan realms of Hyderabad’s Nizams) and their consequentlegacy in independent India. Green builds upon earlier research on theMuslim Deccan undertaken by Carl Ernst (Sufism at Khuldabad, which isadjacent to Aurangabad) and Richard Eaton (Sufis of Bijapur) and brings tothe fore insights from religious studies on the nature of holy men and theirinteraction with politics, words, and worlds.The Deccan has a rich Muslim heritage: Persianate from the fourteenthcentury and then dominated by the Mughals and their successor states fromthe end of the seventeenth century. This heritage also accounts for the significanceof Sufis and their shrines in the region: theAurangabad shrines are animportant facet of this landscape, and this book is a welcome introduction tothem. Green also furthers the theoretical position of Ernst and Eaton: the centralityof the cult of saints for Sufism means that the studies should focus onshrines as “realms of the saint.” Sufism is thus not merely about masters anddisciples or obscure and metaphysical arguments about gnosis, enlightenmentand themarvellous; rather, it concerns sacred spaces and geographies ofspiritual vitality and currency centered on the saints’ shrines.Starting fromAurangzeb’s conquest of the Deccan and establishment ofhis capital at Aurangabad (the former Khirki of the Nizam Shahs) and followingthrough to the legacy of the Panchakki shrine in the 1990s, Green’swork comprises five chapters that weave together an incisive textual analysisof Persian and Urdu sources, readings of architecture as repositories ofSufi text, and fieldwork among Aurangabad’s Sufis ...
3
Mratkhuzina, Guzel Ferdinandovna, Dmitriy Vyacheslavovich Bobkov, Alfiya Marselevna Khabibullina et Ishtiak Gilkar Ahmad. « Sufism : Spiritual and Cultural Traditions in India ». Journal of History Culture and Art Research 8, no 3 (1 octobre 2019) : 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v8i3.2258.
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Gaind-Krishnan, Sonia. « Qawwali Routes : Notes on a Sufi Music’s Transformation in Diaspora ». Religions 11, no 12 (21 décembre 2020) : 685. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11120685.
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In recent years, alongside the concurrent rise of political Islam and reactionary state policies in India, Sufism has been championed as an “acceptable” form of Islam from neoliberal perspectives within India and the Western world. Sufism is noted as an arena of spiritual/religious practice that highlights musical routes to the Divine. Among Chishti Sufis of South Asia, that musical pathway is qawwali, a song form that been in circulation for over seven centuries, and which continues to maintain a vibrant sonic presence on the subcontinent, both in its ritual usage among Sufis and more broadly in related folk and popular iterations. This paper asks, what happens to qawwali as a song form when it circulates in diaspora? While prominent musicians such as the Sabri Brothers and Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan exposed audiences in the West to the sounds of qawwali, in recent years, non-hereditary groups of musicians based in the US and UK have begun to perform songs from the qawwali repertoire. In the traditional setting, textual meaning is paramount; this paper asks, how can performers transmute the affective capacity of qawwali in settings where semantic forms of communication may be lost? How do sonic and metaphorical voices lend themselves to the circulation of sound-centered meaning? Through a discussion of the Sufi sublime, this paper considers ways sonic materials stitch together the diverse cloth of the South Asian community in diaspora.
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Maulana, M. Iqbal. « SPIRITUALITAS DAN GENDER : Sufi-Sufi Perempuan ». Living Islam : Journal of Islamic Discourses 1, no 2 (28 novembre 2018) : 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/lijid.v1i2.1734.
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Today there have been many studies of Sufism, but not many studies have discussed the involvement and contribution of women in the realm of Islamic mysticism in particular. This fact cannot be used as an excuse to say that Sufism, especially Islam, completely ignores the position and contribution of women. The few studies, once again, cannot be used as an excuse that women have little contribution and position in the development and spread of Sufism's teachings, doctrines and prac- tices.This paper discusses the equality of women and men not only in the conceptual level as stated in the Qur'an and Hadith. Furthermore, a number of female Sufi fig- ures such as Rabi'ah Adawiyah, Aishah al-Ba'uniyyah, Jahan Malek Khatun, Mahsati Ganjavi (Persia), Habba Khatoon, Jahanara Begum (India), were shown, which proved that women had equal opportunities in achieving spiritual knowledge.
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Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain. « The Islamic Path : Sufism, Politics and Society in India ». Indian Historical Review 34, no 1 (janvier 2007) : 311–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360703400119.
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Liebeskind, Claudia. « The Islamic Path. Sufism, Politics and Society in India ». Die Welt des Islams 51, no 1 (2011) : 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004325309x12529279606537.
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Bustamam-Ahmad, Kamaruzzaman. « The History of Jama‘ah Tabligh in Southeast Asia : The Role of Islamic Sufism in Islamic Revival ». Al-Jami'ah : Journal of Islamic Studies 46, no 2 (26 décembre 2008) : 353–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2008.462.353-400.
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The article examines the history of Jama‘ah Tabligh in Southeast Asia, especially in Kuala Lumpur and Aceh. The author traces the historical background of this religious movement with particular reference to the birth place of Jama‘ah Tabligh , India. The author investigates the major role of Indian in disseminating Islam in Southeast Asia, especially in Malaysia and Indonesia. Many scholars believe that Islam came to Southeast Asia from India (Gujarat), and this is the reason why many Islamic traditions in this region were influenced by Indian culture. However, to analyze Islamic movement in Southeast Asia one should take into consideration the Middle East context in which various Islamic movements flourished. Unlike many scholars who believe that the spirit of revivalism or Islamic modernism in Southeast Asia was more influenced by Islam in the Middle East than Indian, the author argues that the influence of Indian Muslim in Southeast Asia cannot be neglected, particularly in the case of Jama‘ah Tabligh.
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Afrianti, Dwi. « Sufism Scholars Network in the Middle East, India, and Indonesia ». International Journal of Nusantara Islam 4, no 1 (14 mars 2016) : 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v4i1.1226.
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The history of Islam in Indonesia cannot be separated from the affected of local culture, religion, belief earlier, and culture of the spreader of Islam which are also influenced by religion and beliefs held previously, as well as the entry period into certain areas of different life times, willingness to form the teachings of the scholars/king. All of this shows the complexity of the uniqueness of Islam in Indonesian as the majority religion among diverse religions in Indonesia. Sufism are directly involved in the spread of Islam in Indonesia with a unique teaching that facilitate the engaging of non-Muslim communities into Islam, compromise or blends Islam with religious and beliefs practices rather than local beliefs change from an international network to the local level. The terms and the elements of the pre-Islamic culture are used to explain Islam itself. Islamic history of Sundanese, there is a link in teachings of Wihdat al-Wujud of Ibn al-‘Arabi who Sufism Scholar that connected between the international Islamic networks scholars and Sundanese in Indonesia. It is more popular, especially in the congregation of Thariqat Syattariyah originated from India, and it is widespread in Indonesia such as Aceh, Minangkabau and also Pamijahan-Tasikmalaya that brought by Abdul Muhyi since 17th century ago.
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Amir Arjomand, Saïd. « The Salience of Political Ethic in the Spread of Persianate Islam ». Journal of Persianate Studies 1, no 1 (2008) : 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471608784772751.
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AbstractPersianate Islam developed in close connection with the rise of independent monarchies and state formation in Iran from the last decades of the ninth century onward. Political ethic and norms of statecraft developed under the Sāmānids and Ghaznavids, and constituted a major component of Persianate Islam from the very beginning. When Islam spread to India under the Delhi Sultanate in the thirteenth century and to the Sultanates in Malaysia and Indonesia after the fifteenth, Persianate political ethic was one of its two salient components, Sufism being the other. The immigrating Persian bureaucratic class engaged in state formation for Indian rulers became the carriers of this political ethic, importing it in its entirety and together with symbols and institutions of royalty and justice. With the continued eastward expansion of Islam, Persianate political ethic and royal institutions spread beyond India into the sprawling Malay world.
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Auer, Blain. « The Origins and Evolution of Sufi Communities in South Asia Revisited ». Journal of Sufi Studies 8, no 1 (28 février 2020) : 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341314.
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Abstract This article offers a reevaluation of studies on the origins of Sufism in South Asia. Generally, scholars have pointed to the thirteenth century as the genesis of Sufi orders in Northern India. However, this period supplies no textual evidence to support this claim. The vague picture of the thirteenth century is one of individual shaykhs unattached to specific Sufi orders or distinct religious teachings. By contrast, in the fourteenth century there is a wealth of Sufi textual sources available in the genres of malfūẓāt, letters and biographical texts that seek to institutionalize Sufi teachings and create genealogies of learning. Based on textual and archeological sources this author demonstrates that it was during the fourteenth century that we see the development of institutionalized forms of Sufism. Special attention is given to the origins and development of the Chishtiyya lineage of shaykhs during this critical period.
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RIZVI, SAJJAD. « Faith Deployed for a New Shiʿi Polity in India : The Theology of Sayyid Dildar ‘Ali Nasirabadi ». Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 24, no 3 (19 mai 2014) : 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186314000303.
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AbstractWhile Shiʿi Islam and its imperial expressions were known in the Deccan sultanates from the sixteenth century and expressed in court-sponsored production of theology, it was only in the eighteenth century that Shiʿi political theology emerged in North India in the new state of Awadh. In this paper, I argue that one can discern in the theology of Sayyid Dildar ʿAli Nasirabadi (d. 1820) a clear attempt at forging a new Shiʿi theological dispensation to bolster the state, based upon a tripartite attack on three rival approaches to faith and politics: Akhbarism, Sufism, and the Sunni rationalism of Farangi Mahall. A careful examination of these textual practices within the Awadhi context demonstrates one example of how Indian thinkers responded to the decline of Mughal power and articulated alternative epistemologies in vernacular contexts before the advent of the British Empire.
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Damrel, D. W. « Sufism, Culture and Politics : Afghans and Islam in Medieval North India * BY RAZIUDDIN AQUIL ». Journal of Islamic Studies 20, no 1 (1 janvier 2009) : 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etn069.
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Bevilacqua, Daniela. « Patton E. Burchett, A Genealogy of Devotion. Bhakti, Tantra, Yoga, and Sufism in North India ». Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no 188 (5 décembre 2019) : 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.48637.
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Walmsley, Nicholas. « The Yasaviyya in the Nasāʾim al-maḥabba of ʿAlī Shīr Navāʾī : A Case Study in Central Asian Hagiography ». Journal of Sufi Studies 3, no 1 (20 août 2014) : 38–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-12341261.
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The Timurid statesman and poet ʿAlī Shīr Navāʾī (d. 906/1501) was the author of the first biographical dictionary (taẕkira) of Sufi saints to be written in the Central Asian dialect of Chaghatay Turkic. Although he started it as a translation of Nafaḥāt al-uns by Jāmī, he expanded upon that work by including many saints from Khurasan, India, and Turkestan. Of particular note are his entries for a clutch of Sufis associated with Aḥmad Yasavī, whom he described as the mashāʾīkh-i turk—the Turkish shaykhs. This was the first substantial overview of these saints in hagiographical literature, even though they had been active since the seventh/thirteenth century. The problem for historians is that Navāʾī supplies little by way of chronology for these saints, nor does he provide a clear indication of his sources. The problem for scholars of Sufism is that he provides little information on issues of doctrine or praxis. What is significant about this survey is its emphasis on the importance of hereditary descent among the shaykhs, suggesting that what was key to uniting them was not an institutional framework, but one of common genealogies from one of the immediate successors of Aḥmad Yasavī.
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Borges, Charles. « Sufism and Society in Medieval India. Edited by Raziuddin Aquil. (New Delhi, India : Oxford University Press, 2010. Pp. xxiv, 184. $55.00.) ». Historian 76, no 1 (1 mars 2014) : 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12030_41.
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Hussain, Ghulam. « ‘Dalits are in India, not in Pakistan’ : Exploring the Discursive Bases of the Denial of Dalitness under the Ashrafia Hegemony ». Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no 1 (2 août 2019) : 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619863455.
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This paper is an attempt to investigate the discursive bases of the categorical and identity-based choices available to the Dalits under the Ashrafia hegemony, and the resultant denial of Dalitness prevalent among the Dalits and the Sindhi civil society in, Pakistan. Informed by the Ambedkarian (subaltern) perspective, I analyse the conversational interviews conducted with the Dalit activists (mostly Scheduled Castes), and with their Ashrafia class counterparts. Interrogating the superior status of Sayed caste(s), I contend that the the denial of casteism, the opposition to the use of the ‘Dalit’ identity marker and the negation of the Dalitness seemed to have as much to do with the belief in Ashrafia values as it had with the normative sanction of the Savarna. values.Both the Savarna and the Ashrafia values seemed to seek legitimacy from the dominant ethnocentric forms of the politicized Sufism. Political Sufism merges the Savarna and Ashrafia norms by means of the syncretic narrative based on interfaith harmony and the civilisational rhetoric. Ashrafisation (also Savarnisation) and the reverence towards Sayeds were the key self-perpetuating hegemonic processes underlying the attempts by the Dalits and the civil society activists to dissipate cognitive dissonance underlying the existing Dalitness and the Ashrafia hegemony. I, therefore, conclude that the practices and the narratives prevalent in Sindhi civil society undermined the Dalit agency to come up with their own counter-hegemonic and emancipatory narrative(s).
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Bahri, Media Zainul. « Gagasan Pluralisme Agama pada Kaum Teosofi Indonesia (1901-1933) ». Ulumuna 17, no 2 (8 novembre 2017) : 387–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v17i2.168.
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This article elucidates the idea of religious pluralism among Indonesian theosophies society (MTI), an association of well-educated people of Nusantara from 1901 through 1933, whose members were dominated by the high-class of Javanese and Sumatran people, Dutch and other Europeans. It argues that MTI’s ideas about pluralistic and inclusive religious perceptions and attitudes were indeed influenced by perennialism, religious humanism, Javanese Islam and Sufism that accepted religious pluralism. MTI’s deep religious outlooks and insights resulted from mixed ideas coming from diverse socio-cultural backgrounds: Europe, America, India, China and indigenous Nusantara traditions which emphasizes the principles of harmony.
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Sarbadhikary, Sukanya. « A Genealogy of Devotion : Bhakti, Tantra, Yoga, and Sufism in North India. By Patton E. Burchett ». Journal of the American Academy of Religion 88, no 2 (24 mars 2020) : 631–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfaa010.
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Rozi, Syafwan. « WACANA SUFISTIK : TASAWUF FALSAFI DI NUSANTARA ABAD XVII M : ANALISIS HISTORIS DAN FILOSOFIS ». Islam Realitas : Journal of Islamic & ; Social Studies 3, no 2 (31 décembre 2017) : 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/islam_realitas.v3i2.405.
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Sufistict discourse of Sufism philosophy has grown rapidly to accompany the development of Islam in the period of growth in the archipelago. Seen from the source or network, in the 17th century AD it understood to be brought by the Sufi clerics or nomads who came from Persia and India, although the period appears haramain network is considered as a counter that ultimately criticize the ideology of philosophical Sufism that has developed before. The ideology of philosophical Sufism which developed in the archipelago in terms of the essence of the teachings comes from the philosophical Sufi mursia Ibn 'Arabi received by the archipelago of the archipelago through the followers of Ibn'Arabi or learned from his works which are encountered when wandering the middle queue - persia to study. Hamzah Fansuri and Syamsuddin Sumaterani as representenatasi of wujudiyyah in the archipelago is very stressed to maintain the concept of monotheism in an original and really crowded God. Hamzah especially emphasizes the stages of la ta'ayyun as a pure divine element. While Syamsuddin emphasize to his followers to understand al-muwahhidin al-shiddiqin, not equating anatara God with nature but understood by the logic of thinking that the form of nature is majazi or shadow of the form of God. With this understanding Syamsuddin has first clarified.
Wacana sufistik tasawuf falsafi telah berkembang pesat mengiringi perkembangan Islam pada masa pertumbuhan di Nusantara. Dilihat dari sumber atau jaringannya, pada abad ke-17 M, paham tersebut dapat dikatakan dibawa oleh ulama atau pengembara sufi yang datang dari Persia dan India, walaupun kurun itu muncul jaringan Haramain dianggap sebagi tandingan yang akhirnya mengkritik paham tasawuf falsafi yang telah berkembang sebelumnya. Paham tasawuf falsafi yang berkembang di Nusantara dari segi esensi ajaran berasal dari sufi filosofis mursia Ibn’ Arabi yang diterima ulama Nusantara melalui pengikut-pengikut Ibn’Arabi atau dipelajarai dari karya-karyanya yang ditemui ketika mengembara ke timut tengah – persia untuk menuntut ilmu. Hamzah Fansuri dan Syamsuddin Sumaterani sebagai representasi dari paham wujudiyyah di Nusantara sangat menekankan untuk memahani konsep tauhid secara orisinil dan benar-benar mengesakan Tuhan. Khususnya Hamzah menekanan sekali tahapan la ta’ayyun sebagai unsur ketuhanan yang murni. Sedangkan Syamsuddin menekankan kepada pengikutnya untuk berpaham al-muwahhidin al-shiddiqin, tidak menyamakan anatara Tuhan dengan alam tapi dipahami dengan logika berfikir bahwa wujud alam adalah majazi atau bayangan dari wujud Tuhan. Dengan paham ini Syamsuddin telah terlebih dahulu mengklarifikasi.
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Rajab, Hadarah. « Implementasi Nilai-Nilai Sufisme Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah di Sulawesi Selatan ». Ulumuna 14, no 2 (31 décembre 2010) : 341–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v14i2.221.
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For Muslims, especially those who are interested in sufism, Naqsabandiya sufi order is of special interest due to its important position in society. This is also because the great influence that this sufi order has played in the Islamic world, especially in Indonesia, India, China and Middle East. In Indonesia, this sufi order has spread throughout the islands, including in South Celebes. One of the great teacher of this sufi order came from this region, namely Syaikh Yusuf al-Makassari. He was believed to be the first to introduce this sufi in Indonesia. This essay attempts to explain the method of essential teaching developed in this sufi order, as this is practiced by people in South Celebes. It also traces the sufi’s historical background and expounds the ways in which it influences people’s social life, including in the fields of worship and human relations.
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Arjomand, Saïd Amir. « Unity of the Persianate World under Turko-Mongolian Domination and Divergent Development of Imperial Autocracies in the Sixteenth Century ». Journal of Persianate Studies 9, no 1 (8 juin 2016) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341292.
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The promotion of the Persianate normative model of imperial kingship was the major ecumenical contribution of the Persian bureaucrats who served the Saljuq and Mongol rulers of Iran and Anatolia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to state-building. The phenomenal growth of popular Sufism in Timurid Iran and early Ottoman Anatolia had a highly paradoxical impact on the legitimacy of kingship, making its conception increasingly autocratic. Both in the Ottoman and the Safavid successor empires, the disintegrative tendency of nomadic patrimonial empires was countered by variants of Persianate imperial monarchy. It is argued that the decisive event in sundering the ecumenical unity of the Persianate world was not the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, but the Mahdist revolution of the Safavidsheykhoghlu, Shah Esmāʿil, half a century later. The parting of ways stemmed from the variant of mystically enhanced autocracy adopted in the two cases—one with orthodox, Sunni, and the other with heterodox, Shiʿite inflection. The latter model became the Safavid model of autocracy under Shah Esmāʿil, and was quickly adopted by the Timurids after their conquest of India in 1526.
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Ernst, Carl W. « “The Islamization of Yoga in the Amrtakunda Translations” ». Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & ; Ireland 13, no 2 (juillet 2003) : 199–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186303003079.
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AbstractFrom the beginning of Orientalist studies of the Muslim world, it was axiomatic to define certain religious phenomena in terms of their origins. Because of the tendency to view all Eastern doctrines as essentially alike, Orientalist scholars of the Romantic period invariably defined Sufism as a mysticism that was Indian in origin; from the first appearance of the term in European languages, “Sufism” was characterised as essentially Looking back at this early scholarship today, it is surprising that this unanimous belief in the Indian origin of Sufism was almost entirely unconnected to any historical evidence. From the days of Sir William Jones and Sir John Malcolm to relatively recent times, this opinion has had a remarkable longevity, despite the ludicrous appearance of some of these claims today. As an example one may consider the outrageous claim of Max Horten, in a 1928 study that sought to explain Sufism as a pure expression of Vedanta: “No doubt can any longer remain that the teaching of Hallaj (d. 922) and his circle Another pertinent example is found in an observation of William James in his 1902 Gifford Lectures, published as The Varieties of Religious Experience:In the Mohammedan world the Sufi sect and various dervish bodies are the possessors of the mystical tradition. The Sufis have existed in Persia from the earliest times, and as their pantheism is so at variance with the hot and rigid monotheism of the Arab mind, it has been suggested that Sufism must haveJames's remark illustrates, innocently enough, how widely this opinion was shared at the time by the academic world in Europe and America. It is easier to see from the perspective of the later twentieth century that this opinion was conditioned by nineteenth-century racial attitudes as well as assumptions about the unchanging nature of religions.
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Danish, Iqbal. « Ethics In Islam ». American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no 1 (1 septembre 1989) : 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2705.
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The seminar on "Ethics in Islam" was held in Faridabad, Haryana, onJuly 30-31 1988, sponsored by the Institute of Objective Studies, New Delhiand the Department of Philosophy at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,India. Mr. Muqimuddin, the seminar organizer, opened the proceedings byremarking at the outset that the seminar's theme was of prime importancein the context of the present world. Justifying any aspect of Islamic Ethicsis both tricky and difficult. According to him, ethics has developed in theWest in the form of philosophical theories but classical philosophers did notgive much attention to the theoretical aspects of Islamic Ethics and virtuallyno effort has been made toward the documentation of ethics in Islam.The keynote address, delivered by Dr. Mohammed Abdul Haq Ansarientitled "Islamic Ethics: Concept and Prospect," (presently a professor atImam Muhammad Islamic University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia), revieweddifferent streams of writing in the spheres of Islamic philosophy, Sufism,theology, jurisprudence, politics, and economy, and highlighted the contributioneach has made to the subject. He asserted that in view of the material availablein these writings, Islamic scholars of our time can develop a veritable chronicleof Islamic Ethics in a period shorter than the Islamic econoll}ists have takento develop Islamic Economics. According to Prof. Ansari, there is a wellformulatedsystem of morality in the Qur'an, but there is no such theorizationin the field of ethics. He pointed out that there are several ethical problemswhich need our attention while proceeding towards theorization of IslamicEthics, e.g., determinism, freedom of will, distinction between good andevil, etc.The keynote address was followed by a lively discussion. Prof. FazlurRahman Ginnori was of the opinion that Islam has provided a complete codeof morality obliviating the need for theorizing about Islamic Ethics. Otherparticipants were of the opinion that in order to convince the world of thefeasibility of Islamic Ethics, especially because of its identification with mostaspects of science, there is a need for an ethical theory of Islam.Dr. Sanaullah Mir of Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India, reada paper on "Philosophical Justification of the Islamic Ethical Standard: theOntological and Deontological Standards." While discussing the nature of ...
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Nur Awalin, Fatkur Rohman. « SEJARAH PERKEMBANGAN DAN PERUBAHAN FUNGSI WAYANG DALAM MASYARAKAT. » Kebudayaan 13, no 1 (25 mars 2019) : 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/jk.v13i1.234.
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AbstractWayang art performance that develops in Java is a traditional performing art that is able to survive and adapt to all aspects of its changes. The issue of this research is to know, how does the history of development and change of wayang function in society? The development of wayang art performance is influenced by social conditions, which affect the change of function of wayang art performance. The objective of the research is to explain the history of development and change of wayang function in society.This study uses descriptive method, with the support of literature review and observation on wayang performance. The results show that the history of wayang development is conceptually a combination of several cultural elements that enter in Indonesia (Java), namely Indian culture with Hindu-Buddhism and Islam with sufism. Indicator of changes in wayang function in the community is the change of pakeliran wayang as an industry tomeet the entertainment market. Changes in ritual function can be seen from the waning of guidance or moral values in wayang, so its has only entertainment or spectacle functions and as a popular performances.AbstrakSeni pertunjukan wayang yang tumbuh dan berkembang di Jawa merupakan kesenian tradisonal yang mampu bertahan dan menyesuaikan dengan perkembangan zaman dengan segala aspek perubahan-perubahannya. Masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah mengkaji mengenai bagaimana sejarah perkembangan dan perubahan fungsi wayang dalam masyarakat? Perkembangan seni pertunjukan wayang dipengaruhi oleh kondisi sosial, yang berpengaruh terhadap perubahan fungsi seni pertunjukan wayang.Tujuannya adalah menjelaskan sejarah perkembangan dan perubahan fungsi wayang dalam masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif, dengan dukungan kajian pustaka dan pengamatan (observasi) terhadap pergelaran wayang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sejarah perkembangan wayang secara konseptual merupakan perpaduan dari beberapa unsur kebudayaan yang masuk di Indonesia (Jawa), yakni kebudayaan India dengan Agama Hindu-Buddha dan Islam dengan tasawufnya. Indikator perubahan fungsi wayang dalam masyarakat adalah perubahan pakeliran dalam wayang sebagai industri untuk memenuhi pasar hiburan. Perubahan fungsi ritual dapat dilihat dari memudarnya nilai-nilai tuntunan atau moral dalam wayang, sehingga wayang hanya mempunyai fungsi hiburan atau tontonan dan sebagai pertunjukan populer.
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Kugle, S. « Review : Change and Continuity in Indian Sufism * Thomas Dahnhardt : Change and Continuity in Indian Sufism ». Journal of Islamic Studies 15, no 3 (1 septembre 2004) : 359–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/15.3.359.
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Hermansen, Marcia K. « Dr. Arthur Buehler obituary ». Comparative Islamic Studies 12, no 1-2 (28 août 2019) : 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.39593.
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Comparative Islamic Studies mourns the loss of editorial board member, Dr. Arthur Buehler, who passed away in Tucson, Arizona April 1, 2019. Before pursuing his doctorate at Harvard University under Annemarie Schimmel, he had mastered the Arabic language and spent several years in Yemen and Oman teaching English. Before his retirement Dr. Buehler had been Senior Lecturer in Religious Studies at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. He had also taught Islamic Studies at several American Universities.
Art Buehler was a scholar of Sufism, especially the Persianate Sufism of South and Central Asia. In addition to numerous articles, his books include: Sufi Heirs of the Prophet: The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh (1998); Revealed Grace: The Juristic Sufism of Ahmad Sirhindi, 1564–1624 (2011), and Recognizing Sufism: Contemplation in the Islamic Tradition (2016).
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Afrizal El-Adzim Syahputra. « Sufisme Dalam Hindu dan Islam ». Jurnal Ilmiah Spiritualis : Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Tasawuf 4, no 1 (8 août 2020) : 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53429/spiritualis.v4i1.41.
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Agama Hindu dapat digolongkan sebagai agama tertua di dunia. Agama ini awalnya tidak memilik nama. Namun seiring perkembangan zaman, agama ini kemudian dinamakan Hindu karena mayoritas pemeluknya berada di kawasan sungai Indus di India. Konsep sufi dalam Islam seringkali dikaitkan dengan keberadaan agama lain. Hal ini tidak heran memang keberadaan agama Islam yang di bawa oleh nabi Muh}ammad memang datang belakangan. Selain itu perluasan Islam di berbagai penjuru dunia juga mengalami asimilasi dengan kearifan lokal dan budaya setempat. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa konsep sufi di dalam Islam maupun Hindu memiliki kesamaan, akan tetapi keduanya memiliki sejarah yang mandiri. Kesufian di dalam Islam murni dari ajaran Islam, baik dari al-Qur’an maupun hadis. Sedangkan sufisme di dalam Hindu juga memiliki kemandirian ajaran, meskipun secara kebetulan ada yang sama, yaitu penggunaan tasbih dan kesederhanaan hidup.
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Chowdury, Saeyd Rashed Hasan, et Vahit Göktaş. « A Critical Analysis of Imam Rabbani Ahmad Sirhindi’s Doctrines on Sufism ». Teosofi : Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 11, no 1 (3 juin 2021) : 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2021.11.1.93-121.
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The purpose of this study is to present an analysis of the teachings and ideals of the life and thought of Imam Rabbani Ahmad Sirhindi’s followers inspires the Muslims of the present world to pursue the path of truth, welfare, and justice. We tried to collect data from secondary sources and found that various superstitions entered Sufism when many non-Islamic issues permeated Islam. Imam Rabbani has made tireless efforts in writings and discourses through Sufism to return Islam to its original purity. He was awarded the title of “Reformer of the second millennium” because he first introduced Islamic thought in the history of the Indian subcontinent. On the other hand, Imam Rabbani taught the Waḥdat al-Shuhūd doctrine by criticizing the Waḥdat al-Wujūd doctrine introduced by Ibn ‘Arabī. As he continued the pure tradition of religion by subverting the superstitions of sharia in Islam, he established “Mujaddidiya Tariqa” in the spiritual world and coordinated the sharia-tariqa in Sufism. However, the outcome of our research shows how Imam Rabbani builds equality of status, love, and fraternity and instructs people through Sufism to respect the religion, emotions, and practices of others.
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Renard, John. « ARTHUR F. BUEHLER, Sufi Heirs of the Prophet : The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh (Columbia : University of South Carolina Press, 1998). Pp. 339. Price not available. » International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no 4 (novembre 2000) : 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002737.
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Islamicists interested in Sufism have benefited from a growing number of worthwhile publications in recent years. Studies of South Asian Sufism in particular have broadened scholarly horizons by increasing the range of materials with which to reconstruct a complex history. One aspect of the history of Sufism that has been getting significant attention in various contexts lately is the role of authority in the person of the shaykh. Arthur Buehler offers in his study of South Asia's Naqshbandis something of a parallel to what Vincent Cornell has produced in his work on the role of the shaykh among North Africa's Shadhilis. He argues that Naqshbandi Sufism has witnessed an important shift in the role of the shaykh, from one of hands-on mystical tutelage to one of intercession. Buehler sets his chief argument in the context of evidence that major transformations occurred in the nature of Sufi spiritual authority beginning in the 9th through 11th centuries. In his first two chapters, Buehler lays out the general historical background. Before Sufism had been fully institutionalized into discrete orders, the “teaching shaykh” (shaykh at-ta⊂l―im) instructed all comers in the growing body of Sufi tradition. Imparting the wisdom of already legendary characters, they equipped their students with a working knowledge of the essentials of Sufism. They and their pupils were often quite mobile, and the teacher-student relationship remained relatively informal and distant. Beginning in the late 9th century, that relationship began to change. Over the next 200 years or so, a new kind of shaykh emerged as the normative type of Sufi authority. From a fixed abode, the “directing shaykh” (shaykh al-tarbiyya) provided increasingly proprietary instruction on the actual pursuit of the spiritual path to a select few disciples who pledged their sole allegiance to one spiritual guide. Now the shaykh imparted not merely generalized instructions on spiritual etiquette, but also soul-challenging advice and do-it-or-depart requirements for advancement on the mystical path. Regarded as virtually infallible, the directing shaykh initiated followers into a lineage, bestowed the khirqa, and generally exercised total authority over the disciple's daily affairs.
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Green, Nile. « Making Sense of ‘Sufism’ in the Indian Subcontinent : A Survey of Trends ». Religion Compass 2, no 6 (21 octobre 2008) : 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00110.x.
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Arnold, Alison. « Sidi Sufis : African Indian Mystics of Gujarat (review) ». Asian Music 36, no 2 (2005) : 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/amu.2005.0013.
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Paribok, Andrew, et Ruzana Pskhu. « Mystical Experience of Eternity as a Limit of Time Experience ». Ideas and Ideals 12, no 4-1 (23 décembre 2020) : 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.1-59-76.
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This article aims to clarify two traditions of understanding time, namely the rationalistic, which includes the scientific (in the West, going back to the ‘Physics’ of Aristotle) and philosophical (going back in the West to Augustine), and mystical (the most methodically sustained is the Yogic tradition of Classical India and Sufism). The article contains several sections: Introduction raises the problem of time and sets the subject boundaries. The main part is comprised of the following sections: 1. Time as found in objects: a brief summary of the rational scientific and quasi scientific trend of time interpretation from Aristotle’s Physics to Reichenbach’s “Philosophy of Time and Space”. The physical one-sidedness of the consideration of time is completely immersed in the object domain. 2. Time as associated with the ontological subject: essential points of purely philosophical understanding of time beginning with St. Augustine via Kant up to Heidegger. This philosophical approach is no less one-sided, and comprehends time almost exclusively as a subjective phenomenon (memory, contemplation, desire, one’s own nature etc.) Both trends lack any discrimination between the initial indication of the phenomenon of time (the answer to the question ‘what is time as a phenomenon?’) and the interpretation of the meaning of this phenomenon (the answer to the question ‘how to understand the phenomenon of time?’). 3. Interpretations of the time phenomenon are implicitly based on the everyday mode of awareness. The problem of time is one of the most difficult problems to comprehend. The main thesis of the article is that the pra-phenomenon of time is revealed to consciousness from the necessarily occurring switching and comparison between two processes: orientation in the external world and attention to cogitation, i.e., between the external and internal. This duality coincides with the duality that is realized in the elementary unit of rational thought - judgment, the subject of which is recognized as belonging to the external world, and the predicate – to the internal. Separately, it is planned to consider the understanding of time in the mystical tradition. We will focus on two ways of understanding time - the rationalistic (philosophical), represented by the teachings of Kant, and the mystical, represented by the Sufis and Yogis (with an indication of the fundamental difference between them). Note that these two methods are not opposed by us, although in a sense they exclude each other. 4. Lapse of time and the notion of a mode of awareness. The ordinary mode of awareness called vikṣipta ‘dispersed’ in Yoga philosophy is characterized by a fundamental dualism of inner and outer worlds’ events. Both are processes and the non predicative comparison of their pace constitutes the ordinary experience of the lapse of time. This mode is the most habitual one and the very mode within which it is possible to speak and compose texts, however it is not unique. There exist other possibilities. 5. One-pointed awareness mode and the atemporal process. Voluntarily achieved one-pointedness has no distinction between the outer and inner world and is therefore ‘out of’ or ‘above’ time. It is well known in mystical literature (exemplified by the text by eminent Sufi author, Niffari). In European rational philosophy this position was explained by Hegel, but not in his ‘Philosophy of Nature”, usually associated with the concept of time, it was in the ‘Science of Logic’ (in the timeless unfolding of absolute knowledge). The Conclusion presents a summary. The crucial point which enables a thinker to overcome the traditional scientific and philosophical one-sidedness of the conceptualization of time is the notion of a mode of awareness and comprehension of the fundamental duality of outer world processes and cogitations’ succession. A non-ordinary awareness mode is methodologically elaborated in Yoga philosophy, witnessed in mystical Sufi texts, and finally, grasped in Hegel’s concept of a speculative proposition.
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Alam, Muzaffar. « III. Competition and Co-existence : Indo-Islamic Interaction in Medieval North India ». Itinerario 13, no 1 (mars 1989) : 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004149.
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The study of Islam and Muslims in relation to local non-Muslim population and their religious beliefs and social practices in medieval India has often tended to be conducted eventually along two lines, seemingly opposed to each other. On the one hand, there are communal historians who have reduced the history of medieval India into the conflict between Hindus and Muslims, which they have projected as having resulted from their divergent religious outlooks. The period was Islamic in their view, and the state a conversion machinery and an organ to bring Hindus under the hegemony of Islam. This was a mission in which the state could not succeed fully, largely because of ‘Hindu’ resistance. On the other hand, there are a large number of ‘liberal’ historians to whom the hallmark of medieval Indian society has been an amity between the two communities, the various tensions and encounters over economic and political matters notwithstanding. The medieval period, in the opinion of such historians, saw the evolution and efflorescence of a composite culture to which medieval rulers, nobles, sufis and Persian and Urdu poets contributed significantly. The later animosity between Hindus and Muslims and clashes over religious matters, they argued, were the handiwork of the British.
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Schofield, Katherine Butler. « Book Review : KAVITA PANJABI, ed. Poetics and Politics of Sufism and Bhakti in South Asia : Love, Loss and Liberation ; MADHU TRIVEDI, The Emergence of the Hindustani Tradition : Music, Dance and Drama in North India, 13th to 19th Centuries and T. K. VENKATASUBRAMANIAN, Music as History in Tamilnadu ». Indian Economic & ; Social History Review 52, no 1 (janvier 2015) : 116–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464614564723.
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Pearson, Harlan O. « Islam Reformed in Indian History : The Dynamic Sufi Heart in Vital Transition to Printed Scripture ». Teosofi : Jurnal Tasawuf dan Pemikiran Islam 11, no 1 (3 juin 2021) : 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/teosofi.2021.11.1.71-92.
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Attempting to comprehend the controversial subject of Islamic reform, this study compares the development of Indian Islam to the Protestant Reformation. Seminal findings from social science aid in understanding religious reform as an evolving historical process. During the transition to colonial rule in India, Christian missionaries introduced a scripturally defined concept of religion that challenged the traditional worldview with Sufis at the heart of organic universal order. Shah Waliullah interpreted the social disorder as the historical operation of the transcendent and willful God, declaring Islamic scriptures as the only authoritative guide for believers. Reformers translated the Qur’ān, preached to the masses, and established independent Muslim schools. Scripturalism expressed as literalism became puritanical resulting in sectarian fragmentation and conflict with Islamic and Christian reform. But the most disruptive change agent was technological: the printing press transformed scripture from oral and manuscript traditions, and the pervasive printed Qur’ān in local languages shaped individual and communal Muslim identity. The profound historical impact of religious reform with printed scripture could portend a new era with digital scripture in cyberspace.
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Kruijtzer, Gijs. « Indian Sufism since the Seventeenth Century : Saints, Books and Empires in the Muslim Deccan ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 51, no 4 (2008) : 689–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852008x354706.
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Eunjoo Lee. « The Process of Incorporation of Sufism into the Hindu Society and Indian Muslims’ Dilemma ». Journal of South Asian Studies 15, no 2 (octobre 2009) : 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21587/jsas.2009.15.2.003.
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Saniotis, Arthur. « Enchanted Landscapes : Sensuous Awareness as Mystical Practice among Sufis in North India ». Australian Journal of Anthropology 19, no 1 (avril 2008) : 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.2008.tb00103.x.
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Bandy, Hunter. « Making Space : Sufis and Settlers in Early Modern India by Nile Green ». Journal of Shi'a Islamic Studies 9, no 2 (2016) : 228–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isl.2016.0017.
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Tareen, S. « Making Space : Sufis and Settlers in Early Modern India By NILE GREEN ». Journal of Islamic Studies 25, no 1 (5 septembre 2013) : 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/ett032.
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Al zhery, Dr Nahy Abid Ibrahem. « Symbols of Sufism and Gratitude (Al-Irfan)in the poetry of Igbal Al-Lahouri ». ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, no 1 (1 septembre 2018) : 247–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i1.121.
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The Indiana poet Mohammad Iqbal Al-Lahouri is one of the great poets who shined Like as star in the Indian subcontinent in the past 100 years. He became a distinguished literary phenomenon in today's world. Many literary works and were written about him. One of the important aspects of Iqbal's poetry is the reflection of mystical concepts and knowledge in his poems as was the case of Sufi scholars one of which is the great persian Sufi poet (JalaluddinAl-Roumi). That is why the current research came under this title.
(symbols of Sufism and Gratitude (Al-Irfan)in the poetry of Igbal Al-Lahouri).
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Rezavi, Syed Ali Nadeem. « Book Review : Nile Green, Making Space : Sufis and Settlers in Early Modern India ». Studies in History 30, no 1 (février 2014) : 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013504657.
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Hussain, Ghulam. « Understanding Hegemony of Caste in Political Islam and Sufism in Sindh, Pakistan ». Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no 5 (4 avril 2019) : 716–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619839430.
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This paper is an attempt to investigate the historical trajectory of Ashrafia hegemony in Sindh, the province of Pakistan. I begin with the analysis of biopolitics of caste, class and religion organised around Hindu–Muslim binarism and unity as it unfolded during and after the partition of the Indian subcontinent. I particularly analyse the demographic shifts, the official categorisation of populations, and the communal and ethnonationalist claims that led to the specific kind of interpretation of religion, caste and class. Informed by the Ambedkarian subaltern perspective and based on the analysis of ethnographic data and vernacular literature, I explain that nationalist ideologies framed in the narratives of political Islam and Sufism tend to organise politics around Hindu–Muslim otherness, as in case of Pakistani nationalism, and Hindu–Muslim harmony, as in case of Sindhi nationalism. Based on that understanding, I argue that Ashrafia advantage, by and large, is the product of pre-existing historical hegemonic relations than any conscious strategy, and or directly imposed domination. Since both the Ashrafia narratives primarily imagine people through religious binaries, they lack the counter-hegemonic elements that could confront casteism that lies at the intersection of class and religion. None of the narratives, being performative projections of the ideal religious society, brought casteism in their focus while dealing with the structural inequalities, social hierarchies and the issues of political representation of the Dalit class. It resulted in the unwarranted legitimacy for Ashrafia hegemony, Jati Hindu domination and Dalit subordination. This re-hierarchised caste groups and continue to (re)distribute the caste capital by (re)producing Sayedism, Dalit exclusion and caste-class oligarchies.
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Burney Abbas, Shemeem. « Risky Knowledge in Risky Times : Political Discourses of Qawwālī and Sūfīana-kalam in Pakistan-Indian Sufism ». Muslim World 97, no 4 (octobre 2007) : 626–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.2007.00204.x.
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Юзмухаметов, Рамиль Тагирович. « ARABIC AND PERSIAN LEXICAL LOANWORDS IN THE INDONESIAN LANGUAGE ». Bulletin of the Chuvash State Pedagogical University named after I Y Yakovlev, no 2(107) (30 juillet 2020) : 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.37972/chgpu.2020.107.2.013.
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В статье содержатся результаты исследования усвоения арабо-персидских лексических заимствований в индонезийском (малайском) языке. Актуальность исследования обусловлена интересом к истории распространения арабо-мусульманской письменной традиции в ареале Малайского архипелага, а также способами усвоения иноязычных слов носителями индонезийского языка. В статье рассматриваются фонетические, морфологические и лексико-семантические изменения арабо-персидских заимствований в индонезийском языке на материале словарей современного индонезийского языка. Методологической и теоретической базой для исследования стали труды отечественных и зарубежных языковедов и востоковедов. Арабо-персидские лексические заимствования начали проникать в язык малайцев одновременно с их знакомством с исламом примерно с XIV века. Изначальной формой присутствия ислама на Малайском архипелаге был суфизм, который органично вписался в местную культуру, так как имел общие черты с индуизмом и буддизмом. Появление суфизма здесь очевидно связано с деятельностью индийских и иранских торговцев. Благодаря суфиям распространилась грамотность среди населения, началось знакомство с образцами арабо-персидской мусульманской литературы; так язык малайцев стал насыщаться арабизмами и иранизмами. Хотя в индонезийском языке количество арабских заимствований значительно больше, чем персидских, тем не менее возможно предположить, что арабизмы попали в индонезийский язык уже после усвоения мусульманами, говорящими на индоиранских языках, а не от арабов напрямую. Арабо-персидские заимствования в структурном плане приобрели индонезийские фонологические и морфологические черты. The article contains the results of the study on the assimilation of the Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords in the Indonesian (Malay) language. The relevance of the study is due to the interest in the history of the spread of the Arab-Muslim written tradition in the area of the Malay Archipelago, as well as the ways of assimilation of foreign words by native speakers of the Indonesian language. The article considers the phonetic, morphological and lexical-semantic changes of the Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords in the Indonesian language based on the material of the dictionaries of the modern Indonesian language. The methodological and theoretical basis for the study is the works of the domestic and foreign linguists and orientalists. The Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords began to appear in the Malay language at the time when the Malay people became acquainted with Islam in the 14th century. The initial form of the presence of Islam in the Malay Archipelago was Sufism, which organically fit into the local culture as it had common features with Hinduism and Buddhism. The emergence of Sufism here is obviously associated with the activities of Indian and Iranian merchants. Thanks to the Sufis, literacy spread among the population, the Malays got acquainted with the samples of the Arab-Persian Muslim literature. Thus, the Malay language began to get saturated with Arabisms and Iranisms. Although the number of the Arabic lexical loanwords in the Indonesian language is much larger than the Persian ones, it is nevertheless possible to assume that the Arabisms entered the Indonesian language after being adopted by Muslims speaking the Indo-Iranian languages, and not directly from Arabs. The Arabic and Persian lexical loanwords structurally acquired Indonesian phonological and morphological features.
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Ameena Banu, S. « இசுலாமியச் சமூகத்தில் ஊடாடும் சாதியப் படிநிலைகளுக்கிடையேயான உட்பூசல்கள் (இசுலாமியப் புதினங்களை முன்வைத்து) ». Shanlax International Journal of Tamil Research 5, no 1 (1 juillet 2020) : 116–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/tamil.v5i1.3405.
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The Indian entry into Islam is through Arab merchants, Sufis and various settlements. Islam used the classical literary forms of Tamils and folk literature as the main medium for its religious spread. The purpose of this article is to explore the issues of interaction within Islamic societies recorded in novels, contemporary literary forms of Islamic literature that continue to operate on such a historical surface.
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Eaton, R. M. « Indian Sufism since the Seventeenth Century : Saints, Books and Empires in the Muslim Deccan * By NILE GREEN. » Journal of Islamic Studies 18, no 3 (1 septembre 2007) : 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etm039.
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ALVI, SAJIDA SULTANA. « Čištī Sufis And The Culture Of Books In Eighteenth Century India : The Punjab-Deccan Connection ». Oriente Moderno 92, no 2 (12 août 2012) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-09202002.
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Rohmana, Jajang A. « Tasawuf Sunda dan Warisan Islam Nusantara : Martabat Tujuh dalam Dangding Haji Hasan Mustapa (1852-1930) ». Buletin Al-Turas 20, no 2 (29 janvier 2020) : 259–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v20i2.3760.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstrak Paper ini membahas martabat tujuh dalam puisi dangding sufistik Haji Hasan Mustapa. Ia merupakan salah satu penerus tradisi tasawuf Nusantara dari Jawa Barat yang menulis lebih dari sepuluh ribu bait dangding. Tema martabat tujuh merupakan poros inti pembahasan dalam hampir keseluruhan puisi dangding-nya. Berbagai kesalahpahaman dan kesulitan para sarjana dalam memahami puisi Mustapa kiranya dilatarbelakangi keterbatasan pengetahuan atas ajaran ini. Kajian ini menggunakan pendekatan interteks atas sejumlah puisi Mustapa yang bertema sama. Kajian ini memfokuskan pada tiga hal: martabat tujuh dalam tradisi tasawuf Nusantara, Mustapa dan posisi dangding-nya dalam sastra Sunda, serta tema martabat tujuh sebagai inti puisinya. Mustapa kiranya dipengaruhi ajaran wahdatul wujud terutama melalui kitab Tuh}fah-nya Al-Burhanfuri. Meski demikian, ia berusaha menjejakkannya dalam latar kekayaan budayanya. Ia menginterpretasikan martabat tujuh, bukan semata-mata sebagai sintesis tajalli Ilahi, tetapi juga merupakan hasil upaya manusia dalam meningkatkan martabat rohani untuk pulang ke tempat di mana ia berasal (nepi kana urut indit). Karenanya tidak tepat bila ia dianggap menyimpang dari nilai-nilai ortodoksi Islam. Ia berada pada arus utama tasawuf Nusantara yang cenderung rekonsiliatif. Signifikansi Mustapa terletak pada kreatifitasnya dalam menggunakan banyak metafor budaya Sunda termasuk dalam menafsir ajaran martabat tujuh. Ia misalnya, menggunakan metafor tubuh (balung, daging, sungsuam, getih), makanan (rujak), sungai (leuwi), dan bukit (lamping) untuk menggambarkan proses panjang dalam meracik asal alam kesejatian. Kajian ini signifikan dalam memperkuat tesis jaringan ulama Nusantara dalam bentuk artikulasi tasawuf lokal Sunda. Sebuah tafsir lain atas martabat tujuh yang muncul dalam rahim alam pikiran budaya Sunda.---Abstract This paper discusses the dignity seven in metrical poetry Sufi Hasan Haji Mustapa. He is one of the successors of Sufism archipelago from West Java who wrote more than ten thousand metrical stanza. He was in the mainstream Sufism archipelago tend reconciliatory. Mustapa significance lies in creativity in using many metaphors Sundanese culture including seven in interpreting the teachings of dignity. He for instance, uses the metaphor of the body (bone, meat, sungsuam, getih), food (salad), rivers (Leuwi), and Hill (lamping) to describe the lengthy process of preparing the authenticity of natural origin. This study is significant in strengthening the network of scholars Nusantara thesis in the form of Sufism articulation of local Sundanese.