Articles de revues sur le sujet « Stéphane (1967-....) »

Stéphane Mallarmé despertó el interés de la vanguardia artística e intelectual francesa de la década de 1960. De hecho, se convirtió en centro de las polémicas entre los miembros vinculados a la revista Tel Quel, particularmente entre 1967 y 1969. En el presente artículo ofrezco una lectura de las querellas que suscitó entonces su figura: ¿a qué respondió el interés renovado por el poeta? ¿En qué difirió la lectura llevada a cabo desde el entorno de la revista Tel Quel de la propuesta por Jean-Paul Sartre? ¿Cuáles eran las posiciones enfrentadas en torno al poeta desde los miembros de la célebre publicación? A través de esta investigación se tratará, en última instancia, de entender el proceso de reevaluación del que el poeta fue objeto en este contexto histórico y que condujo a lo que Philippe Sollers, fundador de Tel Quel, denominó la «question Mallarmé».

Starting from the end of the XIXth century, a decrease in infant mortality was observed worldwide. Care of preterm infants became the domain of dedicated units inside hospitals and technology became more complex. Neonatal Intensive Care Units were created throughout the world, increasing infant survival chances regardless of age and pathology. Alongside Neonatology, better means of investigating the pregnancies were discovered. Ultrasound use during pregnancy improved the chances of identifying complex genetic syndromes, some incompatible with survival after birth. It is considered that Stéphane Tarnier (1828–1897) is the architect of Perinatology, many of his inventions had a major role in the evolution of Obstetrics and Neonatology (the Tarnier forceps, the basiotribe, intrauterine balloon for inducing the labor, gavage feeding of the preemies). But only in 1967 the term “perinatology” was mentioned for the first time in a German paper. Professor Emeritus Erich Saling is the father or perinatology. He introduced the evaluation of gas exchange for the fetus during labor and the examination of amniotic fluid during the last weeks of pregnancy. Today, Perinatology is a widely used concept, but the road to creating this concept was long and needed the work of many prominent doctors.

<p>Antes de su funeral en el Cour Carrée del Louvre el 1 de septiembre de 1965, el cuerpo de Le Corbusier (1887-1965) yacía con su tapiz Les Dés sont jetés (1960) como telón de fondo. Este artículo examina el lugar y la importancia del tapiz en la carrera más amplia de Le Corbusier como arquitecto, artista y poeta, y resalta las formas en que sus obras tejidas de 1948 en adelante están intrincadamente conectadas a su pensamiento a través de los medios. Jean Lurçat (1892-1966), el protagonistga del diseño moderno de tapices, generalmente se deja de lado en el análisis histórico del arte. Al reunir estas dos figuras, encuentro un punto de encuentro no solo en su compromiso con el tapiz como una forma de resistencia y revolución a través de un modelo medieval, sino también en sus diferentes usos de la poesía en el sentido más amplio. Lecturas detalladas de las imágenes de los tapices junto con los escritos de los propios artistas, Paul Éluard y Stéphane Mallarmé revelan conexiones sorprendentes.</p>

The aim of the article is to present the changes which the literary text with visual values is subjected to. As the starting point of our intellectual considerations we chose the turning-point between 19th and 20th century, when as a result of artistic actions of such avant-garde artists as Guillaume Apollinaire, Stéphane Mallarmé, dramatic changes in the perception of the semantic meaning of poety occurred, which brought about the situation in which the visual structure of the text became quite essential. In the beginning of the 20th century the need for the necessary changes within the scope of literature and visual arts, were noticed by such diverse artists connected with Futurism, as Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, who advocated in his „one-day” publications and manifestoes the slogans which were spelled out in various different languages parole in libertá – with „words-in- freedom”. In Poland a similar role was played by such artists as Brunon Jasieński (1901-1938), Stanisław Młodożeniec (1895-1959), Alexander Watt (1900-1967), Anatol Stern (1899-1968) and Tytus Czyżewski (1880-1945), who presented a multi-sensual reality, in the poetry with „mechanical instinct”. The aim of the article is to present the changes which the literary text with visual values is subjected to. As the starting point of our intellectual considerations we chose the turning-point between 19th and 20th century, when as a result of artistic actions of such avant-garde artists as Guillaume Apollinaire, Stéphane Mallarmé, dramatic changes in the perception of the semantic meaning of poety occurred, which brought about the situation in which the visual structure of the text became quite essential. In the beginning of the 20th century the need for the necessary changes within the scope of literature and visual arts, were noticed by such diverse artists connected with Futurism, as Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, who advocated in his „one-day” publications and manifestoes the slogans which were spelled out in various different languages parole in libertá – with „words-in- freedom”. In Poland a similar role was played by such artists as Brunon Jasieński (1901-1938), Stanisław Młodożeniec (1895-1959), Alexander Watt (1900-1967), Anatol Stern (1899-1968) and Tytus Czyżewski (1880-1945), who presented a multi-sensual reality, in the poetry with „mechanical instinct”. A vivid interest concerning the modern typography in the period which took place immediately after the end of the First World War and during the interwar period of the Great Avant-Garde, was shown by various artists who were closely related to Dadaism and the Polish art group called „a.r”. Here a special mention is desrved by the pioneer accomplishments in the range of lettering craft and the so-called „functional printing” of the famous artist Władysław Strzemiński (1893-1952). The next essential moment in the development of the new approach to the synesthesia of the printed text and fine arts is the period of the 1960s of the 20th century and the period of „concrete poetry” (Eugen Gomringer, brothers Augusto and Haroldo de Campos from Brazil, Öyvind Fahlström). In Poland, the undisputed leader of this movement was the artist Stanisław Dróżdż (1939-2009), the originator of the so-called „conceptual-shapes”. In the 21st century, the emanation of actions which endevour to join and link closely poetry with visual arts is the electronic literature, referred to as digital or html. Artists associated with this formation, usually produce their works only by means of a laptop or personal computer and with the intention that the computer the main carrier / medium of their work. Among the creators of such works of art, it is possibile to mention such authors of the young generation as Robert Szczerbiowski, Radosław Nowakowski, Sławomir Shuty.

Résumé Quelle a été l’influence de la musique électroacoustique de Karlheinz Stockhausen sur la production québécoise de cette même discipline ? Un certain nombre de compositeurs québécois de différentes générations ont été sollicités afin de connaître leur avis sur la question : Kevin Austin (1948), Walter Boudreau (1947), Yves Daoust (1946), Jean-François Denis (1960), Marcelle Deschênes (1939), Francis Dhomont (1926), Gisèle Ricard (1944), Stéphane Roy (1959), Alain Thibault (1956). Aux réponses de ce groupe de compositeurs se sont ajoutés les commentaires et souvenirs de l’auteur.

Roland Barthes in his review “The Adult «Godot»” in 1954 claims that the language itself of Becketts’ play Waiting for Godot at last makes the audience take it as comic and understandable, though at the premiere just 17 months before the same text has been condemned as highbrow. The article examines several Barthes’ works (The Third Meaning, S/Z, Camera Lucida), Becketts’ short movie The Film (1964) as well as Stéphane Mallarmé’s article The Impressionists and Edouard Manet (1876) in order to clear up the key question: how the modernity painting method of “cutting down” the picture on canvas could help to analyse those language phenomenon Barthes discovered.

MAJOR MILESTONES SUCH AS birthdays and anniversaries provide us with an opportunity to look back and reflect on what has gone before us. They are also a perfect time to look to the future. This special anniversary issue of Neonatal Network® features many reflections of the past twenty years of neonatal care—although for many of us, our history of caring for babies goes back much farther. Do we start with the opening of the first NICU in 1965, or do our influences reach back much farther to the work of some of the early pioneers in neonatal care? Do we mark our beginnings with the development of the first infant incubator (Stéphane Tarnier, Paris France) in 1878, or with the work of another Parisian, Pierre-Constant Budin who in the late 19th century developed many of the principles that formed the basis of neonatal medicine?

La réception en Espagne de l’œuvre de Stéphane Mallarmé s’organise en quatre moments centraux, marqués par un certain succès critique et par la circulation de traductions en espagnol. Entre 1940 et 1960, Mallarmé figure dans l’anthologie Poesía Francesa du poète colombien Andrés Holguín (1954), anthologie qui présente l’intérêt d’une articulation permanente entre les poèmes traduits et les notices introductrices sur chaque poète retenu, qui développe ainsi deux niveaux de réception critique et de (re)présentation de la poésie française. L’article analyse dans un premier temps l’environnement socioculturel lors de la parution du recueil : climat culturel de l’époque, situation de l’édition, certaines circonstances de l’élaboration de cette anthologie, réflexions sur la traduction en vigueur à l’époque, etc. La deuxième partie cerne l’identité d’Andrés Holguín et ses objectifs, ainsi que les caractéristiques de l’anthologie. Et pour finir, dans un troisième temps, l’article aborde la présence fondue de Mallarmé à l’intérieur du recueil, les commentaires critiques d’Holguín ainsi que les grands traits du transfert textuel des trois poèmes retenus et traduits.

Desde que los caligramas se dieron a conocer a fines del s. xix por Stéphane Mallarmé (1842-1898), y luego con Guillermo Apollinaire (1880-1918) como una nueva forma de hacer poesía, su moda literaria aún se mantiene vigente. El objetivo del presente estudio fue realizar un análisis semántico que demuestre cómo la estructura de la lírica en los caligramas no canónicos ha alterado los principios que regían a la métrica tradicional. Para ello, se seleccionó una muestra de tres caligramas: «Oda a la tristeza», «Copa de champagne» y «El reloj de arena». Para la investigación, se utilizó el método analítico, comparativo, deductivo, cuyo enfoque parte desde las propuestas teóricas de Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913), Louis Hjelmslev (1899-1965), Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914), entre otros, sobre el significado. Se concluye que los caligramas no canónicos transgreden las reglas de la estructura de la lírica moderna hasta el punto de proponer una nueva forma estética de la poesía basada en la correlación semántica entre imagen y letra.

Kurt Wais ( 1907-1995) would be 100 years old on 9 January 2007. He was Professor of Romance Philology and Comparative Literature at Tübingen University until his retirement in 1975. His immense erudition spanning several literatures and epochs equipped him well for pioneering work in Comparative Literature, of which he was the leading authority in Germany. Drawing on his "Nachlass" (private papers) now deposited with the renowned German Literature Archive in Marbach/Neckar, the author, a pupil of Kurt Wais, demonstrates how the precocious scholar, who had won international recognition at the age of 31 with his authoritative book on Stéphane Mallarmé, developed into a versatile researcher, a dedicated teacher and a trustworthy colleague. But this is far from a merely personal success story, for the achievements of Kurt Wais bear testimony to the strengths of German and European academic tradition. What Kun Wais described as his "life's work", a monumental comparative study of Europe's early medieval epics, occupied him until his death, with only one volume published, while the remaining 9 volumes, though still in manuscript form, might provide intimations of Europe as a cohesive entity, predating the dreams of the architects of the EU by almost a thousand years.

Este ensaio examina a recepção, trajetória, filosofia e as dimensões estéticas da poética do renomado escritor brasileiro Augusto de Campos dos anos 1950 até o presente. Na contramão das leituras que reduzem Campos ao concretismo, mostro como sua poesia é melhor enquadrada por seu compromisso com a radicalização permanente da linguagem. É o que chamo de abertura “pós-concreta” de Campos para outras artes, poetas e meios de comunicação de massa. Ilustro como a obra de Campos, desde a década de 1960, se caracteriza pelos seguintes motivos: sua ênfase no status liminar, antiliterário da poesia e sua não-conciliação com o campo literário; sua construção de novos protótipos poéticos; seu empenho em conduzir a poesia a um espaço intermédio, interdisciplinar, fundindo o verbal com o não-verbal; sua fidelidade à sintaxe gráfica, não-discursiva, analógica e isomórfica do concretismo; e seu esforço de recuperar e reinventar práticas poéticas e artísticas experimentais do passado, de Arnaut Daniel a Stéphane Mallarmé, Ezra Pound, Oswald de Andrade, Vladimir Mayakovsky, James Joyce, E.E. Cummings, Anton Webern, Marcel Duchamp, John Cage e Emily Dickinson. Considero quatro tensões fundamentais em jogo em Campos: entre poética e política, concretismo e outras artes, tradução e criação, e o compromisso de Campos de enfrentar o “risco” da poesia, ou seja, sua aventura nos espaços não-poéticos da era digital e tecnológica. Concluo com uma avaliação da concepção de Campos do poema como um agenciamento polifônico que combina diversos sistemas de signos –– da propaganda, pop e YouTube à música de vanguarda, poesia e pintura. Através da apropriação antiliterária da mídia, o poema renova a fala, a linguagem e a arte propriamente dita para tornar a humanidade mais consciente do ambiente sensorial e político total em que está imersa.

Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker, 14–18: Understanding the Great War (New York: Hill & Wang), 280 pp., $24.00, ISBN 0-8090-4643-1.Jeremy Black, ed., War in the Modern World since 1815 (London: Routledge, 2003), 268 pp., £18.99, ISBN 0-415-25140-0.Gail Braybon, ed., Evidence, History, and the Great War: Historians and the Impact of 1914–18 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2003), 304 pp., £50.00, ISBN 1-57181-726-7.Roger Chickering and Stig Förster, eds., The Shadows of Total War: Europe, East Asia, and the United States, 1919–1939 (Washington, DC, and Cambridge: German Historical Institute and Cambridge University Press, 2003), 364 pp., $60.00, ISBN 0-521-81236-4.Andrew Green, Writing the Great War: Sir James Edmonds and the Official Histories, 1915–48 (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 200 pp., £19.99, ISBN 0-7146-8430-9.John H. Morrow Jr, The Great War: An Imperial History (New York: Routledge, 2003), 352 pp., $27.50, ISBN 0-415-20439-9.Mario Morselli, Caporetto, 1917: Victory or Defeat? (London: Frank Cass, 2000), 176 pp., £65.00 (hb), ISBN 0-714-65073-0.Gary Sheffield, Forgotten Victory: The First World War, Myths and Realities (London: Headline, 2001), 318 pp., £7.99, ISBN 0-747-27157-7.The powers of Europe fought the Great War for more than four years, but it took France fifteen years to write its official history, Germany nineteen years, and the United Kingdom an astonishing twenty-six years. These works, moreover, encompass only land operations and fill twenty-three extraordinarily detailed volumes for France, an equal number for Great Britain, and fourteen volumes for Germany. The time and energy needed to compile the thousands of necessary documents, organise that data, and construct the interpretations reflect both the enormity of the war itself and the difficulty of finding meaning in an event that so deeply shook the continent.

BackgroundAnkylosing Spondylitis (AS) is an inflammatory rheumatic disease affecting the axial skeleton (1), with a prevalence of up to 0.5% in Europe (2; 3), and occurs equally in men and women [4]. Nonsteroidal Anti-Inflammatory Drugs (NSAIDs) and biological Disease-Modifying Antirheumatic Drugs (bDMARDs) such as Tumour Necrosis Factor inhibitors (TNFi) are the first choice in pharmacological treatments for AS patients (5; 6). Data on employment situation in correlation with disease activity and disease duration in AS patients treated in real life settings in Europe are limited.ObjectivesTo evaluate the disease activity status and assess participation in professional life in relation to treatment response following at least 12 weeks of treatment with TNFi and/or NSAIDs.MethodsINVISIBLE was a multinational, cross-sectional, non-interventional study in Germany, Austria and Belgium. Adult patients with confirmed diagnosis of AS for at least 6 months and ongoing treatment with TNFi and/or NSAIDs for at least 12 weeks prior to enrolment were included. Primary data were collected at a single visit using Bath Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Index (BASDAI), Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Score (ASDAS) and collecting current demographic data including employment status using the categories employed, unemployed, parental leave, retired and sick leave (>6 weeks). Medical history data were collected from available patient files.Results747 adult AS patients (67% male) were included in this analysis. The patients were 47.9±13.1 years of age. Symptom duration was 18.2±13.0 years. 22.9% of patients received NSAIDs, 41.6% TNFi, 29.7% both NSAIDs and TNFi, and 5.4% other treatment for at least 12 weeks prior to enrolment. BASDAI was 3.4±2.3 and ASDAS 2.2±1.0. Patient’s disease activity assessment (Visual Analogue Scale 0-100) showed on average 35.8±27.5 and patients with BASDAI ≥4 reported significantly higher disease activity compared to patients with BASDAI <4 (59.7±20.7 vs. 20.7±19.7, p<0.001). 72.5% of patients were employed and 9.9% unemployed or in sick leave for >6 weeks. More patients with a BASDAI ≥4 were unemployed or in sick leave regardless of type of treatment and duration of symptoms compared to patients with a BASDAI <4 (see Table 1).ConclusionResults from the non-interventional study INVISIBLE showed that a higher proportion of AS patients receiving NSAIDs and/or TNFi with high disease activity according to BASDAI are not participating in professional life. These results suggest that in some patients, disease control and treatment response are suboptimal under current treatment strategy.References[1]Braun, J & J, Sieper.Lancet.2007, Bd. 369, S. 1379–90.[2]Braun, J, et al.Arthritis Rheum.1998, Bd. 41, 1, S. 58-67.[3]Dean, LE, et al.Rheumatology.2014, Bd. 53, S. 650-657.[4]Rudwaleit, M, et al.Ann Rheum Dis.Jun 2009, Bd. 68, 6, S. 777-83.[5]Dougados, M, et al.Ann Rheum Dis.2002, Bd. 61, suppl 3, S. 40–50.[6]Braun, J, et al.Ann Rheum Dis.2006, Bd. 65, S. 316–20.[7]Feldtkeller, E, et al.Rheumatol Int.2003, Bd. 23, S. 61–66.Table 1.Participation in professional life in relation to disease activityBASDAI <4 (N = 445)BASDAI ≥4 (N = 292)NEmployed 333 (74.8%)Unemployed* 29 (6.5%)NEmployed 192 (65.7%)Unemployed* 41 (14.0%)n%n%n%n%Treatment- NSAID857183.522.4826376.867.3- TNFi20014472.0199.5996363.61414.1- NSAID & TNFi1239879.764.9915863.71920.9- Other262076.927.713646.2215.4Duration of Symptoms- <5 years575189.547.0453782.2613.3- ≥5 years37528174.9256.724215564.03514.5* unemployed and sick leave >6 weeksAcknowledgements:NIL.Disclosure of InterestsJan Brandt-Juergens Consultant of: Abbvie, Affibody, BMS, Gilead, Janssen, Lilly, Medac, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi-Aventis, UCB, Judith Haschka Speakers bureau: Eli Lilly, Amgen, Consultant of: Eli Lilly, Richard Finsterwalder Employee of: Novartis Pharma GmbH, Aurélie Casier Employee of: N.V. Novartis Pharma S.A., Angela Kill Employee of: Novartis Pharma GmbH, Stéphanie Dierckx: None declared.

BackgroundAnkylosing Spondylitis (AS) is an inflammatory rheumatic disease affecting the axial skeleton (1), with a prevalence of up to 0.5% in Europe (2; 3), and occurs in men twice as often than in women (4). 80% develop AS symptoms before the age of 30 (4). Nonsteroidal Anti-Inflammatory Drugs (NSAIDs) and biological Disease-Modifying Antirheumatic Drugs (DMARDs) such as Tumour Necrosis Factor inhibitors (TNFi) are the first choice in pharmacological treatments for AS patients (5; 6). Data on disease activity and disease control in AS patients treated in real life settings are limited.ObjectivesTo evaluate the average disease activity status in the study population and assess the percentage of AS patients with a suboptimal treatment response following at least 12 weeks of treatment with TNFi and/or NSAIDs.MethodsINVISIBLE was a real-world evidence study in Germany, Austria and Belgium. Adult patients with confirmed diagnosis of AS for at least 6 months and ongoing treatment with TNFi and/or NSAIDs for at least 12 weeks prior to enrolment were included. Primary data were collected at a single visit and medical history data from available patient files.Results747 adult AS patients were included. 67% of patients were male, mean symptom duration 18.2 years. 77% of 696 patients were HLA-B27 positive. Appr. 23% of patients received NSAIDs, 42% received TNFi, 30% received both NSAIDs and TNFi, 5% received other treatment for at least 12 weeks prior to enrolment. Mean Bath Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Index (BASDAI) and Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Score (ASDAS) scores were 3.4 and 2.2, respectively. Appr. 40% of patients achieved a BASDAI score ≥4 and appr. 50% an ASDAS ≥2.1. Patients with a BASDAI score ≥4 achieved higher scores in most physician and patient reported outcomes. Overall appr. 35% of patients were not satisfied with their current symptom state according to Patient Acceptable Symptom State (PASS). Of patients with a BASDAI score ≥4 appr. 61% were not satisfied according to PASS.ConclusionResults from the non-interventional study INVISIBLE showed that a high proportion of AS patients receiving NSAIDs and/or TNFi have high disease activity according to BASDAI and ASDAS in real life settings. These results suggest that in some patients, disease control and treatment response are suboptimal under current treatment strategy.Table 1.Demographics and Disease CharacteristicsTotal (N=747)BASDAI <4 (N=445)BASDAI ≥4 (N=292)NResultNResultNResultAge in years, mean (±SD)74647.9 (±13.1)44546.7 (±13.4)29249.6 (±12.3)*Male, n (%)746500 (67.0)445318 (71.5)292176 (60.3)Age at AS diagnosis in years, mean (±SD)74535.2 (±12.3)44534.1 (±12.0)29236.8 (±12.5)*Treatment with NSAIDs, n (%)744171 (23.0)44585 (19.1)29085 (29.3)Treatment with TNFi, n (%)744311 (41.8)445208 (46.7)290100 (34.5)Treatment with NSAIDs and TNFi, n (%)744222 (29.8)445126 (28.3)29092 (31.7)Treatment with other, n (%)74440 (5.4)44526 (5.8)29013 (4.5)Patient disease activity assessment (VAS 0-100), mean (±SD)73535.8 (±27.5)44420.7 (±19.7)28659.1 (±20.7)***BASDAI Score, mean (±SD)7373.4 (±2.3)4451.8 (±1.1)2925.8 (±1.3)***ASDAS Score, mean (±SD)5992.2 (±1.0)3631.7 (±0.6)2363.1 (±0.7)***ASDAS ≥2.1, n (%)599297 (49.6)36373 (20.1)236224 (94.9)***PASS: current state not satisfactory, n (%)679240 (35.3)40372 (17.9)271166 (61.3)***SD – Standard Deviation; Level of significance: *< 0.05; ** < 0.01 *** < 0.001 (analyses refer to differences between BASDAI <4 and ≥4 and to respective available patient number).References[[1] Braun, J and J, Sieper.Lancet. 2007, Vol. 369, pp. 1379–90.[2]Braun, J, et al.Arthritis Rheum. 1998, Vol. 41, 1, pp. 58-67.[3]Dean, LE, et al.Rheumatology. 2014, Vol. 53, pp. 650-657.[4]Feldtkeller, E, et al.Rheumatol Int. 2003, Vol. 23, pp. 61–66.[5]Dougados, M, et al.Ann Rheum Dis. 2002, Vol. 61, suppl 3, pp. 40–50.[6]Braun, J, et al.Ann Rheum Dis. 2006, Vol. 65, pp. 316–20.Disclosure of InterestsJan Brandt-Juergens Consultant of: Abbvie, Affibody, BMS, Gilead, Janssen, Lilly, Medac, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi-Aventis, UCB, Judith Haschka Speakers bureau: Eli Lilly, Amgen, Consultant of: Eli Lilly, Richard Finsterwalder Employee of: Novartis Pharma GmbH, Aurélie Casier Employee of: N.V. Novartis Pharma S.A., Angela Kill Employee of: Novartis Pharma GmbH, Stéphanie Dierckx: None declared

Neste estudo, aborda-se a figura de Stéphane Mallarmé que, no final do século XIX criou e redigiu sozinho uma revista de moda; La Dernière Mode - Gazeta da boa sociedade e da família. Essa foi várias vezes evocada por Barthes em entrevistas e, também, no final do seu texto, Da Jóias à Bijuterias (1961). Esta aproximação entre literatura e moda aconteceu em outras obras de Barthes, como: História e Sociologia do Vestuário ( 1957), Linguagem e Vestuário (1959), Neste ano o azul está na moda, ( 1960), Dandismo e moda ( 1962), A moda e as ciências humanas ( 1966 ), O duelo Chanel-Courrèges ( 1967), e o Sistema da Moda (1967). Como foco de discussão analisa-se a aproximação dos textos de Mallarmé e Barthes que potencializa conceitos da correspondência entre literatura e moda. Barthes leitor de Balzac, Saussure e Trubetskoy, torna-se um arqueólogo de revistas de moda sazonais, e é neste mesmo modo de expressão estética, que ele e Mallarmé refizeram e transformaram o cotidiano das mulheres parisienses em signo.

This article examines the dual themes of vodou and mysticism in the novel Les arbres musiciens (1957) by Jacques Stéphen Alexis (1922-1961). If Compère Général Soleil (1955), his first novel, barely touches the question, it is his second novel, Les arbres musiciens, that develops this aspect. This one testifies to an excellent knowledge of Haitian vodou and its origins. The article thus shows the relationship that Jacques Stéphen Alexis has in his poetics with ancient Egypt, in particular, and Africa in general.

The aim of this article is to deepen the complex personality of Stéphanie Etzerodt Omboni (1839-1917), the Anglo-Belgian philanthropist and activist for women’s rights who lived in Padua in the second half of the nineteenth century by considering which readings were at the basis of her cultural, human, and spiritual formation, with a special account on the books or authors marked her philanthropic work or nourished her intellect or her curiosity, which kind of literary genres could be found in her library, in which languages, their quality, and their extent. The sources for this research are the correspondence between Stéphanie Omboni and some of the most preeminent personalities of her time (particularly with the anthropologist Paolo Mantegazza, the feminist and writer Sibilla Aleramo and the philosopher Gaetano Meale) and the remains of her family library, a partial book collection that constituted the much larger personal library of the Omboni couple, currently kept at the Museum of the Education of the University of Padua.

Abstract In a 1927 interview Maurice Ravel declared that Stéphane Mallarmé was ‘not merely the greatest French poet, but the only French poet, since he made the French language, not designed for poetry, poetical’. Around the same period, he twice asserted that in his Trois poèmes de Stéphane Mallarmé (1913) he had sought to ‘transpose’ Mallarmé’s poetry into music. A crucial element of Mallarmé’s allusive poetry is the way it meshes content and form: his chosen forms do not merely contain the sentiment, but make it manifest. How much more complicated is the task of a composer seeking to ‘transpose’ a work from one medium to another, when form and expression are so inextricably intertwined? The present study considers how Ravel’s Mallarmé Poèmes sought to ‘transpose’ imagery and structure, and how tellingly these elements interact with Mallarmé’s reflexive poetic technique. It offers a detailed history and context for his chosen poems, suggesting a rationale for his choices, and outlining the aesthetic ideas that link them as a triptych. Exploring aspects of the songs’ harmonic and proportional design, as well as the symbolic properties of tonality, pitch, and timbre, the study argues that Ravel’s Mallarmé Poèmes realize long-held preoccupations with the nature of form and the compositional process.

In 1958, in the pages of the daily newspaper Port-au-Prince Le Nouvelliste one can read violent exchanges between two major writers, recognized internationally. Back from exile in the capital a few months apart, Jacques Stéphen Alexis and René Dépestre, the major actors of the Revolution of 1946, clash about the creation of the Port-au-Prince office of the African Society of Culture, whose principle had been recorded at the 1st Congress of the black writers and artists in 1956 at La Sorbonne. Famous, published, identified actors of the international communist movement, the two writers are opposed under the gaze of the Haitian society, and François Duvalier, elected president in 1957. The controversy rises in intensity for several weeks, and soon becomes an exchange accusations and taunts. The initial pretext gives way to radical cross-criticisms, which skew the aesthetic, political and anthropological conceptions of the two writers. But the violence of the tone ends up destroying the very meaning of the debate. During this period, however, is set up the violent and dictatorial police state, without it becoming possible to slow down this growth.

Consumer or home use (previously ‘amateur’) moving image formats are distinguished from professional (still known as ‘professional’) ones by relative affordability, ubiquity and simplicity of use. Since Pathé Frères released its Pathé Baby camera, projector and 9.5mm film gauge in 1922, a distinct line of viewing and making equipment has been successfully marketed at nonprofessional use, especially in the home. ‘Amateur film’ is a simple term for a complex, variegated and longstanding set of activities. Conceptually it is bounded only by the negative definition of nonprofessional (usually intended as sub-professional), and the positive definition of being for the love of the activity and motivated by personal passion alone. This defines a field broad enough that two major historians of US amateur film, Patricia R. Zimmermann and Alan D. Kattelle, write about different subjects. Zimmermann focuses chiefly on domestic use and ‘how-to’ literature, while Kattelle unearths the collective practices and institutional structure of the Amateur Ciné Clubs and the Amateur Ciné League (Zimmerman, Reel Families, Professional; Kattelle, Home Movies, Amateur Ciné). Marion Norris Gleason, a test subject in Eastman Kodak’s development of 16mm and advocate of amateur film, defined it as having three parts, the home movie, “the photoplay produced by organised groups”, and the experimental film (Swanson 132). This view was current at least until the 1960s, when domestic documentation, Amateur Ciné clubs and experimental filmmakers shared the same film gauges and space in the same amateur film magazines, but paths have diverged somewhat since then. Domestic documentation remains committed to the moving image technology du jour, the Amateur Ciné movement is much reduced, and experimental film has developed a separate identity, its own institutional structure, and won some legitimacy in the art world. The trajectory of Super 8, a late-coming gauge to amateur film, has been defined precisely by this disintegration. Obsolescence was manufactured far more slowly during the long reign of amateur film gauges, allowing 9.5mm (1922-66), 16mm (1923-), 8mm (1932-), and Super 8 (1965-) to engage in protracted format wars significantly longer than the life spans of their analogue and digital video successors. The range of options available to nonprofessional makers – the quality but relative expense of 16mm, the near 16mm frame size of 9.5mm, the superior stability of 8mm compared to 9.5mm and Super 8, the size of Super 8’s picture relative to 8mm’s – are not surprising in the context of general competition for a diverse popular market on the usual basis of price, quality, and novelty. However, since analogue video’s ascent the amateur film gauges have all comprehensibly lost the battle for the home use market. This was by far the largest section of amateur film and the manufacturers’ overt target segment, so the amateur film gauges’ contemporary survival and significance is as something else. Though all the gauges from 8mm to 16mm remain available today to the curious and enthusiastic, Super 8’s afterlife is distinguished by the peculiar combination of having been a tremendously popular substandard to the substandard (ie, to 16mm, the standardised film gauge directly below 35mm in both price and quality), and now being prized for its technological excellence. When the large scale consumption that had supported Super 8’s manufacture dropped away, it revealed the set of much smaller, apparently non-transferable uses that would determine whether and as what Super 8 survived. Consequently, though Super 8 has been superseded many times over as a home movie format, it is not obsolete today as an art medium, a professional format used in the commercial industry, or as an alternative to digital video and 16mm for low budget independent production. In other words, everything it was never intended to be. I lately witnessed an occasion of the kind of high-fetishism for film-versus-video and analogue-versus-digital that the experimental moving image world is justifiably famed for. Discussion around the screening of Peter Tscherkassky’s films at the Xperimenta ‘09 festival raised the specifics and availability of the technology he relies on, both because of the peculiarity of his production method – found-footage collaging onto black and white 35mm stock via handheld light pen – and the issue of projection. Has digital technology supplied an alternative workflow? Would 35mm stock to work on (and prints to pillage) continue to be available? Is the availability of 35mm projectors in major venues holding up? Although this insider view of 35mm’s waning market share was more a performance of technological cultural politics than an analysis of it, it raised a series of issues central to any such analysis. Each film format is a gestalt item, consisting of four parts (that an individual might own): film stock, camera, projector and editor. Along with the availability of processing services, these items comprise a gauge’s viability (not withstanding the existence of camera-less and unedited workflows, and numerous folk developing methods). All these are needed to conjure the geist of the machine at full strength. More importantly, the discussion highlights what happens when such a technology collides with idiosyncratic and unintended use, which happens only because it is manufactured on a much wider scale than eccentric use alone can support. Although nostalgia often plays a role in the advocacy of obsolete technology, its role here should be carefully qualified and not overstated. If it plays a role in the three main economies that support contemporary Super 8, it need not be the same role. Further, even though it is now chiefly the same specialist shops and technicians that supply and service 9.5mm, 8mm, Super 8, and 16mm, they are not sold on the same scale nor to the same purpose. There has been no reported Renaissances of 9.5mm or 8mm, though, as long term home movie formats, they must loom large in the memories of many, and their particular look evokes pastness as surely as any two-colour process. There are some specifics to the trajectory of Super 8 as a non-amateur format that cannot simply be subsumed to general nostalgia or dead technology fetishism. Super 8 as an Art Medium Super 8 has a longer history as an art medium than as a pro-tool or low budget substandard. One key aspect in the invention and supply of amateur film was that it not be an adequate substitute for the professional technology used to populate the media sphere proper. Thus the price of access to motion picture making through amateur gauges has been a marginalisation of the outcome for format reasons alone (Zimmermann, Professional 24; Reekie 110) Eastman Kodak established their 16mm as the acceptable substandard for many non-theatrical uses of film in the 1920s, Pathé’s earlier 28mm having already had some success in this area (Mebold and Tepperman 137, 148-9). But 16mm was still relatively expensive for the home market, and when Kiyooka Eiichi filmed his drive across the US in 1927, his 16mm camera alone cost more than his car (Ruoff 240, 243). Against this, 9.5mm, 8mm and eventually Super 8 were the increasingly affordable substandards to the substandard, marginalised twice over in the commercial world, but far more popular in the consumer market. The 1960s underground film, and the modern artists’ film that was partly recuperated from it, was overwhelmingly based on 16mm, as the collections of its chief distributors, the New York Film-Makers’ Co-op, Canyon Cinema and the Lux clearly show. In the context of experimental film’s longstanding commitment to 16mm, an artist filmmaker’s choice to work with Super 8 had important resonances. Experimental work on 8mm and Super 8 is not hard to come by, even from the 1960s, but consider the cultural stakes of Jonas Mekas’s description of 8mm films as “beautiful folk art, like song and lyric poetry, that was created by the people” (Mekas 83). The evocation of ‘folk art’ signals a yawning gap between 8mm, whose richness has been produced collectively by a large and anonymous group, and the work produced by individual artists such as those (like Mekas himself) who founded the New American Cinema Group. The resonance for artists of the 1960s and 1970s who worked with 8mm and Super 8 was from their status as the premier vulgar film gauge, compounding-through-repetition their choice to work with film at all. By the time Super 8 was declared ‘dead’ in 1980, numerous works by canonical artists had been made in the format (Stan Brakhage, Derek Jarman, Carolee Schneemann, Anthony McCall), and various practices had evolved around the specific possibilities of this emulsion and that camera. The camcorder not only displaced Super 8 as the simplest to use, most ubiquitous and cheapest moving image format, at the same time it changed the hierarchy of moving image formats because Super 8 was now incontestably better than something. Further, beyond the ubiquity, simplicity and size, camcorder video and Super 8 film had little in common. Camcorder replay took advantage of the ubiquity of television, but to this day video projection remains a relatively expensive business and for some time after 1980 the projectors were rare and of undistinguished quality. Until the more recent emergence of large format television (also relatively expensive), projection was necessary to screen to anything beyond very small audience. So, considering the gestalt aspect of these technologies and their functions, camcorders could replace Super 8 only for the capture of home movies and small-scale domestic replay. Super 8 maintained its position as the cheapest way into filmmaking for at least 20 years after its ‘death’, but lost its position as the premier ‘folk’ moving image format. It remained a key format for experimental film through the 1990s, but with constant competition from evolving analogue and digital video, and improved and more affordable video projection, its market share diminished. Kodak has continued to assert the viability of its film stocks and gauges, but across 2005-06 it deleted its Kodachrome Super 8, 16mm and slide range (Kodak, Kodachrome). This became a newsworthy Super 8 story (see Morgan; NYT; Hodgkinson; Radio 4) because Super 8 was the first deletion announced, this was very close to 8 May 2005, which was Global Super 8 Day, Kodachrome 40 (K40) was Super 8’s most famous and still used stock, and because 2005 was Super 8’s 40th birthday. Kodachome was then the most long-lived colour process still available, but there were only two labs left in the world which could supply processing- Kodak’s Lausanne Kodachrome lab in Switzerland, using the authentic company method, and Dwayne’s Photo in the US, using a tolerable but substandard process (Hodgkinson). Kodak launched a replacement stock simultaneously, and indeed the variety of Super 8 stocks is increasing year to year, partly because of new Kodak releases and partly because other companies split Kodak’s 16mm and 35mm stock for use as Super 8 (Allen; Muldowney; Pro8mm; Dager). Nonetheless, the cancelling of K40 convulsed the artists’ film community, and a spirited defence of its unique and excellent properties was lead by artist and activist Pip Chodorov. Chodorov met with a Kodak executive at the Cannes Film Festival, appealed to the French Government and started an online petition. His campaign circular read: EXPLAIN THE ADVANTAGES OF K40We have to show why we care specifically about Kodachrome and why Ektachrome is not a replacement. Kodachrome […] whose fine grain and warm colors […] are often used as a benchmark of quality for other stocks. The unique qualities of the Kodachrome image should be pointed out, and especially the differences between Kodachrome and Ektachrome […]. What great films were shot in Kodachrome, and why? […] What are the advantages to the K-14 process and the Lausanne laboratory? Is K40 a more stable stock, is it more preservable, do the colors fade resistant? Point out differences in the sensitometry curves, the grain structure... There was a rash of protest screenings, including a special all-day programme at Le Festival des Cinemas Différents de Paris, about which Raphaël Bassan wrote This initiative was justified, Kodak having announced in 2005 that it was going to stop the manufacturing of the ultra-sensitive film Kodachrome 40, which allowed such recognized artists as Gérard Courant, Joseph Morder, Stéphane Marti and a whole new generation of filmmakers to express themselves through this supple and inexpensive format with such a particular texture. (Bassan) The distance Super 8 has travelled culturally since analogue video can be seen in the distance between these statements of excellence and the attributes of Super 8 and 8mm that appealed to earlier artists: The great thing about Super 8 is that you can switch is onto automatic and get beyond all those technicalities” (Jarman)An 8mm camera is the ballpoint of the visual world. Soon […] people will use camera-pens as casually as they jot memos today […] and the narrow gauge can make finished works of art. (Durgnat 30) Far from the traits that defined it as an amateur gauge, Super 8 is now lionised in terms more resembling a chemistry historian’s eulogy to the pigments used in Dark Ages illuminated manuscripts. From bic to laspis lazuli. Indie and Pro Super 8 Historian of the US amateur film Patricia R. Zimmermann has charted the long collision between small gauge film, domesticity and the various ‘how-to’ publications designed to bridge the gap. In this she pays particular attention to the ‘how-to’ publications’ drive to assert the commercial feature film as the only model worthy of emulation (Professional 267; Reel xii). This drive continues today in numerous magazines and books addressing the consumer and pro-sumer levels. Alan D. Kattelle has charted a different history of the US amateur film, concentrating on the cine clubs and their national organisation, the Amateur Cine League (ACL), competitive events and distribution, a somewhat less domestic part of the movement which aimed less at family documentation more toward ‘photo-plays’, travelogues and instructionals. Just as interested in achieving professional results with amateur means, the ACL encouraged excellence and some of their filmmakers received commissions to make more widely seen films (Kattelle, Amateur 242). The ACL’s Ten Best competition still exists as The American International Film and Video Festival (Kattelle, Amateur 242), but its remit has changed from being “a showcase for amateur films” to being open “to all non-commercial films regardless of the status of the film makers” (AMPS). This points to both the relative marginalisation of the mid-century notion of the amateur, and that successful professionals and others working in the penumbra of independent production surrounding the industry proper are now important contributors to the festival. Both these groups are the economically important contemporary users of Super 8, but they use it in different ways. Low budget productions use it as cheap alternative to larger gauges or HD digital video and a better capture format than dv, while professional productions use it as a lo-fi format precisely for its degradation and archaic home movie look (Allen; Polisin). Pro8mm is a key innovator, service provider and advocate of Super 8 as an industry standard tool, and is an important and long serving agent in what should be seen as the normalisation of Super 8 – a process of redressing its pariah status as a cheap substandard to the substandard, while progressively erasing the special qualities of Super 8 that underlay this. The company started as Super8 Sound, innovating a sync-sound system in 1971, prior to the release of Kodak’s magnetic stripe sound Super 8 in 1973. Kodak’s Super 8 sound film was discontinued in 1997, and in 2005 Pro8mm produced the Max8 format by altering camera front ends to shoot onto the unused stripe space, producing a better quality image for widescreen. In between they started cutting professional 35mm stocks for Super 8 cameras and are currently investing in ever more high-quality HD film scanners (Allen; Pro8mm). Simultaneous to this, Kodak has brought out a series of stocks for Super 8, and more have been cut down for Super 8 by third parties, that offer a wider range of light responses or ever finer grain structure, thus progressively removing the limitations and visible artefacts associated with the format (Allen; Muldowney; Perkins; Kodak, Motion). These films stocks are designed to be captured to digital video as a normal part of their processing, and then entered into the contemporary digital work flow, leaving little or no indication of the their origins on a format designed to be the 1960s equivalent of the Box Brownie. However, while Super 8 has been used by financially robust companies to produce full-length programmes, its role at the top end of production is more usually as home movie footage and/or to evoke pastness. When service provider and advocate OnSuper8 interviewed professional cinematographer James Chressanthis, he asserted that “if there is a problem with Super 8 it is that it can look too good!” and spent much of the interview explaining how a particular combination of stocks, low shutter speeds and digital conversion could reproduce the traditional degraded look and avoid “looking like a completely transparent professional medium” (Perkins). In his history of the British amateur movement, Duncan Reekie deals with this distinction between the professional and amateur moving image, defining the professional as having a drive towards clarity [that] eventually produced [what] we could term ‘hyper-lucidity’, a form of cinematography which idealises the perception of the human eye: deep focus, increased colour saturation, digital effects and so on. (108) Against this the amateur as distinguished by a visible cinematic surface, where the screen image does not seem natural or fluent but is composed of photographic grain which in 8mm appears to vibrate and weave. Since the amateur often worked with only one reversal print the final film would also often become scratched and dirty. (108-9) As Super 8’s function has moved away from the home movie, so its look has adjusted to the new role. Kodak’s replacement for K40 was finer grained (Kodak, Kodak), designed for a life as good to high quality digital video rather than a film strip, and so for video replay rather than a small gauge projector. In the economy that supports Super 8’s survival, its cameras and film stock have become part of a different gestalt. Continued use is still justified by appeals to geist, but the geist of film in a general and abstract way, not specific to Super 8 and more closely resembling the industry-centric view of film propounded by decades of ‘how-to’ guides. Activity that originally supported Super 8 continues, and currently has embraced the ubiquitous and extremely substandard cameras embedded in mobile phones and still cameras for home movies and social documentation. As Super 8 has moved to a new cultural position it has shed its most recognisable trait, the visible surface of grain and scratches, and it is that which has become obsolete, discontinued and the focus of nostalgia, along with the sound of a film projector (which you can get to go with films transferred to dvd). So it will be left to artist filmmaker Peter Tscherkassky, talking in 1995 about what Super 8 was to him in the 1980s, to evoke what there is to miss about Super 8 today. Unlike any other format, Super-8 was a microscope, making visible the inner life of images by entering beneath the skin of reality. […] Most remarkable of all was the grain. While 'resolution' is the technical term for the sharpness of a film image, Super-8 was really never too concerned with this. Here, quite a different kind of resolution could be witnessed: the crystal-clear and bright light of a Xenon-projection gave us shapes dissolving into the grain; amorphous bodies and forms surreptitiously transformed into new shapes and disappeared again into a sea of colour. Super-8 was the pointillism, impressionism and the abstract expressionism of cinematography. (Howath) Bibliography Allen, Tom. “‘Making It’ in Super 8.” MovieMaker Magazine 8 Feb. 1994. 1 May 2009 ‹http://www.moviemaker.com/directing/article/making_it_in_super_8_3044/›. AMPS. “About the American Motion Picture Society.” American Motion Picture Society site. 2009. 25 Apr. 2009 ‹http://www.ampsvideo.com›. Bassan, Raphaël. “Identity of Cinema: Experimental and Different (review of Festival des Cinémas Différents de Paris, 2005).” Senses of Cinema 44 (July-Sep. 2007). 25 Apr. 2009 ‹http://archive.sensesofcinema.com/contents/07/44/experimental-cinema-bassan.html›. Chodorov, Pip. “To Save Kodochrome.” Frameworks list, 14 May 2005. 28 Apr. 2009 ‹http://www.hi-beam.net/fw/fw29/0216.html›. Dager, Nick. “Kodak Unveils Latest Film Stock in Vision3 Family.” Digital Cinema Report 5 Jan. 2009. 27 Apr. 2009 ‹http://www.digitalcinemareport.com/Kodak-Vision3-film›. Durgnat, Raymond. “Flyweight Flicks.” GAZWRX: The Films of Jeff Keen booklet. Originally published in Films and Filming (Feb. 1965). London: BFI, 2009. 30-31. Frye, Brian L. “‘Me, I Just Film My Life’: An Interview with Jonas Mekas.” Senses of Cinema 44 (July-Sep. 2007). 15 Apr. 2009 ‹http://archive.sensesofcinema.com/contents/07/44/jonas-mekas-interview.html›. Hodgkinson, Will. “End of the Reel for Super 8.” Guardian 28 Sep. 2006. 20 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/2006/sep/28/1›. Horwath, Alexander. “Singing in the Rain - Supercinematography by Peter Tscherkassky.” Senses of Cinema 28 (Sep.-Oct. 2003). 5 May 2009 ‹http://archive.sensesofcinema.com/contents/03/28/tscherkassky.html›. Jarman, Derek. In Institute of Contemporary Arts Video Library Guide. London: ICA, 1987. Kattelle, Alan D. Home Movies: A History of the American Industry, 1897-1979. Hudson, Mass.: self-published, 2000. ———. “The Amateur Cinema League and its films.” Film History 15.2 (2003): 238-51. Kodak. “Kodak Celebrates 40th Anniversary of Super 8 Film Announces New Color Reversal Product to Portfolio.“ Frameworks list, 9 May 2005. 23 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.hi-beam.net/fw/fw29/0150.html›. ———. “Kodachrome Update.” 30 Jun. 2006. 24 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.hi-beam.net/fw/fw32/0756.html›. ———. “Motion Picture Film, Digital Cinema, Digital Intermediate.” 2009. 2 Apr. 2009 ‹http://motion.kodak.com/US/en/motion/index.htm?CID=go&idhbx=motion›. Mekas, Jonas. “8mm as Folk Art.” Movie Journal: The Rise of the New American Cinema, 1959-1971. Ed. Jonas Mekas. Originally Published in Village Voice 1963. New York: Macmillan, 1972. Morgan, Spencer. “Kodak, Don't Take My Kodachrome.” New York Times 31 May 2005. 4 Apr. 2009 ‹http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9F05E1DF1F39F932A05756C0A9639C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=2›. ———. “Fans Beg: Don't Take Kodachrome Away.” New York Times 1 Jun. 2005. 4 Apr. 2009 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/31/technology/31iht-kodak.html›. Muldowney, Lisa. “Kodak Ups the Ante with New Motion Picture Film.” MovieMaker Magazine 30 Nov. 2007. 6 Apr. 2009 ‹http://www.moviemaker.com/cinematography/article/kodak_ups_the_ante_with_new_motion_picture_film/›. New York Times. “Super 8 Blues.” 31 May 2005: E1. Perkins, Giles. “A Pro's Approach to Super 8.” OnSuper8 Blogspot 16 July 2007. 13 Apr. 2009 ‹http://onsuper8.blogspot.com/2007/07/pros-approach-to-super-8.html›. Polisin, Douglas. “Pro8mm Asks You to Think Big, Shoot Small.” MovieMaker Magazine 4 Feb. 2009. 1 May 2009 ‹http://www.moviemaker.com/cinematography/article/think_big_shoot_small_rhonda_vigeant_pro8mm_20090127/›. Pro8mm. “Pro8mm Company History.” Super 8 /16mm Cameras, Film, Processing & Scanning (Pro8mm blog) 12 Mar. 2008. 3 May 2009 ‹http://pro8mm-burbank.blogspot.com/2008/03/pro8mm-company-history.html›. Radio 4. No More Yellow Envelopes 24 Dec. 2006. 4 May 2009 ‹http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/factual/pip/m6yx0/›. Reekie, Duncan. Subversion: The Definitive History of the Underground Cinema. London: Wallflower Press, 2007. Sneakernet, Christopher Hutsul. “Kodachrome: Not Digital, But Still Delightful.” Toronto Star 26 Sep. 2005. Swanson, Dwight. “Inventing Amateur Film: Marion Norris Gleason, Eastman Kodak and the Rochester Scene, 1921-1932.” Film History 15.2 (2003): 126-36 Zimmermann, Patricia R. “Professional Results with Amateur Ease: The Formation of Amateur Filmmaking Aesthetics 1923-1940.” Film History 2.3 (1988): 267-81. ———. Reel Families: A Social History of Amateur Film. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1995.