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1
Kurakina-Damir, A. A. « The changing electoral landscape of Spain (2015-2019) ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-19-30.
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In the middle of the second decade of the 21st century there has begun a process of reorganization of Spanish electoral landscape. The Congress of Deputies (lower, and the key chamber of the Spanish Parliament) in its 2019 iteration is not much like the Congress of 2000-2011. The list of parties does not include Unión, Progreso y Democracia (UРyD) and Izquierda Unida (IU), which were predicted to grow significantly due to the decline in competitiveness of the leading parties, and were replaced by new members – Podemos, Ciudadanos, Más País, Teruel Existe. The Catalan parties, being the representatives of the most politically intense region of Spain, were also significantly altered and consequently strengthened their positions. A number of autonomous regions changed their ‘party affiliations’, and an atmosphere of uncertainty reigned in sparsely populated provinces. The author discusses main reference points for the political process of the country which significantly changed the balance of power, as well as the difficulties that political actors faced in the process of reaching or not reaching sought compromises. Over the past 4 years voters have been forced to return to polling stations twice to elect the national Parliament. Evidently, the Cabinet must urgently reform the system of government formation in order to avoid similar problems in the future.
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Kurakina-Damir, A. A. « The changing electoral landscape of Spain (2015-2019) ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no 2 (9 janvier 2021) : 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-19-30.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the middle of the second decade of the 21st century there has begun a process of reorganization of Spanish electoral landscape. The Congress of Deputies (lower, and the key chamber of the Spanish Parliament) in its 2019 iteration is not much like the Congress of 2000-2011. The list of parties does not include Unión, Progreso y Democracia (UРyD) and Izquierda Unida (IU), which were predicted to grow significantly due to the decline in competitiveness of the leading parties, and were replaced by new members – Podemos, Ciudadanos, Más País, Teruel Existe. The Catalan parties, being the representatives of the most politically intense region of Spain, were also significantly altered and consequently strengthened their positions. A number of autonomous regions changed their ‘party affiliations’, and an atmosphere of uncertainty reigned in sparsely populated provinces. The author discusses main reference points for the political process of the country which significantly changed the balance of power, as well as the difficulties that political actors faced in the process of reaching or not reaching sought compromises. Over the past 4 years voters have been forced to return to polling stations twice to elect the national Parliament. Evidently, the Cabinet must urgently reform the system of government formation in order to avoid similar problems in the future.
3
Volosyuk, Olga. « Inter Arma Silent Musae : the Role of Public Diplomacy in Relations between Russia and Spain ». ISTORIYA 13, no 10 (120) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023487-4.
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The article deals with the role of public diplomacy in Russian-Spanish relations; puts forward a hypothesis, that public diplomacy plays an independent role, sometimes even replacing traditional diplomacy, in the “political vacuum”, when political ties between the two countries were frozen or even broken off. The author points out that some examples of public diplomacy can be traced in Russian-Spanish relations in the 18—19th centuries, but they transferred into state policy only in the 20th century. It was at that time that the Soviet government started to maintain a purposeful public policy aimed at “creating a positive image of the country” through the development of cultural and scientific contacts. This is demonstrated in the article on a number of examples: The October Revolution, which divided the world into two opposing blocs, in which there was no place for political relations; the period of Francoism, when both states publicly declared their irreconcilable ideological confrontation, but in fact were pragmatically building economic relations and strengthened scientific and cultural contacts. In those years, the personal support of prominent scientists and public figures played a huge role in building official diplomatic relations after the death of Franco. The author pays special attention to the role of the diplomacy of science and education, the importance of which. increased noticeably in the 21st century. From this point of view, the evolution of relations between Russia and Spain in the first quarter of this century is considered, especially during the period of cooling of relations as a result of the Ukrainian crisis.
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Oliva Peirano, Joaquín Gregorio. « The Role of Action Research in Democratizing Governance : The Case of Bilbao Next Lab ». IJAR – International Journal of Action Research 18, no 3 (24 janvier 2023) : 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/ijar.v18i3.03.
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The aim of this study is to analyze how Action Research for Territorial Development (ARTD) promotes democratization in governance spaces. Considering the declared democratic intention of action research (AR) (Gustavsen, 2017; Palshaugen, 2014), ARTD is not an exception (Larrea, 2019). However, this specific relation with democratization has not been yet analyzed, nor measured in ARTD. In a context in which the number of countries categorized as free is at its lowest level in the 21st century (The Freedom House, 2021), the main contribution of this paper is the construction of a new analytical framework in order to assess the degree of democratization in ARTD processes. This analytical framework can be useful for other approaches to AR as well. More specifically, the most important contribution is the analysis of how ARTD may be facilitating such processes. This investigation studies governance at the Bilbao Next Lab, an AR laboratory focused on urban policy making in the Basque Country, Spain. This process is being facilitated through ARTD by the Basque Institute of Competitiveness – Orkestra in alliance with the local government, the Bilbao City Council and its economic development agency, Bilbao Ekintza. The case shows, together with new democratization dimensions analyzed, a deep and diverse bonding system between ARTD and democratization, in which the democratization factors hold to all ARTD elements. The paper discusses how the core ARTD elements are promoting the development of what are considered in theory as democratization factors.
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LIJPHART, AREND. « Democracy in the 21st century : can we be optimistic ? » European Review 9, no 2 (mai 2001) : 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.
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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
6
Aguirre, Rodolfo. « The Indians and Major Studies in New Spain : Monarchical Politics, Debates, and Results ». Social Sciences 10, no 4 (25 mars 2021) : 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040115.
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This article studies some stages and debates about the access of New Spain’s Indians to major studies: The discussion about their mental capacity in the 16th century, the impulse of Carlos II to the indigenous nobility in the 17th century, or the reticence in the Royal University of Mexico and the Church to their acceptance in the 18th century. It also analyzes the responses given by the Crown to the interest of the Indians elites in superior studies, degrees and public positions, protected by their rights as free vassals of the kingdom and as nobles, comparable to the Spanish nobility. Despite the insistent resistance of sectors of the colonial government and society to the rise of Indians, they firmly defended, in the 18th century, the rights and privileges granted to them by the monarchy since the beginning of New Spain, thereby achieving their entry into the university, colleges, and clergy.
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Dowling, John, et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain. Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». South Atlantic Review 54, no 1 (janvier 1989) : 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200090.
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Miller, Stephen, et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Hispania 72, no 2 (mai 1989) : 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/343128.
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Oakley, R. J., et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Modern Language Review 85, no 4 (octobre 1990) : 1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732748.
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Buck, Donald C., et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain. Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Hispanic Review 59, no 3 (1991) : 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/474062.
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Londre, Felicia Hardison, et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan De Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Theatre Journal 41, no 2 (mai 1989) : 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3207875.
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Guixé i Coromines, Jordi. « European Digital memories in a transnational era. The references from the European Observatory on Memories ». Culture & ; History Digital Journal 7, no 2 (17 janvier 2019) : 018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.018.
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This essay takes up the question of transmission in the context of politics and projects of memory from the last decade. I have dubbed this period “the decade of memory, of remembrance”. The first decade of the 21st century saw an exponential growth in digital platforms, focused on catastrophes and conflicts in the previous century as well as more recent events. Public, academic, and institutional initiatives were accompanied by a public and private support to recover the memory of the past in Spain and Europe. This recovery effort placed intangible heritage, and memory at the centre of contemporary historical efforts. Our work and references are analysed from the projects of the European Observatory on Memories (EUROM) criteria, objectives but also technical tools.
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Mahmoudi, Hamid, Keith Walker, Abdolrahim Navehebrahim, Hamidreza Arasteh et Hossein Abbasian. « The Missing Pieces in the Puzzle of Iranian Undergraduate General Education : Quantitative Findings ». Comparative and International Education 49, no 1 (14 décembre 2020) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/cie-eci.v49i1.13431.
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The general education (GE) literature suggests that there is a mismatch of courses offered to students in Iranian higher education institutions such that the needs of 21st-century students are unmet by these curricula. This article points to the missing pieces in terms of learning and content gaps in many of the undergraduate GE programs designed under the influence of policy, values, and politics which originate from both religious and government interests. The article explores undergraduate students’ general 21st-century skill requirements and examines the extant curricula for possible gaps. The gap analysis points to the need for up-to-date general skills such as thinking skills, decision-making, research, awareness of international issues, lifelong learning, problem-solving, critical thinking, and it offers that these remedies might be a precious investment in Iran’s higher education for the future of that society.
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Rather, Aqib Yousuf. « Is Gender Discrimination Still Alive In the 21st Century ». Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no 24 (28 juin 2022) : 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.11.17.
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Gender equality is a requirement of human rights. Reducing gender disparities and giving women greater agency have been part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. Millions of women and girls around the world are still subjected to discrimination because of their gender. Women faced social and economic discrimination that prevented them from enjoying the same freedoms as males. In today's world, where women hold positions of power in every industry, it's hard to imagine this happening. Throughout the male-dominated worlds of business and wrestling, influential women have made a difference. Despite this improvement, the majority of Indian families continue to discriminate against women and girls. Creating a sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful world requires a commitment to gender equality and human rights. Equal rights will have a positive impact on society, sustainable economies, mankind, and the world if they are guaranteed. Several initiatives have been launched by the Indian government in support of gender equality. In order to bring women's educational, health, and economic status up to par with men's, a number of programmes, initiatives, and policies have been implemented. The standing of women is elevated by international organisations in order to achieve gender equality. As long as views toward women haven't progressed at the same rate as legislative reform, they will continue to confront discrimination in the workplace, at home, and in politics. Issues of gender are ideological in nature. Stereotypes must be dismantled in order to end gender discrimination. Gender equality can only be achieved through changing men's and women's attitudes and mindsets. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether or not certain aspects of prejudice based on gender are still prevalent in the 21st century.
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Planas, Jordi. « Cooperation, technical education and politics in early agricultural policy in Catalonia (1914–24) ». Rural History 31, no 2 (octobre 2020) : 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793319000360.
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Abstract After the crisis of the late nineteenth century, the role of the state in European agriculture expanded to many new areas: education and technical innovation; commercial policies and market regulations; farm support policies, and sometimes interventions in property rights. The development of these policies was a difficult and costly process, without the intervention of intermediary organisations like agricultural cooperatives and farmers’ associations. This article analyses the early agricultural policy in Catalonia (Spain) and the role of cooperatives in its implementation. It argues that this regional case was quite exceptional in the early twentieth-century Spanish context, where state intervention in agriculture was extremely limited. In 1914, an autonomous government was set up in Catalonia, and a modern agricultural policy was introduced in which technical education and cooperatives played a crucial role, as well as politics. The agricultural policy promoted and developed by the Catalan government was part of a state-building project based on a regionalist ideology.
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Montiel, G. L. « The new Mexican political system : reconfiguration of capacities and power ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no 1 (23 août 2020) : 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.
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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Theodore, John D. « The Process Of Globalization In Latin America ». International Business & ; Economics Research Journal (IBER) 14, no 1 (30 décembre 2014) : 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v14i1.9044.
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The purpose of this article was to examine and evaluate the historical and developmental process of globalization in Latin America from the 1970s to the second decade of the 21st century and make proposals for the additional developments needed in education, society, labor, management, politics, economics, business, government, and legal areas in order for the region to attain higher developmental levels in regional integration and globalization on a continuous basis. It also examined the advantages and disadvantages of globalization as perceived by its proponents and adversaries in the region.
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Sidorenko, Irina N. « The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace ». Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no 3 (16 septembre 2022) : 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.
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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, et Serhii Danylenko. « THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Politology bulletin, no 83 (2019) : 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.51-59.
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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
20
Hrubov, Volodymyr, et Serhii Danylenko. « THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Politology bulletin, no 83 (2019) : 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.51-59.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
21
Poza, E. De la, L. Jódar et S. Barreda. « Mathematical Modeling of Hidden Intimate Partner Violence in Spain : A Quantitative and Qualitative Approach ». Abstract and Applied Analysis 2016 (2016) : 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2016/8372493.
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The fact that women are abused by their male partner is something that happens worldwide in the 21st century. In numerous cases, abuse only becomes publicly known when a fatal event occurs and is beyond any possible remedy, that is, when men murder their female partner. Since 2003, 793 (September 4, 2015) women have been assassinated by their significant other or excouple in Spain. Only 7.2% of murdered women had reported their fear and previous intimate partner violence (IPV) to the police. Even when the number of female victims is comparable to the number of victims by terrorism, the Government has not assigned an equal amount of resources to diminish the magnitude of this hidden social problem. In this paper, a mathematical epidemiological model to forecast intimate partner violence in Spain is constructed. Both psychological and physical aggressor subpopulations are predicted and simulated. The model’s robustness versus uncertain parameters is studied by a sensitivity analysis.
22
Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. « Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, no 6 (2018) : 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.
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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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Zygadło, Grażyna. « “We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero” : Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries ». Polish Journal for American Studies, no 16 (2022) (22 décembre 2022) : 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.
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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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Mina, Hao. « Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia ». Studies in Social Science Research 2, no 3 (15 juillet 2021) : p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.
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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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Karklins, Rasma. « Book Review : Daunis Auers, Comparative Politics and Government of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the 21st Century ». Political Studies Review 15, no 2 (février 2017) : 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916686364.
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Ortiz, C., et D. Gonzalez. « Up Close : Materials Science in Spain—Its Dynamic Growth ». MRS Bulletin 17, no 1 (janvier 1992) : 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/s088376940004330x.
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The year 1992 is very special for Spain: 500 years have passed since the discovery of the American continent. That discovery helped make Spain the most powerful country in the world in the 16th century. In time, though, Spain lost its influence to England, and materials processing played a surprising role in this transfer. It has been shown that one of the main reasons Spain's “Invincible Armada” was defeated by the English Navy was that the Spanish ships used faulty cannon balls. The balls were of such poor quality that, once fired, they disintegrated before they could damage enemy warships. Faulty material technology—low compactness or degree of sintering—caused the disintegration.As we approach the 21st century, the Spanish scientific community has reached a high level of expertise in materials science. A decade ago, Spain's R&D activities were poorly funded and research was carried out without the necessary infrastructure. In 1986, the government established a national R&D strategy which included a dedicated Program for New Materials. In addition, the Regional Communities (Autonomias) have reinforced these nationally planned and funded R&D activities. And as a member of the European Community (EC), Spain has also begun integration into European R&D. After three years, Spanish scientists are already achieving success in the Brite/Euram Program at a level comparable to more scientifically and technologically advanced countries. Figure 1 shows the Spanish government's total R&D budget in materials science from 1985 to 1991, and additions from the EC since 1989. Clearly, financial support for materials science has increased dramatically in the last few years.
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Greiman, Virginia. « The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability ». International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 9, no 4 (octobre 2019) : 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2019100102.
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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Moore, Sarah. « Towards a Sociology of Institutional Transparency : Openness, Deception and the Problem of Public Trust ». Sociology 52, no 2 (19 janvier 2017) : 416–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516686530.
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Transparency has become the watchword of 21st-century liberal democracies. It refers to a project of opening up the state by providing online access to public sector data. This article puts forward a sociological critique of the transparency agenda and the purported relationship between institutional openness and public trust. Drawing upon Simmel’s work, the article argues that open government initiatives routinely prize visibility over intelligibility and ignore the communicative basis of trust. The result is a non-reciprocal form of openness that obscures more than it reveals. In making this point the article suggests that transparency embodies the ethos of a now-discredited mode of what Ezrahi calls ‘instrumental politics’, reliant on the idea that the state constitutes a ‘domain of plain public facts’. The article examines how alternative mechanisms for achieving government openness might better respond to the distinctive needs of citizens living in late modern societies.
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Amu, Christian Ugwueze, Nathaniel Chinedum Nwezeaku, Linus Ezewunwa Akujuobi, Benedict Anayo Ozurunba, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power Wogu et Sanjay Misra. « The Politics of Public Debt Management Among Rising Hegemonies and the Role of ICT ». International Journal of Electronic Government Research 15, no 3 (juillet 2019) : 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2019070105.
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While scholars like Wogu and Misra unanimously affirmed the beneficial roles of adopting AI powered ICT systems in various sectors of government and endeavours, most countries in OECD and the Commonwealth - for reasons described as ‘a political reckless attitude' - have shied away from fully adopting and implementing intelligent debt management systems for their country's financial sectors, hence, the looming debt crisis hanging over them. Premised on the Public Choice theory, the study adopts Marilyn's Ex-post facto research design and Creswell's mix-method research approaches to interrogate the arguments proffered for and against the public debt management and the benefits of ICT, with a view to identifying the nexus that exists between the politics of debt management crisis and the role of ICT for 21st-century polities. The article identified a high degree of political rascality amongst political elites and a lackadaisical will towards the full implementation of intelligent debt management systems in the countries with looming debt crisis. Viable recommendations were proffered.
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Ramos Barranco, Jose Rafael. « Los Morancos y los videoclips. De Omaíta a Despacito. » RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación 2, no 15 (2020) : 130–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rihc.2020.i15.07.
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: In this work the textual and visual variations of the humorous videos of Los Morancos are analyzed, which are a Sevillian comic duo composed of the brothers César and Jorge Cadaval, in which themes of current Spanish politics are parodied. To do this, the artistic evolution of these comedians is studied to see if it is an innovative phenomenon within their scenic approach or is it an aspect that they have already developed from the beginning. In the same way, we ask ourselves if it is a particularity of these two artists on the Spanish scene or, on the contrary, if it falls within an artistic continuity of Spanish humorists that reached its peak in the two decades of the 21st century. However, although they are not the pioneers of this phenomenon in Spain, we address the causes of the success they have achieved with the textual and visual variations of fashionable songs that place the cultural and political reality of Spain, as well as the broadcasting channel that has moved from television to the internet, promoting greater immediacy and encompassing a much wider audience. Keywords: mass media, broadcast media, humor, political intentionality, song variations, television, social networks
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Elinoff, Eli. « Subjects of politics : Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand ». Anthropological Theory 19, no 1 (27 février 2019) : 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.
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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. « The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada ». Society & ; Animals 23, no 1 (2 février 2015) : 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A. « Electoral Processes and Street Protests in 21st Century Algeria : Features and Traits of Algerian Political Culture ». ISTORIYA 13, no 12-1 (122) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023902-1.
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The following article discusses issues of electoral participation and street protest activity in 21st century Algeria. The work is based on the materials on Algerian election campaigns and results of the author's field research in the country. Describing the current political situation in Algeria, the author points out that the long established alienation between the civil society and government institutions is one of the most significant challenges for the country's development. The roots of this alienation are much deeper than the 2019 events when A. Bouteflika was overthrown due to mass protests and A. Tebboun became the President. Analyzing the electoral campaigns held since 2000 to this day, the author discovers that mutual distrust between the political elites and the society has been a characteristic trait of Algerian internal politics over the whole two decades. In this context, the Hirak movement founded in 2019 may be seen a an instrument of political transformation rather than merely a way to express popular discontent. However, even though this movement was successful enough to change the political leadership in Algeria, it hasn't managed to transform the essence of the system and update the social contract. Looking into the reasons for this failure, the author concludes that they stem from the specific traits of Algerian political culture formed in the colonial and early post-colonial eras.
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Ratcliffe, Marjorie. « Gies, David Thatcher. Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988Gies, David Thatcher. Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988. xiv, 256. » Canadian Modern Language Review 44, no 4 (mai 1988) : 755–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cmlr.44.4.755.
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Нагиев, Орхан Гадироглу. « Формирование культурно-духовных ценностей в Азербайджане как следствие политики «Мягкой силы» ». Revistă de Ştiinţe Socio-Umane = Journal of Social and Human Sciences 50, no 1 (avril 2022) : 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46727/jshs.2022.v50.i1.p75-86.
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The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.
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Borovkov, Anatoly. « Important contribution to Russian Latin American studies ». Latinskaia Amerika, no 7 (2021) : 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015309-8.
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The book examines the main trends in Mexico's international activities in the first two decades of the XXI century, as well as the leading trends in its socio-political development. The author tried to show that Mexico is more and more actively involved in solving the main problems of world politics, where it emphatically takes independent positions. Mexico's relations with the United States, with the countries of Latin America, with China and Spain, as well as the prospects for expanding ties with Russia are analyzed, Mexico's position in the UN is shown and the prospects for the development of its foreign policy under the government of Lopez Obrador.
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Wilson, Geoff A., et P. Ali Memon. « Indigenous Forest Management in 21st-Century New Zealand : Towards a ‘Postproductivist’ Indigenous Forest–Farmland Interface ? » Environment and Planning A : Economy and Space 37, no 8 (août 2005) : 1493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37144.
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The critique of indigenous forest management in New Zealand in this paper contextualises the discussion in light of recent Eurocentric debates on the transition towards ‘postproductivist’ and ‘multifunctional’ agricultural and forestry regimes. The research findings confirm recent criticisms of Australian writers with regard to the direct transferability of the notion of a transition towards postproductivism developed by European researchers and also lend support to Holmes's (2002) notion of productivist and postproductivist occupance. Long-standing productivist demands continue to be made on New Zealand's indigenous forests, especially from economically marginalised stakeholder groups who depend on the continuation of logging for economic survival. We argue that the tension between the recent adoption of a ‘postproductivist’ conservation policy at government level and the continuing ‘productivist’ attitudes among some stakeholder groups explains why the protection of remaining indigenous forests continues to be contested. The New Zealand findings also provide further evidence for those persons criticising the implied linearity and dualism inherent in the Eurocentric postproductivist transition model. We argue that processes at the New Zealand forest–farmland interface support Wilson's (2001) notion of a territorialisation of productivist and postproductivist territories into a ‘multifunctional’ territory. From a social constructionist perspective, the results highlight the fact that a clear separation into productivist and postproductivist occupance may not be easy to conceptualise as our view of agricultural land as ‘productivist’ territory and unlogged or sustainably managed indigenous forest as ‘postproductivist’ territory is largely based on a Euro–American ‘deep green’ view of unaltered ‘nonhuman’ nature. This supports Mather's (2001) suggestion that postproductivism should be cast as part of a shifting mode of social regulation of forestry with particular stakeholder groups constructing images of nature according to their interests, and where western ideas of nature as a (postproductivist) wilderness embody cultural politics which arguably serve to marginalise the interests of indigenous communities.
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Medushevsky, Nikolay A., Liudmila A. Pechishcheva et Alisa R. Shishkina. « AFRICAN VECTOR IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 21ST CENTURY (POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS) ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no 3 (2022) : 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-46-59.
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The research article is concerned with the mechanisms of cooperation between India and African countries in the latest historical period. The international support that India has provided to many African countries over the decades underscores the political commitment of the Indian leadership to speak on behalf of the nations of the global South. The government of Narendra Modi focuses on the common historical struggle of Indians and Africans against the colonial powers, as on the importance of developing cooperation in the politics, economy, energy, education, culture and humanitarian issues. The parties are interested in developing new approaches to environmental protection, and closely cooperate within the framework of the UN mechanism for sustainable development, actively participating in the formation and discussion of the climate agenda. Three successful Africa-India summits (in 2008, 2011 and 2015) showed a common interest in expanding the nature and areas of interaction. Moreover, India, experiencing an acute need for primary energy resources and minerals, sees in Africa not only a potential supplier of those resources, but also a capacious market for its products. In pursuit of all the interests mentioned, India, on the way of cooperation with African countries, often encounters the unpreparedness of African colleagues for direct dialogue, as well as opposition from other major players operating in the region. Among them, the UK and China play a key role. The authors come to the conclusion that at present India has a clear and comprehensive strategy for promoting its interests in Africa and considers the continent as a strategic one. At the same time, a large number of the variables associated with a specific process of interaction and regional development remain in the system of cooperation between India and African countries.
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Pratt, Douglas. « Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity : From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation ». Social Inclusion 4, no 2 (19 avril 2016) : 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Keleş, Ruşen. « Sustainable development, international cooperation and local authorities ». Ekistics and The New Habitat 69, no 415-417 (1 décembre 2002) : 333–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200269415-417359.
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The author is a Professor of Local Government and Urban Studies at the Faculty of Political Science , Ankara University and Eastern Mediterranean University. He served as Director of the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies as well as Director of the Center for Environmental Studies, Ankara University for many years. His numerous publications include The Politics of Rapid Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (New York , Holmes and Meier, 1985), Housing and the Urban Poor in the Middle East: Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Morocco (Tokyo, IDE, 1986), Urban Management in Turkey (Ankara, Turkish Social Science Association, 1988), Urban Poverty in the Third World: Theoretical Approaches and Policy Options Tokyo (IDE, 1988). Dr Keleş has been a correspondent of Ekistics since 1965. He is a member of the World Society for Ekistics (WSE) and has also served as a member of its Executive Council. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.
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Escobar, José. « David Thatcher Gies.Theater and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent.Cambridge University Press, 1988. xiv + 257pp. $34.50 ». Romance Quarterly 37, no 2 (mai 1990) : 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08831157.1990.9932732.
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Rieck, Julian. « Real Madrid : “Franco’s Club” or “Ambassador of Spain” ? » STADION 45, no 1 (2021) : 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-6.
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Some observers consider the team to be “Franco’s club” while others consider it as an “Ambassador of Spain”. This paper argues that both attributions were closely intertwined. To demonstrate this, in the first section the analysis delves into the Spanish nation-state and describes how the centre-periphery cleavage determined Francoist nationalism. The second section then sheds light on the ways in which Real Madrid’s identity shifted between monarchist, aristocratic, bourgeois and republican throughout the first half of the 20th century and yet always remained a fundamentally Spanish one. The focus here lies on the 1950s and early 1960s, when Real Madrid became the most successful football club in the world, and one of the most respected Spanish entities abroad. Thirdly, in order to achieve a more differentiated picture of the club’s own identity and self-perception (how the club perceived itself), for one, and external perceptions of it (how the club was perceived by others) for another, four groups or places, which comprise the entity Real Madrid, are analysed in greater detail: (1) club functionaries, (2) the players, (3) club outsiders, the press and politicians in particular, and finally (4) spectators especially those who tend to assign a certain significance to the club. Particularly notable was the behaviour of the functionaries who voluntarily carried out tasks on behalf of the Spanish government. Thus, the article cautions against the widespread assumption that sport is unilaterally instrumentalised by politics and calls for always viewing the role of a football club in context of dictatorship in relation to other clubs and institutions.
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Laforest, Rachel, et Steven Rathgeb Smith. « Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence : Challenges and Opportunities ». Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no 2 (26 septembre 2017) : 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.
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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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George, David. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Empresario and Government Agent. By David Thatcher Gies. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988. » Theatre Research International 14, no 2 (1989) : 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330000626x.
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O’Rourke, K. A. C. « Post-Brexit. The Politics of Resentment and EU Reintegration : Creating A New Legal Constitution for Capitalism ». International and Comparative Law Review 19, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 38–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2019-0002.
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Summary The GeoNOMOS model introduced in Part I, is a qualitative descriptive taxonomy updating traditional notions of sovereignty for this century and was generally applied to the 2016–2018 BREXIT divorce negotiations between the U.K. and the remaining 27EU suggesting a reintegration and redefinition of the legitimate expression of sovereignty in the region.[Diagram 01] The taxonomy depicts a framework of liberty that functions simultaneously within the core function of the State at the intersection of a vertical axis depicting a State’s domestic operation and a horizontal axis depicting the State function as part of an international community of States. The GeoNOMOS confirms two primary roles for the 21st century sovereign State: [1] to protect participatory democracy based on individual liberty. This is generally accomplished by the State supporting broad diversity and its cultural heritage as well as fully funded, functional and integrated domestic institutions along its vertical axis, and [2]to promote an enterprise of law supporting a global society of economic traders along its horizontal axis. This primary role of the State occurs at its core when all three essential capital resources –economic capital, social capital, and human capital – remain highly integrated and in balance. Part II specifically highlights economic capital development and utilization at the core function of the State – a shifting dynamic that has influenced most all of the BREXIT 2017–2019 negotiations to date. The December 2018 EU – BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement a Declaration repeatedly failed U.K. parliamentary adoption between January – June 2019 forcing Theresa May’s resignation as Prime Minister. The most contentious quagmire of the BREXIT Withdrawal Agreement was in the structuring of rules of law around regulating economic capital, financial markets, and global marketplace function for any future UK – EU partnership. The political chaos around BREXIT was feared by the EU political elite in terms of its disruptive impact on the May 2019 European Parliament elections and future EU budget planning and priorities. But the 2019 EU Parliament election was already a process divided on questions of political party legitimacy since 2014 with a deepening of the “politic of resentment” on the Continent between 2016–2018.The EUP elections of May 2019 have caused the biggest political shift in the EU for forty years. Part II engages this “politic of resentment” best described as a steady rise of populism across the region and Continent that challenges the post-World War II notions of liberal democracy, the values of EU solidarity, and the traditional role of the “welfare state.” More to the point, the U.K. electorate was not the only EU member outlining an action plan based on its politic of resentment in the 2016–2018 national election cycles – electoral politics in Greece, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Germany, France, Czech Republic, and Spain aggressively promoted rights of sovereign States. These national elections and the 2019 EUP elections attacked fragmented EU economic policy and highlighted the democratic imbalances of EU institutions in their day-to-day operations. These calls for an institutional “course correction” within the EU are shattering fifty years of solidarity and crying out for a redefinition of democracy and new rules of law for economic models relevant to the 21st century. Economic, legal, and historical research by Piketty, Rodrik, Grewal, and others who support democracy, point to documented gaps in economic capital at the level of the State, in global capital formation and in growing wealth inequality, all alarming trends which are part of the “politic of resentment”. Their research calls for creating a new 21st century legal constitution for capitalism as a course correction for the first legal constitution for capitalism, eg, colonialism. Picketty and Grewal argue new approaches are needed to replace both the post-war “welfare State” [1945–1979]and now, the capitalist ideology of neoliberalism [c.1980–2010], decried as defunct even by the International Monetary Fund. Part II suggests a legal reconfiguration for economic capital development and utilization –one operating inside the GeoNOMOS framework of liberty, first to support its four cornerstones and its enterprise of law and, then, based on those choice sets, to design a new paradigm for capitalist globalization in the marketplace.1
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Ratnawati, Ratnawati, et Oberlin Silalahi. « Women Regional Heads and Gender-Responsive Policies in Tabanan Regency, Bali, Indonesia ». Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies 2, no 9 (15 septembre 2022) : 1742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/eduvest.v2i9.574.
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This study examined the contribution of women's government heads to gender-responsive policies at the local level. It was carried out due to the increase in the number of women leaders in various countries as heads of government at the national and local levels in the 21st century, which contributed to the realization of gender-responsive policies. This paper argues that the social capital owned by women regional heads contributes to realizing gender-responsive policies. This study was carried out using the focus group discussions (FGD) methodology, with data collected from 19 key informants through in-depth interviews and documents. The result showed that the success of women regional heads in realizing gender-responsive policies is influenced by their social capital in the form of material capital, access to information with organizations and public officials, and the provision of a network capital that is bonding, bridging, and linking. Furthermore, there are other factors, namely personal capacity related to knowledge and understanding of gender-responsive policies, involvement and experience of women regional heads in organization activities, and support politics of the regional parliament/DPRD. This study provides insight for women willing to advance in the election contestation process by considering their previous experience and involvement in political activities as essential factors in realizing gender-responsive policies.
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Ukas, Ukas, et Zuhdi Arman. « THE ROLE OF LAW IN ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION IN INDONESIA ». JIM UPB (Jurnal Ilmiah Manajemen Universitas Putera Batam) 9, no 1 (2 décembre 2020) : 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33884/jimupb.v9i1.2173.
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Legal development has a more comprehensive and basic meaning compared to the promotion and renewal of law in the context of increasing the nation's competitiveness, legal politics in Indonesia directs legal development to encourage economic growth. The research objective is to determine economic growth, especially in the business world and in the industrial world which determines investment capacity, especially law enforcement and protection. The method used is normative juridical. The results of this study see Law as a social engineering tool that was born because the concept of law is taught to direct people to better understand change. Law as an instrument of development control includes development in the economic field. Enforcement of law and justice in particular in the economic development of activities and developing development in accordance with long-term government programs. The role of law in economic globalization in the 21st century is certainly expected aspects of globalization in legal and economic growth, the development of economic law also includes investment law, which of course must run in accordance with long-term development tools.
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Himmah, Dhurotun Nasicha Aliyatul, et Nurul Yaqien. « KEPEMIMPINAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM ». J-MPI (Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam) 2, no 2 (30 décembre 2017) : 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jmpi.v2i2.5483.
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<p><em>Women's leadership has always been a discussion of controversy, especially in explaining, interpreting and determining the law of a woman's leadership. This study aims to: (1) Review the interpretation related to the concept of leadership with the interpretation model of maudhu'i Al-Qur'an letter An-Nisa verse 34 and Al-Mujadalah verse 11 according to some classical and contemporary commentators including Ibn Abbas, Imam Jalaludin, Ibn Kathir, Mustafa Al-Maraghi, Muhammad Hasbi and Quraish Shihab, (2) Assessing the relevance of the concept of female leadership in an Islamic perspective with the concept of leadership in the 21st century. This type of research is literature study using descriptive-analytic method, historical-philosophical approach, carried out with documentation techniques, analysis, interpretation, checking the validity of the data to obtain the results of the study according to purpose. The results of the study show that there are differences between the thoughts of classical mufassir and contemporary mufassir on women's leadership based on An-Nisa verse 34. It is the differences in times, conditions, situations and civilizations that influence it. The 21st Century is no longer a century where women cannot join in politics, government, social affairs, education, and so on. Contemporary mufassir allow women to be leaders as long as they do not violate the sharia and do not ignore the main task of being a wife. Relevance is related to the realization of the Constitution of 1945 article 27 concerning equal rights and obligations of Indonesian citizens, and Article 31 related to the right of education for all citizens of Indonesia relevant to the letter of Al-Mujadalah verse 11. The relevance is related to the realization of Article 27 of the 1945 constitution concerning the equality of Indonesian citizens' rights and obligations, and Article 31 concerning the right of education of all Indonesian citizens relevant to Al-Mujadalah verse 11. Men or women who are leaders, most importantly is the realization of the good leadership for creating baldatun thayyibun warabbun ghafur.</em></p>
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Nam Tien, Tran. « THE RISE OF INDIA IN THE NEW BALANCE OF POWER IN ASIA SINCE THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY : IMPACTS ON INDIA - VIETNAM RELATIONS ». Humanities & ; Social Sciences Reviews 9, no 2 (8 avril 2021) : 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9226.
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Purpose of the study: The study focuses on the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century. It had three major purposes: (a) to discover the new balance of power in Asia (b), to examine the possible predicting scenario about the role of India in Asia’s order; (c) to understand critical influences of the Indian rise that affect on India-Vietnam relations.
Methodology: This study describes a qualitative study based upon a combination of three main methods such as historical method, analysis-synthesis method (documentary analysis), and case study method. The data were sourced from secondary data and content analysis in various publications of governments, foreign governments, or international bodies. Moreover, foreign policy journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and public records.
Main Findings: The study had some key research findings. The first main finding was that the rise of India would contribute to the common development of Asian countries and affirm the position of Asia on the world map. The second major finding was that India-Vietnam relationships supported India becoming a peaceful superpower dominating East Asia, especially Southeast Asia.
Applications of this study: The implications of the study can be supported by the observation of foreign policy substitutability. This study about the rise of India can be used to get the support of the policymaker or government to make the foreign policy adapting to the new era in Asia. Moreover, the study is also a valuable document for students majoring in International Relations, International History, and Politics.
Novelty/Originality of this study: There is no or has not been any study that discusses the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century and its impacts on India-Vietnam relations.
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Moreda Sánchez, Elsa María, Esther Martínez Pastor et Ricardo Vizcaíno Pérez. « Comunicación Institucional Intercultural para la Salud : desarrollo durante la primera década del siglo XXI = Intercultural Institutional Communication for Health : development during the first decade of the 21st century ». REVISTA ESPAÑOLA DE COMUNICACIÓN EN SALUD 8, no 1 (9 juin 2017) : 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/recs.2017.3606.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumen: El trabajo analiza la Comunicación Institucional Intercultural para la Salud como objeto de estudio a partir de las campañas y materiales informativos y divulgativos (cartelería, dípticos y folletos) realizados por las Administraciones Públicas españolas y dirigidos a la población inmigrante durante la primera década del siglo XXI. El objetivo es describir el origen, desarrollo y características de la Comunicación Institucional Intercultural para la Salud. Para ello se ha realizado un análisis de contenido de los materiales, a través del cual se constata un interés creciente por desarrollar este tipo de comunicación durante el período de estudio, sobre todo a partir de 2005 y entre las Administraciones autonómicas que mayor número de inmigrantes registran. Además, existe cierta coincidencia de los temas abordados con algunas de las prioridades encontradas a nivel socio-sanitario. La Comunicación Institucional Intercultural para la Salud es una línea de investigación hasta ahora poco desarrollada en España, entre otras razones porque la Administración Pública española no ha intervenido como actor en el proceso comunicativo intercultural hasta el inicio del presente siglo.Palabras clave: Administración pública, Comunicación, Institucional, Inmigración, Intercultural, Salud Abstract: This paper presents a first analysis of the informational materials (posters, folded sheets and booklets) that Spanish Public Administrations have targeted to immigrants during the first decade of the current century with the ultimate goal of describing the origin, development and characteristics of the Public Administration’s Intercultural Health Communication. Through a content analysis of the materials, a growing interest in developing this type of communication, especially from 2005 and among the regional administrations that more immigrants record, is found. In addition, a relative coincidence among disease topics in materials and priorities found at socio-sanitary level is also detected. There exists a research field so far underdeveloped in Spain: Public Administration’s Intercultural Health Communication. It is an emerging field as it is only from 2000 when Public Administration in Spain starts to consolidate as a communicating actor in the intercultural context.Keywords: Public administration, Government, Communication, Immigrant, Intercultural, Health