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1
Filatov, Georgy. « Catalonia and Regional Self-Government in the First Quarter of the 20th Century ». ISTORIYA 12, no 6 (104) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016155-9.
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The Mancomunitat represents the first experience of self-government in Catalonia in the 20th century. This idea began to form among Catalan intellectuals in the second half of the 19th century, when the interests of the local bourgeoisie and the cultural elite of the region unexpectedly coincided in connection with the need to defend their interests before the central authorities. The Mancomunitat emerged at a time when the political system of the restoration was in crisis as the main monarchist parties were ousted from the political life of the region by Catalanists and Republicans. In these conditions, the Spanish government preferred to satisfy the demands of the nationalists, since they were a more conservative force and did not pretend to change the political system of Spain. As a result, the Catalan provinces were able to create the Mancomunitat, which allowed them to coordinate efforts to deal with administrative issues.
2
Gavrilova, S. M. « The Problem of Separatism in Modern Spain : the Catalan Question ». Post-Soviet Issues 9, no 2 (5 septembre 2022) : 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-2-213-229.
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Catalan nationalism, rooted in the 19th century, transformed into separatism in the 1980s, threatening the existence of the Spanish state. The unstable political situation in the country caused by the crisis of the party system and serious economic problems is noticeably aggravated by the Catalan issue. The separatists representing the autonomy are not distinguished by unity, which provokes additional tension in the region, but they have a serious impact on the central government. The instability of the current Spanish government, formed by socialists, is compounded by the need to seek support from representatives of Catalan nationalist pariahs in the country’s parliament. This fact also makes it necessary for the ruling party not only to enter into a dialogue with the Catalan separatists, but also to agree to certain concessions.The situation is complicated by the fact that in the autonomy itself, the separatists are not supported by the majority of the population, and some residents of the region openly speak from unionist positions. The whole complex complex of contradictions of the Catalan question is critically connected with the problem of reforming the constitutional system of the Kingdom of Spain. The current Constitution of the country – which has become very obvious at the current stage of the development of the political and social crisis in Spain – requires a partial revision, primarily from the point of view of resolving the issue of the powers of a number of autonomies in the state and their interaction with the center.
3
Volosyuk, Olga. « Inter Arma Silent Musae : the Role of Public Diplomacy in Relations between Russia and Spain ». ISTORIYA 13, no 10 (120) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023487-4.
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The article deals with the role of public diplomacy in Russian-Spanish relations; puts forward a hypothesis, that public diplomacy plays an independent role, sometimes even replacing traditional diplomacy, in the “political vacuum”, when political ties between the two countries were frozen or even broken off. The author points out that some examples of public diplomacy can be traced in Russian-Spanish relations in the 18—19th centuries, but they transferred into state policy only in the 20th century. It was at that time that the Soviet government started to maintain a purposeful public policy aimed at “creating a positive image of the country” through the development of cultural and scientific contacts. This is demonstrated in the article on a number of examples: The October Revolution, which divided the world into two opposing blocs, in which there was no place for political relations; the period of Francoism, when both states publicly declared their irreconcilable ideological confrontation, but in fact were pragmatically building economic relations and strengthened scientific and cultural contacts. In those years, the personal support of prominent scientists and public figures played a huge role in building official diplomatic relations after the death of Franco. The author pays special attention to the role of the diplomacy of science and education, the importance of which. increased noticeably in the 21st century. From this point of view, the evolution of relations between Russia and Spain in the first quarter of this century is considered, especially during the period of cooling of relations as a result of the Ukrainian crisis.
4
Peláez Berbell, José Jaime. « Rafael de Labra y la política educativa de la Restauración ». Przegląd Europejski, no 3-2017 (28 janvier 2018) : 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.17.7.
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This article contrasts two viewpoints about education during the Spanish Bourbon Restoration: on the one hand, the official one of the Government, and on the other hand, that of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza (Free Educational Institution), especially regarding the pedagogical ideas of one of its members, Rafael de Labra (1840–1918). After a brief overview through the educational landscape in Spain during 19th century, it is mentioned the Public Instruction Act of 1857. Next the main features of the educational system of the Restoration are summarised and it is also taken into account the alternative offered by the Institución. As to Labra’s insight on education, three main ideas are underlined: that education must be a main political issue; that academic freedom must be warranted; and that primary education must be the keystone of any educational system, due to its importance in forming the ethical and moral character of the person.
5
Zholudeva, Natal’ya R., et Sergey A. Vasyutin. « Employment Problems of Muslim Migrants in France (Exemplified by Paris). Part 1 ». Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no 6 (20 décembre 2021) : 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v137.
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The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.
6
Stinchcombe, Arthur L. « Class Conflict and Diplomacy : Haitian Isolation in the 19th-Century World System ». Sociological Perspectives 37, no 1 (mars 1994) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389407.
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The article argues that Haiti's diplomatic isolation after its revolution and independence was due to two different processes, its place in the symbolic system of domestic politics in the United States, and its place in the lives and experience of people intensely concerned with Haiti in France, Britain, and Spain. The result was that the diplomatic isolation was ended first in the 1830s by Europe, by the countries materially damaged by the Hatian Revolution. It was ended later by the United States and its Spanish-American client states, who were only symbolically damaged by Haiti as an antislavery black power symbol after the Emancipation Proclamation in the 1860s. A theory of the politics of diplomacy with two parts, the role of a foreign country as a symbol in the domestic politics of other countries, and the role of people with extensive contact and interest in particular parts of another country in the diplomatic milieux of other countries, is developed to explain this case.
7
Mullenix, Elizabeth Reitz. « Private Women/Public Acts : Petticoat Government and the Performance of Resistance ». TDR/The Drama Review 46, no 1 (mars 2002) : 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402753555886.
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Feminists in 19th-century America performed their politics by storming taverns, holding mock elections at polling sites, and lecturing in public. These performances exacerbated fears concerning the “Woman Question” as antebellum feminists exposed gender as ritualized acts and employed performativity as a way to enact their resistance.
8
Schulz, Carsten-Andreas. « Territorial sovereignty and the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier” ». European Journal of International Relations 25, no 3 (10 décembre 2018) : 878–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066118814890.
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European politics at the turn of the 19th century saw a dramatic reduction in the number and diversity of polities as the territorial nation-state emerged as the dominant form of political organization. The transformation had a profound impact on the periphery. The study examines how embracing the principle of territoriality transformed relations between settler societies and indigenous peoples in South America. As this shift coincided with independence from Spain, Creole elites rapidly dismantled the remnants of imperial heteronomy, ending centuries of inter-cultural diplomacy. The study illustrates this shift in the case of the “Southern frontier,” where Spain had maintained a practice of treaty making with the Mapuche people since the mid-17th century. This long-standing practice broke down shortly after Chile gained independence in 1818. What followed was a policy of coercive assimilation through military conquest and forced displacement — a policy that settler societies implemented elsewhere in the 19th century. In contrast to explanations that emphasize the spread of capitalist agriculture and racist ideologies, this study argues that territoriality spelled the end of inter-cultural diplomacy along the “Southern frontier.”
9
CAPELLAN, GONZALO. « Krausism in Spain Beyond Philosophy : Religious Tolerance, Social Harmony, Political Reformism and Modern Pedagogy ». Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no 12 (17 décembre 2021) : 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.12.3.
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Krause's philosophy had a deep and long influence in Spain, where krausism went beyond academia to turn their ideas into reality by means of different associations and institutions. The reception of krausean thought took place in a really hostile context, especially due to the rejection by intransigent Catholicism that vilified Spanish krausism in terms of Religion, morals, politics and education. Despite that fact, krausism proved to be very influential in social theory, politics and education from the second half of the 19th century to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936. This work is a summary presentation, a revisitation and an updated account of the history of krausism in Spain (with some references to Latin America) focusing on íts practical dimension.
10
Aguirre, Rodolfo. « The Indians and Major Studies in New Spain : Monarchical Politics, Debates, and Results ». Social Sciences 10, no 4 (25 mars 2021) : 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040115.
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This article studies some stages and debates about the access of New Spain’s Indians to major studies: The discussion about their mental capacity in the 16th century, the impulse of Carlos II to the indigenous nobility in the 17th century, or the reticence in the Royal University of Mexico and the Church to their acceptance in the 18th century. It also analyzes the responses given by the Crown to the interest of the Indians elites in superior studies, degrees and public positions, protected by their rights as free vassals of the kingdom and as nobles, comparable to the Spanish nobility. Despite the insistent resistance of sectors of the colonial government and society to the rise of Indians, they firmly defended, in the 18th century, the rights and privileges granted to them by the monarchy since the beginning of New Spain, thereby achieving their entry into the university, colleges, and clergy.
11
Ircha, M. C. « The Chignecto ship railway : a 19th century engineering innovation ». Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 19, no 1 (1 février 1992) : 164–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/l92-016.
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Just over a century ago, work commenced on the Chignecto Marine Transport Railway across the Isthmus of Chignecto. The ship railway involved the use of a hydraulic lift to raise large ships on a wheeled cradle. The cradle and the ship were to be towed across the Isthmus by two locomotives and then hydraulically lowered into the receiving waters. The project would transfer ships quicker and be less expensive than building a canal. A private company built the ship railway with the promise of an operating subsidy from the federal government. Financial problems brought the work to a standstill in August 1891. Despite what appeared to be a temporary setback, international economic and national political events prevented completion of the project. Today, the remains of the railbed, an arch culvert, and the foundations of the pump house are all that are left of this 19th century engineering innovation.The contemporary technical literature detailed many of the engineering feats at Chignecto. In 1891, Henry Ketchum, the New Brunswick engineer responsible for the concept and design, presented two concurrent papers on the ship railway to the Canadian Society of Civil Engineers. This paper documents the development of Chignecto Marine Transport Railway. Key words: history, civil engineering, Canadian, shipping, canals, marine railway, and politics.
12
Shahmuhametova, Elena, Malika Yusupova, Natali Solovyova et Olga Borisova. « Governor in the system of state administration at the beginning of the 19th century ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no 02 (1 février 2021) : 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi07.
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Provincial politics in the Russian Empire depended on the personality of the emperor, his views and worldview. During the years of Paul’s Government an extreme form of centralization has been established in the activities of the State apparatus. With the arrival of Emperor Alexander I, there was, in our opinion, a symbolic removal of the distance between the supreme power and its military support, which, in fact, removed obstacles to the spontaneous inclusion of the military in political activity in the next fluctuations of this monarch’s line.
13
Capotosti, Piero Alberto. « Coalition Agreements in the Italian Political and Institutional System ». Israel Law Review 26, no 4 (1992) : 531–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011171.
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1. In recent years, negotiations between parliamentary factions in Italy have had an increasing impact on the process of government formation. The frequency of such negotiations and resulting coalition agreements necessitates a more thorough examination of this phenomenon in order to understand the interaction between coalition agreements and government policy.The phenomenon of coalition governments is not a new one. A number of European states have witnessed their emergence since the late 19th century. It is, however, in regimes of extreme multi-party politics — as the Italian system must be considered — that this form of government has found full enforcement.
14
Dowling, John, et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain. Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». South Atlantic Review 54, no 1 (janvier 1989) : 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200090.
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Miller, Stephen, et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Hispania 72, no 2 (mai 1989) : 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/343128.
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Oakley, R. J., et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Modern Language Review 85, no 4 (octobre 1990) : 1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732748.
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Buck, Donald C., et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain. Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Hispanic Review 59, no 3 (1991) : 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/474062.
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Londre, Felicia Hardison, et David Thatcher Gies. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan De Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent ». Theatre Journal 41, no 2 (mai 1989) : 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3207875.
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Kucharski, Adam. « Korrida i karliści. Wspomnienia Piotra Falkenhagena-Zaleskiego z podroży do Hiszpanii (1843) ». Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia Historicolitteraria 21 (23 décembre 2021) : 112–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20811853.21.7.
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Among the accounts of travels in Spain in the 1st half of the 19th century, there is a rather unknown memoir of Piotr Falkenhagen-Zaleski, written on the basis of his 1843 experiences. This exceptionally capable and flexible emigrant began his career in international trade, having successfully tried his hand at journalism and politics in the past. He became an employee at the Henry Hall department store in London, and then opened his own company of the same sort, establishing contacts in many European countries. The travel to Spain aimed at securing another contract. It appears that he did not achieve this goal. On the other hand, the stay behind the Pyrenees, mainly in Barcelona and Madrid, and the very travel from France to Spain allowed the Polish traveller to become familiar with two elements of the Spanish (political and cultural) reality through an incident with the Carlists and the corrida spectacle. He put those experiences in an interesting, although brief report from Spain.
20
Girard, Chris. « Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics ». Open Access Government 36, no 1 (17 octobre 2022) : 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-036-9829.
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Coevolving informatics and shifting gender dynamics in Norwegian politics Chris Girard, an Associate Professor from the Department of Global and Sociocultural Studies at Florida International University explores education, gender rights and the freedoms of women in Norway. Only one of Norway’s 70 monarchs was a woman over the last thousand years, and now, after great change when universal suffrage was first extended to women in 1913, since 1981, two women have become prime ministers in Norway, serving as heads of state for over 40 per cent of the subsequent four decades. Now, the Norwegian parliament comprises 45 per cent of women legislators, which can partially be attributed to the development of a digital-age layer of information flow, which allowed more Norwegian women to overcome the spatial barriers to government careers that arise from childcare at home. In the present day, there is now a growing demand for educated women counteracts an enduring historical trend extending from the 12th century to the final quarter of the 19th century, when women in Norway had been blocked from higher levels of education.
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Abdolmohammadi, Pejman. « Remarks on the Origins of Secularism and Nationalism in Iran ». Eurasian Studies 13, no 1-2 (17 octobre 2015) : 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340008.
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Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.
22
Vaamonde, Luis Gargallo. « Development and destruction of the liberal prison system in Spain : a general framework for studying the topic ». História Unicap 5, no 10 (1 juillet 2019) : 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/hu.2018.v5n10.p424-439.
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During the Restoration and the Second Republic, up until the outbreak of the Civil War, the prison system that was developed in Spain had a markedly liberal character. This system had begun to acquire robustness and institutional credibility from the first dec- ade of the 20th Century onwards, reaching a peak in the early years of the government of the Second Republic. This process resulted in the establishment of a penitentiary sys- tem based on the widespread and predominant values of liberalism. That liberal belief system espoused the defence of social harmony, property and the individual, and penal practices were constructed on the basis of those principles. Subsequently, the Civil War and the accompanying militarist culture altered the prison system, transforming it into an instrument at the service of the conflict, thereby wiping out the liberal agenda that had been nurtured since the mid-19th Century.
23
Planas, Jordi. « Cooperation, technical education and politics in early agricultural policy in Catalonia (1914–24) ». Rural History 31, no 2 (octobre 2020) : 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793319000360.
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Abstract After the crisis of the late nineteenth century, the role of the state in European agriculture expanded to many new areas: education and technical innovation; commercial policies and market regulations; farm support policies, and sometimes interventions in property rights. The development of these policies was a difficult and costly process, without the intervention of intermediary organisations like agricultural cooperatives and farmers’ associations. This article analyses the early agricultural policy in Catalonia (Spain) and the role of cooperatives in its implementation. It argues that this regional case was quite exceptional in the early twentieth-century Spanish context, where state intervention in agriculture was extremely limited. In 1914, an autonomous government was set up in Catalonia, and a modern agricultural policy was introduced in which technical education and cooperatives played a crucial role, as well as politics. The agricultural policy promoted and developed by the Catalan government was part of a state-building project based on a regionalist ideology.
24
Puzovic, Vladislav. « Jefrem Bojovic’s letters addressed to Nil Alexandrovich Popov ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no 179 (2021) : 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2179347p.
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There are 19 unpublished letters written by latter bishop of Zica Jefrem Bojovic, preserved in The Manuscripts Department of The Russian State Library of Moscow. These letters, addressed to Nil Alexandrovich Popov, are part of a personal collection of this famous Russian scholar in the field of history and Slavic literature. Letters from this collection were written from 1874 until 1886, while Bojovic was a student at The Moscow Spiritual Academy and a professor in the Seminary of Belgrade. These letters are a great source for Bishop Jefrem?s biography, especially for understanding his relationships with Russia. They witness a sincere friendship with Popov, one of the most prominent people in relations between Serbs and Russians, during the second half of the 19th century. These letters are important in order to understand Bojovic?s point of view, regarding the issues of Serbian social, political and church life in the 9th decade of the 19th century. Serbian Government led Pro-Austrian politics during that period of time, which affected relationships within Serbian Church and society. The most significant consequence was an uncanonical replacement of the Serbian Metropolitan Mihailo (Jovanovic) and his hierarchy. Bojovic was the first source witness of these events, who was actively supporting Metropolitan Mihailo. During his studies in Russia, Jefrem Bojovic became a true lover of Slavs, which formed his further views. The mentioned documents were analyzed in this study for the first time, and they will hopefully enrich the biography of Jefrem Bojovic. This study should help us to understand better the occasions within the church, society and politics in Serbia during the ninth decade of the 19th century.
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Griffin, Stephen M. « Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory : Public Authority and the Constitution ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 16, no 04 (1991) : 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
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This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
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Forbath, William E. « Courts, Constitutions, and Labor Politics in England and America : A Study of the Constitutive Power of Law ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 16, no 01 (1991) : 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00282.x.
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For most of the 19th century, the labor movements of England and America seemed to be developing along similar lines. Then, in the decades around the turn of the century, both movements were embroiled in a common battle over the political soul of trade unionism. In England, the champions of broad, class-based social and industrial reforms prevailed. In the United States, they lost, and the winners were the voluntarists, who held that labor should steer clear of politics as much as possible. This article suggests that the key reasons for the divergence lie not in the sociology of the working class or labor movement, so much as in the character of the state and polity and the lessons trade unionists drew from experiences in those arenas. The difference between judicial supremacy in the United States and parliamentary supremacy in England combined with other differences in the two nations’ forms of government to produce sharply contrasting lessons about the value of state-based reforms.
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Shen, Huifen. « Qiaojuan Politics : Government Policies toward the Left-Behind Family Members of Chinese Overseas, 1880s-1990s ». Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, no 1 (2010) : 43–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x491464.
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AbstractSince the late 19th century, the emigration of Chinese has left large numbers of their family members (Qiaojuan) behind in China. These “left-behind relatives” were seen as a channel through which the government could influence the attitudes and behaviors of the Chinese overseas especially in relation to overseas remittances to families remaining in China; the Qiaojuan thus became a group that successive Chinese governments treated with special consideration in their policy-making. Before 1949, some Qiaojuan received favorable treatment and a degree of protection from extortion and theft, and these were extended to the whole group of Qiaojuan regarding their property and legitimate rights in the post-1949 era, with the exception of the period when the “ultra-Left” policy was implemented. Many Qiaojuan actively used their privileged status to pursue their interests through the transnational protection networks. This article examines the changing perceptions of and policies toward the Qiaojuan on the part of various Chinese governments between the 1880s and the 1990s. It demonstrates that the changing socio-political status of the Qiaojuan is contingent upon the government’s perceived importance of the Chinese overseas and the Qiaojuan in an era of rapid national development.
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Romney, Paul. « A Conservative Reformer in Upper Canada : Charles Fothergill, Responsible Government and the “British Party”, 1824‑1840 ». Historical Papers 19, no 1 (26 avril 2006) : 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030917ar.
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Abstract Whig treatments of the politics of early 19th century Upper Canada have tended to treat the reformers as a group unified behind the concept of "responsible government". As Graeme Patterson has pointed out, though, the concept of responsible government, which lay at the heart of much debate during the 1830s and 1840s, had a variety of meanings, ranging from the traditional Baldwinite view of ministerial responsibility for policy to an elected chamber of a sovereign legislature to the much simpler concept cf effective accountability of the colonial administration to imperial authorities. The author explores a distinctive variant upon the theme cf "responsible government" - that posited by the English-born reformer, Charles Fothergill. After a short, and not par- ticularly distinguished, career as a placeman, Fothergill was dismissed in 1826 for his activities in the House of Assembly. After three years in the mainstream cf reform politics, he broke with W.W. Baldwin, John Rolph and their adherents over the meaning cf responsible government, and proclaimed himself a "conservative reformer." Afterthe Rebellion, he became a tribune of the so-called "British Party" - a group of loyal, conservative, middle-class British immigrants who resented the dominance of the Family Compact. Though Fothergill shared the social conservatism which underlay the Bald- winite view of responsible government, he posited a less radical, more legalistic - and, to the author, more logical - alternative to ministerial responsibility.
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Trifunovic, Branislava. « Fin-de-siccle in Russia : Politics and culture ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no 174 (2020) : 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2074185t.
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In this research paper, author discusses artistic responses to political turmoil from 1850 to 1917. This period in the Russian Empire was marked by a gradual striving for a radical and total social transformation initiated by, sometimes even violent, social reactions to the existing autocratic form of government in the mid-19th century, and completed by the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. The article dwells upon historical problems of social and cultural transformations of the Russian society and highlights artistic contribution in strive for modernization. In exploring the mode of adaptation of Russian society to the challenges of modernity, the possibility arose for the setting of three chronologically conditioned, but complex, cause-effect correlations of art and socio-political change: national-imperial, then (paradoxically named) larpurlartist-democratic and avant-garde-socialist correlation. These political and, at the same time, cultural platforms, are recognized as suitable for creating and strengthening a revolutionary climate in imperial Russia. Referring to the revolutionary nature of the artistic movements that preceded the Russian avant-garde, we insist that pluralism of styles and aesthetics in the socio-cultural sphere, as well as social engagement of artists, are factors that are of utmost importance in the preparation of the October Revolution in 1917.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. « The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada ». Society & ; Animals 23, no 1 (2 février 2015) : 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.
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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Abeywardana, Nuwan, Wiebke Bebermeier et Brigitta Schütt. « Ancient Water Management and Governance in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka Until Abandonment, and the Influence of Colonial Politics during Reclamation ». Water 10, no 12 (27 novembre 2018) : 1746. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w10121746.
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The dry-zone water-harvesting and management system in Sri Lanka is one of the oldest historically recorded systems in the world. A substantial number of ancient sources mention the management and governance structure of this system suggesting it was initiated in the 4th century BCE (Before Common Era) and abandoned in the middle of the 13th century CE (Common Era). In the 19th century CE, it was reused under the British colonial government. This research aims to identify the ancient water management and governance structure in the dry zone of Sri Lanka through a systematic analysis of ancient sources. Furthermore, colonial politics and interventions during reclamation have been critically analyzed. Information was captured from 222 text passages containing 560 different records. 201 of these text passages were captured from lithic inscriptions and 21 text passages originate from the chronicles. The spatial and temporal distribution of the records and the qualitative information they contain reflect the evolution of the water management and governance systems in Sri Lanka. Vast multitudes of small tanks were developed and managed by the local communities. Due to the sustainable management structure set up within society, the small tank systems have remained intact for more than two millennia.
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Jaśkowska-Józefiak, Zuzanna. « System prawny archiwów hiszpańskich ». Archeion, no 121 (2020) : 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/26581264arc.20.008.12965.
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The legal system of the Spanish archives This article presents the legal system of the Spanish archives. Due to the specific nature of Spanish legislation, the article begins with a short introduction characterizing the sources of the Spanish law which regulate the activity of archive facilities. Since certain legal acts introduced back in the 19th century have an impact on statutes and decrees today, the main part of the text is preceded by a short historical analysis discussing legal acts devoted to archiving. The next part of the article analyses applicable nationwide legislation, starting from the Constitution of 1978, which identifies 17 autonomous regions and divides the competences to manage archives between central and regional authorities. Due to the decentralization of the Spanish archive network, the central archive network managed by the state administration and autonomous networks were characterized separately. The text is based on the available source literature and legal acts passed by the central government and autonomous authorities in Spain.
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Jaśkowska-Józefiak, Zuzanna. « System prawny archiwów hiszpańskich ». Archeion, no 121 (2020) : 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/26581264arc.20.008.12965.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The legal system of the Spanish archives This article presents the legal system of the Spanish archives. Due to the specific nature of Spanish legislation, the article begins with a short introduction characterizing the sources of the Spanish law which regulate the activity of archive facilities. Since certain legal acts introduced back in the 19th century have an impact on statutes and decrees today, the main part of the text is preceded by a short historical analysis discussing legal acts devoted to archiving. The next part of the article analyses applicable nationwide legislation, starting from the Constitution of 1978, which identifies 17 autonomous regions and divides the competences to manage archives between central and regional authorities. Due to the decentralization of the Spanish archive network, the central archive network managed by the state administration and autonomous networks were characterized separately. The text is based on the available source literature and legal acts passed by the central government and autonomous authorities in Spain.
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Weston, Daniel. « Gibraltar’s position in the Dynamic Model of Postcolonial English ». English World-Wide 32, no 3 (25 octobre 2011) : 338–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.32.3.04wes.
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This article examines the emergence of local identity and language use in the British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar, from its annexation in 1704 to the present day. Contrary to popular opinion, it shows that the founding population of British Gibraltar was divided along racial and linguistic grounds, and only in the 19th century evolved into a cohesive Spanish-speaking community, before its subsequent development into the bilingual English- and Spanish-speaking society of the present day. Through the analysis of census data, reportage and colonial government records, the article shows that the Dynamic Model of Postcolonial English in Schneider (2007) aptly captures the spread of English knowledge on the Rock. The population’s persistent attachment to its British identity, and its framing of Gibraltar English as a variety of British English, are however theoretically problematic. The article concludes that local identity and language use are dependent as much on the territory’s relationship with Spain as the United Kingdom.
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Wardęga, Joanna. « Chinese Heritage with European Characteristics : International and Domestic Dimensions of the China’s Cultural Heritage Politics ». Politeja 18, no 4(73) (29 novembre 2021) : 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.01.
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The discussion on Chinese cultural heritage started to emerge as a result of inspiration coming from foreign travels of Chinese scholars-officials and as protective measures against looting of artifacts in the 19th and 20th centuries. The most spectacular robberies were carried out by Anglo-French forces in the Old Summer Palace (Yuanming Yuan) during the Second Opium War in 1860. That event became one of the cornerstones of the “century of humiliation” (bainian guochi) in the Chinese historical narrative. Even though the Communist Revolution classified historical sites as remnants of feudalism, today the Communist Party of China has assumed the role of a defender of the Chinese heritage. In contemporary China, its cultural heritage is a phenomenon of both domestic and international significance. The Chinese emphasize the antiquity of the Chinese nation, pointing to the origins of Chinese civilization as early as five thousand years ago. In contemporary China, recovering cultural treasures is important for the political legitimacy of a government and for erasing the national humiliation.
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Çirakman, Asli. « FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM : THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no 1 (février 2001) : 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801001039.
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This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.
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Jorgic, Kristina, et Petar Colic. « A brief survey of the fight against corruption in the Russian and Ottoman Empire in the first half of the 19th century ». Filozofija i drustvo 24, no 1 (2013) : 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301160j.
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For the Russian and Turkish Empire the nineteenth century is the period of adopting reform laws to modernize the country in order to be competitive in the course of time. Although the reform process in Russia was obstructed by the Arakcheyev regime and reactionary politics of Nicholas I of Russia, the government made a serious step in the fight against systemic corruption, enacting the Criminal Code of 1845. On the other hand, Turkey was undoubtedly under considerable foreign pressure concerning modernization processes. The Tanzimat period represents a significant epoch in which Turkey, among other countries, was faced with widespread corruption. The crown success of reformatory work in Turkey was adoption of the Criminal Code of 1856. This paper analyzes the specific laws which sanctioned corruption in these two empires.
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Ratcliffe, Marjorie. « Gies, David Thatcher. Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988Gies, David Thatcher. Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988. xiv, 256. » Canadian Modern Language Review 44, no 4 (mai 1988) : 755–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cmlr.44.4.755.
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ØSTERGÅRD, UFFE. « The history of Europe seen from the North ». European Review 14, no 2 (12 avril 2006) : 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000263.
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The Nordic or Scandinavian countries represent variations on general European patterns of state and nation-building and political culture. Denmark and Sweden rank among the oldest and most typical of nation-states together with France, Britain and Spain and should be studied with the same questions in mind. Today, however, a sort of trans-state common Nordic identity coexists with independent national identifications among the Scandinavians. Nordic unity is regarded as a viable alternative to European culture and integration by large numbers of the populations. There has never existed a ‘Scandinavian model’ worthy of the name ‘model’. Because of a series of changes in great power politics in the 18th and 19th centuries, the major conflicts in Europe were relocated away from Northern Europe. This resulted in a virtual ‘neutralization’ of the Scandinavian countries north of the Baltic Sea. Today, the much promoted ‘Nordic identity’ reveals itself only through the nation-states. The ‘Association for Nordic Unity’ (Foreningerne Norden) was set up in 1919 only after all five Nordic countries had achieved independent nationhood: Norway in 1905, Finland in 1917, and Iceland in 1918 (the latter only as home rule to be followed by independence in 1944). The very different roads to independent nationhood among the Nordic countries and the idea of a common Nordic identity can be traced back to its beginnings in the 19th century
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Pratt, Douglas. « Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity : From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation ». Social Inclusion 4, no 2 (19 avril 2016) : 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.
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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Borovkov, Anatoly. « Important contribution to Russian Latin American studies ». Latinskaia Amerika, no 7 (2021) : 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015309-8.
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The book examines the main trends in Mexico's international activities in the first two decades of the XXI century, as well as the leading trends in its socio-political development. The author tried to show that Mexico is more and more actively involved in solving the main problems of world politics, where it emphatically takes independent positions. Mexico's relations with the United States, with the countries of Latin America, with China and Spain, as well as the prospects for expanding ties with Russia are analyzed, Mexico's position in the UN is shown and the prospects for the development of its foreign policy under the government of Lopez Obrador.
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Barrow, Emma, et Barry Judd. « Whitefellas at the Margins ». International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 7, no 2 (1 juin 2014) : 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v7i2.111.
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Within the context of the Australian higher education sector and the organisational interactions facilitated by a university, the politics of Anglo-Australian identity continues to limit the ability of ‘whitefella’ Australians to engage with Indigenous people in a way that might be said to be truly ethical and self-transformative. Instead, the identity politics of Anglo-Australia, a politics that originates in the old colonial stories of the 19th century, continues to function in a way that marginalises those individuals who choose to engage in a way that goes beyond the organisational rhetoric of government and civil institutions in promoting causes such as reconciliation and ‘closing the gap’. The history of Australian colonialism teaches us that, when a deep and productive engagement between settler and native has occurred, the stability of Anglo-Australian identity is destabilised as the colonial establishment is reminded of Indigenous dispossession and the moral and legal legitimacy of the contemporary Australian state become subject to problematic questions that arise from this fact of Australian history. Framing the contemporary context of change and resistance, the authors discuss the importance of inclusive institutional practice, in the quest for a democratic modelling that points to a pathway for a truer recognition, acceptance and inclusion of Indigenous peoples in the ‘mainstream’ of Australian university life.
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Saharuddin, Desmadi, Meirison Meirison, Inayatul Chusna et Ade Sofyan Mulazid. « Capitulation and Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah Impact on Economic Stability of the 18th & ; 19th Ottoman Turks ». QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 7, no 2 (6 janvier 2020) : 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v7i2.4847.
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<p><em></em>Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p>
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Capote Pérez, Luis Javier, et Mª Aránzazu Calzadilla Medina. « Protección jurídica de la infancia y la adolescencia en España tras la aprobación de la Convención de las naciones unidas de los derechos del niño de 1989 ». Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no 1 (2020) : 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.01.05.
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The present paper is about the regulation appliable to childhood and adolescence in the Spanish Law, with special emphasis on the changes derived from the entry into force of the 1978 Spanish Constitution and its influence in the Civil Law area. The article hast two parts. First one begins with the description of origins of the preoccupation for children and teenagers, at the end of the 18th century and the progressive development of politics focused on their protection during de 19th century. Below, there is a brief exposition of the international dimension of scientific and legal treatment, beginning with the celebration of conferences and congresses dedicated to children and continuing with 1924 y 1959 declarations of the rights of the child. Finally, there is another brief description, focused on the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child. The second part is centered on the Spanish Law and its rules for the protection of children and teenagers. Firstly, there is a brief historical description, centered over the Spanish perspective in the progressive and growing interest in childhood. Secondly, there is a legal description of Spanish Law rules on the subject, beginning with 1978 Spanish Constitution and continuing with the enumeration of modifications of Civil Law acts, derived from the return of Spain to democracy and the ratification of 1989 Convention.
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Bernadó Ferrer, Gemma. « Miguel Antonio Caro and the (Trans)Formations of Classical Tradition in Colombia ». Pnyx : Journal of Classical Studies 1, no 1 (28 mars 2022) : 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55760/pnyx.2022.6.
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This paper highlights a unique phenomenon in Colombia, the entanglement between Latin and power, epitomised by the pivotal role of President and Latinist Miguel Antonio Caro. The study of Classics arrived in the territory with the first conquerors from Spain at the end of the 16th century and Caro stands on the shoulders of a long Classical tradition in New Granada. A member of the Conservative Party and a humanist, he was widely known for his work and contribution in the Political Constitution of the Republic of Colombia of 1886 and his central role in the formation of the modern state of Colombia. Besides politics, Caro co-authored a Latin Grammar, wrote many articles on translation and Latin Literature, composed poetry in Spanish and Latin, and produced the first translation of the complete works of Vergil in Spanish. Caro’s works and days aptly demonstrate the association between grammar, Classics, and state power throughout the history of Colombia. The paper contextualises the role of Classics from the colonial period until the end of the 19th century and sketches Caro as an individual and a politician. It outlines his scholarly activity, which involved grammar, translation, and scholarly publishing, and underlines his influence on other scholars and his idiosyncratic interest as a decisive political figure in re-invigorating interest in Latin language and literature.
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Kravchuk, Alexandr S. « Crimean Tatars in the Governing Bodies of the Taurida Province in the First Half of the 19th Century ». RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no 1 (15 décembre 2021) : 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-47-60.
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The author identifies the amount of Crimean Tatars who served as officials in Taurida Governorate in the first half of the 20th century. The article is based on archival data, address-calendars and mesyatseslovs of the Russian Empire. Russian politics in the region after the Crimean annexation was characterized by an active interaction with the local population. The imperial authorities gave the Crimean Tatars broad rights and involved them in civil and military service. Tatar murzas and beys who entered service closely interacted with Russian officials and thus got acquainted with the Russian language and culture as well as with the new legal system. While the largest number of Crimean Tatars were in service during the reign of Catherine II, their number began to decline under her successors. The author argues that the Russian authorities interaction with the Crimean Tatar nobility was based on mutually beneficial conditions. The state received the loyalty of local leaders, which provided stability and allowed for communication with the ordinary population. In turn, the murzas and beys received titles and ranks, which allowed them to increase their property and keep their social status. However, the number of Crimean Tatars in local government functions during the first half of the 19th century was low. They served in the governing bodies only by election from the nobility. This was a result of central policy but also of the low level of training among Tatar officials. Many of them were not familiar with legal procedures laws and could not read and write in Russian. Consequently, they preferred service in military formations, which was more prestigious and did not require special training.
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Escobar, José. « David Thatcher Gies.Theater and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Impresario and Government Agent.Cambridge University Press, 1988. xiv + 257pp. $34.50 ». Romance Quarterly 37, no 2 (mai 1990) : 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08831157.1990.9932732.
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Rieck, Julian. « Real Madrid : “Franco’s Club” or “Ambassador of Spain” ? » STADION 45, no 1 (2021) : 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-6.
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Some observers consider the team to be “Franco’s club” while others consider it as an “Ambassador of Spain”. This paper argues that both attributions were closely intertwined. To demonstrate this, in the first section the analysis delves into the Spanish nation-state and describes how the centre-periphery cleavage determined Francoist nationalism. The second section then sheds light on the ways in which Real Madrid’s identity shifted between monarchist, aristocratic, bourgeois and republican throughout the first half of the 20th century and yet always remained a fundamentally Spanish one. The focus here lies on the 1950s and early 1960s, when Real Madrid became the most successful football club in the world, and one of the most respected Spanish entities abroad. Thirdly, in order to achieve a more differentiated picture of the club’s own identity and self-perception (how the club perceived itself), for one, and external perceptions of it (how the club was perceived by others) for another, four groups or places, which comprise the entity Real Madrid, are analysed in greater detail: (1) club functionaries, (2) the players, (3) club outsiders, the press and politicians in particular, and finally (4) spectators especially those who tend to assign a certain significance to the club. Particularly notable was the behaviour of the functionaries who voluntarily carried out tasks on behalf of the Spanish government. Thus, the article cautions against the widespread assumption that sport is unilaterally instrumentalised by politics and calls for always viewing the role of a football club in context of dictatorship in relation to other clubs and institutions.
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George, David. « Theatre and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Spain : Juan de Grimaldi as Empresario and Government Agent. By David Thatcher Gies. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988. » Theatre Research International 14, no 2 (1989) : 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330000626x.
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Shevtsov, N. V., et M. D. Krynzhina. « Contribution of Alexey Suvorin and His Newspaper Novoye Vremya into Russian Culture of the Second Half of 19th – Early 20th Century’ ». Concept : philosophy, religion, culture 5, no 3 (28 septembre 2021) : 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-137-147.
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Novoye Vremya (The New Time) newspaper was considered as the leading daily periodical of the pre-revolutionary Russia. In 1876, Aleksey Suvorin, an outstanding Russian publisher and literary figure, became its owner and chief editor. He turned the newspaper into a source of information, which seriously influenced the public opinion in Russia. Novoye Vremya provoked constant interest among readers of all social levels. It was popular both among high-ranking government officials and people without any ranks, conservatives and liberals, people with higher education and those who did not even graduate a gymnasium. Newspaper stories were apprehensible not only for educated people but for any common person. Young and old, men and women liked Novoye Vremya. It had never forced its opinion and suggested the readers to make personal judgement through its reports. Suvorin managed to form the audience that valued the newspaper and believed in it. Not only Novoye Vremya stood out for its excellent materials on politics, economy, and non-fiction. In its reviews the newspaper gave a fair evaluation of the Russian authors’ works. Moreover, it became famous with the literary works of the top writers, the classics of Russian literature. Therefore, it is not by accident that the author of this article pays special attention to the cooperation between Novoye Vremya and the most known Russian writers of the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century. Thanks to Suvorin, the talent of Anton Chekhov, who started publishing his works in the newspaper under a different name, opened up. Novoye Vremya published the stories which were later included into his collection In the Twilight. Here he also published his famous novella The Duel. Despite the fact that Novoye Vremya was considered to be a newspaper rather than a literary magazine, it worked together with such writers as Leo Tolstoy, Nikolay Nekrasov, Nikolay Leskov, Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin, for whom the newspaper was not only a serious periodical but also a source of education and knowledge. In Soviet times the directive was to forget about Suvorin. And when they did remember, they certainly wrote about him as a reactionary, chauvinist, notorious monarchist. And if another major pre-revolutionary publisher I.D. Sytin was recognized by the Soviet government, although he lost his printing house and real estate, then Suvorin was in disgrace.