Articles de revues sur le sujet « Spain – Politics and government – 1939-1975 »

Abstract During the period when General Francisco Franco ruled Spain (1936-1975), official censorship kept a watch on all books that were published in the country. The main objective of this censorship was to conceal from the Spanish people political manifestations that might be ultimately threatening for the dictatorial government politically. However, under heavy influence of the Catholic Church, the censors also veiled for the moral health of the Spanish people by intervening in all matters of sexual morality, decency, obscenity and vulgarity. Research has shown that during this period censors were as vigilant for sexual content as they were vigilant for political content. In this study I will examine censorship and sex by studying Raymond Chandler’s first novel, The Big Sleep (1939) and the three Spanish-language translations published during this period (1949, 1958, 1972). Chandler’s novel contains no potential political offenses to Franco’s Regime and its allies, but it does contain references to male homosexuals, scenes of female nudity, and sexually suggestive dialogues involving the detective and a female character. All of the Spanish versions were censored, whether by government censors or the translators/editors prior to presenting the manuscript to the censors. I will discuss the government-censored and self-censored passages in the Spanish versions of the novel, and show that all of the references to the homosexual characters, much of the nudity, and many of the sexually-suggestive dialogues have been manipulated and/or suppressed, producing undesirable and often unexpected effects.

Julián Besteiro es un político clave para entender la España que transita desde la crisis de 1917 hasta la Guerra Civil, y como tal ha sido ampliamente estudiado por la historiografía. Sin embargo, su figura se nos presenta algo desdibujada desde finales de 1935, cuando deja de publicarse Democracia (principal órgano de expresión de su corriente socialista), hasta su participación en el golpe de estado contra Negrín de marzo de 1939. El presente artículo intenta mostrar que este periodo de su vida no fue de total inactividad política, ya que aun desde fuera de los puestos de responsabilidad, intentó ejercer su influencia dentro del socialismo español; en concreto se analiza su actuación en dos momentos clave: el semestre anterior al estallido de la Guerra Civil, y la crisis socialista de 1938. Para algunos de sus contemporáneos, la opción Besteiro existió en diferentes momentos y para diferentes puestos, tales como presidente de la República en 1936, o presidente del PSOE y miembro de un Gobierno de la paz en 1938.AbstractJulián Besteiro is a key politician to understand Spain from the crisis of 1917 until the Civil War, and as such he has been widely studied by the historiography. But there is a period less known in Besteiro’s life: the years running from the closure of Democracia (the main publication of his wing of Spanish socialism) at the end of 1935, to his involvement in the coup d’etat that would overthrow Negrin’s government in March 1939. This article attempts to show that this period in Besteiro’s life was not of total political inactivity: even from outside the positions of responsibility, he tried to exert his influence within Spanish socialism; in particular, this article analyses Besteiro’s stand in two key moments: the semester prior to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, and the crisis of the socialist party in 1938. For some of his contemporaries, the Besteiro option existed at different moments and for different roles, namely as President of the Republic in 1936, President of PSOE and member of a government to negotiate peace in 1938.

The article is devoted to the development of the institute of the head of state in Spain in 1939-1975. The importance of the analysis is determined by the increased role of the heads of state in domestic and international affairs and the popularity of the term. The Spanish experience seems to be useful for research of this phenomenon. Franco's main post was named "head of state" (Jefe del Estado) legally, and the officially recognized institution with the same name (Jefatura del Estado) formalized his status. In comparison with the "head of state" in the doctrine of Constant, he did not function in the system of separation of powers, but named a ruler with a personal absolute lifelong power. The legal term "head of state" became a synonym for the political term "dictator". Franco’s experience demonstrated the non-democratic nature of the institute of head of state. It was also emphasized by the title "caudillo", indicating its leadership and its mission to restore the former "greatness" of Spain. Franco’s government was to be characterized by the features of "sovereign dictatorship", described by C. Schmitt. By analyzing features of the institution of the post, formation of the same institute and their development, the author notices the potential of the institute of head of state during Franco's authoritarian regime. Two periods are distinguished in the history of the institute. During the first, after the Civil War (1939) and before the adoption of the law "On Succession" (1947), Franco's constitutional activity was aimed to create a "new" nationalist state, struggling against internal and external enemies. Unlimited power in a militarized state became the basis for the domination of “decessionism”, and the state itself was identified with its head personally. In the course of the second period, 1947-1975, the constitutional power of the caudillo began the "institutionalization" of a "social and representative" state which was proclaimed as a monarchy again. Franco’s "fundamental" laws not only created a quasi-constitutional facade of the regime, but consolidated the head of state's self-limited powers and its status in the system of established state bodies, a mechanism to transfer his power to the future king. Spanish state was no longer identified with the head of state. He was declared a representative of the nation and ensured the unity of state power. Franco remained an extraordinary head of state till the end of his life. The mechanism he introduced "worked" after his death in Spain and created the opportunity for a transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one, from "institutionalization" to constitutionalism.

The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was triggered by a military uprising against the democratically elected Popular Front government. Away from the battlefield, this war was characterized by the politically-motivated murder of thousands of civilians, many of whom were buried in clandestine graves throughout Spain. Following Franco’s victory and subsequent dictatorship, there were strong prohibitions on commemorating the Republican dead. A radical rupture in Spain’s memory politics occurred from 2000 onwards with the founding of the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory and other similar pressure groups that have organized the exhumation and reburial of the Republican dead. This article is based on fieldwork conducted in communities in Castile and León, and Extremadura as they underwent mass grave investigations. It examines the experience of theft and dispossession that occurred as part of the Francoist repression of Republicans. Accounts of these episodes focus on stolen and looted objects robbed from the dead during the killings, from the graves’ post-mortem, or from surviving relatives as part of the systematic dispossession of Republican households that occurred during the war and immediate post-war period. These narratives surface with frequency during the investigation and exhumation of mass graves. Despite the fact that many are lost forever, these stolen possessions can function as powerful mnemonic objects with a strong affective and imaginative hold. The narratives of dispossession explore themes of survival, the experiences of women and children, and the impact of slow violence. By invoking theft and stolen objects, these stories highlight forms of trauma and forms of memory that may not be represented fully by the dominant investigative paradigm of the mass grave exhumation with its inherent focus on death, cataclysmic violence and the tangible, physical traces of the past.

In Bésame el Cactus (2004), Sol Picó, modern dancer and choreographer, simultaneously performs flamenco music and dance. Using her body, her shoes, castanets, and hands, she is integrating flamenco—as a cultural symbol of Spain—into a contemporary performance. In a Spain impacted by Franco's dictatorship (1939–1975), the peculiar ambiguous choice of using flamenco in a modern performance raises questions about the construction of national and gender identity, both during the dictatorship and now. Franco's regime promoted a centralized nationalism, and imposed it on the other cultures that were part of the Spanish state. These were cultural regionalisms linked to the historic communities of Catalonia, Galicia, and the Basque Country. During Francoism, popular and folk music and dances were employed as an effort to construct a unified Spanish culture. This paper will address the problems of gender and national construction in contemporary Spain through a close reading of this choreographic piece. A methodological analysis of Bésame el Cactus will be presented using applied performing arts theories. I will also draw upon interview material with the choreographer/performer, Sol Picó. In conclusion, this paper will illustrate the ways in which the heritage of Francoism still informs choreographers' choices, and thereby creates an artificial national music and dance in Spain.

Wyndham Lewis (1882-1957) visited Spain at least five times. The impact of these visits on his work was very significant. His novel The Revenge for Love (1937) is partly set in Spain, and is an important political novel of the 1930s; his painting The Siege of Barcelona (1936-37) is a significant statement about Spanish history and the Civil War. Less happy is the polemical essay Count Your Dead: They are Alive! (1937), which takes sides against the legitimate government. (He changed his mind the following year.) This discussion is based on themes apparent in Lewis’s understanding of Spain: his experience at the centre and on the margins; his overcoming of well-known clichés about Spain; his grasp of the importance of Spanish Anarchism; his recognition of the gaze or mirada as an element in life; and a final discussion of The Siege of Barcelona – which after 1939 was renamed The Surrender of Barcelona. That significant change indicates the seriousness of Lewis’s understanding of Spain.

Nowadays, there is a strong need for the multidimensional socio-political comprehension of the Russia’s modern stage development. This stage allows us making a research on the reforms’ results in the context of the state institutions. The process of the certain results and meaning rethinking of these changes both on the post-soviet space en bloc and in Russia in particular. This article in this sense is aimed at the investigation of the state’s role and place in the historical dimension. The permanent interest to the state’s role and place as well as the variety of its interactions with other countries is caused in the modern world by the modern states’ crisis. The article in this case is very topical and does cover the military political conflict in Spain and the participation of the USSR in it throughout 1936–1939. The main reason of the republicans’ defeat, according to the authors’ opinion, was the change in the USSR’s foreign policy line and as a result the cease of the economic and military help to the republicans government, the remoteness of the civil war combat fields in Spain and also the all-round military and economic help of the fascist coalition which did take part in the direct intervention on the Iberian peninsula. Alongside with this during the period since august 1939 until march 1939 USSR by lending the military and economic help to Spain did clearly demonstrate its priorities which were the fight against the international fascism and trotskyism, militarism and the unhidden aggression against the republic. The military counselors under the conditions of the modern state war did gain the experience in the planning and participation in the big-scale strategic operations. Lastly, on the threshold of the World War ΙΙ the civil war in Spain is considered to be the largest military political conflict of the mid-30s in the 20th century. The subjects of this conflict was from one side the Spanish republic and from the other one the united forces of the coupists and their allies whereas the object of the conflict was all the absoluteness of the political power.

Delays in the accession of Spain to the EEC have always been attributed to agricultural issues between France and Spain, involving market competition involving crops from both countries. More than forty years later, the economic factor is still thought to be the most critical in this issue. However, there are scarcely any quantitative studies to date that have shown whether the competitive situation was real. The aim of this paper is to analyse and compare agricultural production and yield statistics from France and Spain, in order to determine if agriculture was competitive or complementary in these two countries. Opinions from both governments are also included, to better understand political factors in this situation. This took place during the Spanish transition to democracy (1975-1982), a time of internal instability accompanied by the difficulties of integration in the EEC and within the international context of the Cold War.

The contemporary political theory envisages the Spanish transition from authoritarianism to a modern multiparty political system as an important landmark and one of the most successful examples of the ‘third wave’ of the process of global democratization. Commenced in Southern Europe, the transition towards the democratic rule has affected Latin America, South Africa and a number of Asian countries and then went further to the majority of Central and Eastern European states. The political reforms and regime change became possible due to the ‘national reconciliation’, a series of compromises negotiated between the government and the leaders of the top political parties. This mechanism ensured a gradual peaceful process of political changes and their successful constitutional legitimization, as well as their implementation in the legislature. However, the transition towards a competitive multiparty democracy won’t cover the reconciliation of ideologies, neither did it consider a common moral and political assessment of the past. Both veterans of the Civil War of 1936 – 1939 and victims of the Franco’s dictatorship were completely rehabilitated only 30 years after the political transformation have been launched.

Agrarian changes and socio-spatial mutations in the iberian peninsula since 1945. After the Second World War, Spain and Portugal were poor countries whose economies were dominated by agriculture. But the fundamental elements of their economies were different and partly explain the different orientations of their economic policies, despite ideological similarities. While the Spanish government gave great importance to agriculture, the Portuguese government sacrified agriculture but prevented a rural exodus. From then on, and although there were historical and geographical similarities, the two agricultures took different directions. Despite similar political changes which have taken place since 1975 and the simultaneous integration of the two states into the European Community, the rural spaces and societies, as well as the agricultural economies of Spain and Portugal show great differences which are reflected in the different nature of the problems of integration faced by the two states.

In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.

This article analyses the creation of Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD) on the island of Menorca from Franco’s death until the configuration of the political parties shortly before the 1977 elections. Through documents from local and private archives, the press of the time and the testimonies of different political protagonists of the Menorcan process, the construction of a political formation that became the majority party in this constituency and in the whole of Spain is studied. In the case of Menorca, it is concluded that the centrists’ action was particularly important due to their leadership in promoting the articulation of Balearic pre-autonomy, which was assumed on the island as something inseparably linked to the achievement of democracy. This common goal of self-government gave rise to a unanimous consensus among all ideological sectors, from the conservative centre to the most progressive left, so that it was the Menorcan political elite that began to set the guidelines in the Balearic archipelago on pre-autonomy institutionalization, led by the UCD of Menorca.

Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.

The article examines the history of the emergence and development of the Catholic organisation Opus Dei. The key stages of its development are determined, the social and political, educational and intra-church activities of Opus Dei members during the Franco period are analysed. Special attention is given to the history of the origin of the organisation, its structure and institutionalisation, its influence on economic policy and education in Spain, as well as obtaining the official standing of Opus Dei in the hierarchy of the Catholic Church. The problems of opening the first centers of the organisation, the foundation of the Priestly Society of the Holy Cross, the formation of legal mechanisms that allowed regulating the activities of Opus Dei are considered. It also examines the economic policy of the Spanish government during the period of the second Francoism, in which the main places were occupied by members of Opus Dei. The economic reforms carried out according to the stabilisation plan (1959) and development plans (1964–1967, 1968–1971, 1972–1973) are analysed.

Struggling to Fit In. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936-1939 The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) possessed a transnational resonance that echoed far beyond the borders of the country in which it was fought. It drew thousands of foreign fighters to Spain where, as many believed, the future of Europe would be decided. Most of them fought on the side of the embattled Republican government against an uprising supported by international Fascism. Given the foreign fighters’ similar socio-economic backgrounds and shared anti-Fascist sentiment, historians have suggested that the «International Brigades», formed out of these foreign fighters, constitute a true transnational army. This article suggests, however, that many of these foreign fighters had real trouble forging a transnational connection with their fellow fighters. Focusing on Dutch Interbrigadiers, it further highlights how the specificities of Dutch political culture and the legal regime created in the Netherlands combined to create a unique set of circumstances that impeded Dutch foreign fighters’ abilities to effectively work together with their German colleagues in Spain and their post-Spanish Civil War efforts to resist the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. This article suggests, therefore, that the International Brigades do not possess a single, distinctive and collectively transnational identity. Rather, they are made up of different identity layers that can, but need not, be mutually exclusive, and are linked to elements of different national and/or military cultures.

Professor Juan Negrín López was Prime Minister of the democratically elected left-wing government of Spain for the latter two-and-a-half years of the three-year Civil War which ravaged the country between 1936 and 1939. The side loyal to the government lost, partly because of the generous aid received by their opponents from Germany and Italy, partly because of the Anglo-French agreement, observed by most countries but ignored by Germany and Italy, to outlaw arms supplies to either side, partly because of internal dissent, and partly because of the greater military capability of the enemy. Negrín led the country with tenacity and wisdom, but is remembered with ambivalence in Spain, and hardly at all elsewhere, although he spent the years of his post-war exile in the UK and France. This paper draws attention to a member of the medical profession who achieved both academic and political distinction, but whose career ended in a disaster which he was powerless to prevent. Among his admirable qualities, he should be remembered for his courage. Like most wars, the Spanish Civil War had its share of psychopaths and villains – but also its share of heroes, and Juan Negrín belongs among their number.

Abstract The economics of the authoritarian regime of Francisco Franco in Spain are often narrowed to a bespoke form of fascism. This paper suggests that this regime’s rather inchoate economic regimes were in fact a series of experiments that blended varieties of statism and liberalism. Thus, a form of import-substitution industrialization colored by Italian fascist features (1939-1959) lasted fifteen years longer in Spain than in the country of importation. In contrast, a local version of French developmentalism (1964-1975) was largely in sync with what was being tried in France at the time. However, this French developmentalist template imbued with fiscal Keynesianism was layered with liberal economic projects, particularly in the monetary policy arena. But while fascist import substitution (the so called “autarky”) collapsed mostly due to its internal problems, Spain’s translation of French developmentalism was associated with economic growth and was only extensively damaged by the crisis of the global capitalist core ushered by the 1973 oil shock. Critically, while in the symbolic terrain of Spanish politics the liberal economic projects that accompanied the local translation of French developmentalism were always associated with reformist and even “dissident” elite circles, the stigma of developmentalism’ association with the core elites of authoritarianism removed developmentalism as a source of alternatives to the liberal economic reforms ushered by Spain’s transition to liberal democracy in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

The Valley of the Fallen is the monument that boasts the largest Christian cross in the world. Buried at its feet are tens of thousands of those who fought and fell during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). They rest in the Basilica of the Holy Cross together without any designation as to on which side they fought. The article focuses on the vicissitudes of the penitentiary colony made up mainly of Republican prisoners sentenced for serious crimes committed during the war. This monument, a symbol of atonement and reconciliation, has become the target of a relentless political onslaught carried out by the socialist and communist government and fuelled by a series of myths analysed in the article.

The article considers the evolution of the Spanish tax system during the most important period of its historical development: the transition from Francoism to democracy. As the main economic function of the state, the tax system traditionally reflects its social structure, the nature of economic relations and managerial decisions of the ruling class, fundamental processes of social development. Unlike most European countries, the tax policy of the Spanish state until the last quarter of the 20th century was characterised by extreme anachronism, due to the long existence of Franco’s political system. Spain entered the path of democracy and europeanization of the Franco tax legislation only in the second half of the 70s, having gone through two stages of its modification: from state dirigism to neoliberal model. The main goal of the first stage was declared to achieve a fairer redistribution of the tax burden and narrowing the gap in the level of taxation between the most and the poorest strata of the population in accordance with the democratic principle "who receives the most income pays more to the budget". In the course of the second stage of tax reform the emphasis was done on stimulating business, its innovative, foreign economic and competitive potential, curtailing the functions of the Welfare state. Pandemic Covid-19 sums up the negative consequences of the neoliberal policy, largely due to the existing tax model. Its serious modification is the main direction in the complex of socioeconomic reforms of the Spanish government for the coming years.

Zdziechowski Jerzy (1880–1975) was a politician, economist and economic activist. In the years 1917–1918 he was a member of the Polish Council of the Inter-Party Union in Russia and a co-organizer of the Polish Corps in Russia. In 1919, he was one of the main participants in the failed coup d’etat attempting to overthrow the government of Jędrzej Moraczewski. In the years 1922–1927, he was a member of the Sejm from the Popular National Union. In the years 1925–1926, he was the Minister of the Treasury in the government of A. Skrzyński. He developed the economic and financial program for stabilizing the Polish zloty, which caused such side effects as, i.a.: reduced employment, lowered wages, and reduced exports of agricultural products, as well as significant increases in taxes and prices. However, the program allowed for achieving a balanced budget. The program’s implementation resulted in the withdrawal of the Polish Socialist Party from the ruling coalition and led to the fall of the government. In the years 1926–1933, he was a member of the Council of the Camp of Great Poland, which was founded and led by Roman Dmowski. Until 1939, he was an activist of economic organizations. From September 1939, Jerzy Zdziechowski resided abroad. After World War II, he was the chairman of the Executive Department of the Political Council in London on behalf of the National Party. Jerzy Zdziechowski was characterized by theoretical eradication and the ability to achieve macroeconomic goals within the framework of economic policy, which he proved by managing financial matters in the years 1925-26 as well as by his creative criticism of the politics in 1926-39.

ArchiteXt Mining: Spanish Modern Architecture through Its Texts (1939–1975) is a research project funded by the Government of Spain through the 2015 Call for “Excellence Projects” of the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. This project aims to explore a new viewpoint and look into the special features of Spanish modern architecture. Despite the increasing success of using data analysis as a tool in a variety of disciplines, research on architectural theory has never made the most efficient use of these technologies. The Spanish and international circumstances of modern architecture development have been scrutinized through qualitative research, which has established a shared theoretical ground. It is now time to start a new in-depth research based on objective data. To address this challenge, we propose the application of text mining techniques to take advantage of the best data source in the field: architectural periodicals. The purpose is to create a powerful database hosted on a public website for the scientific community. Thus, this project fulfils several e-Research objectives: to facilitate the computerization of data research, to support every stageof data collection, and to manage big data analyses with thehelp of specific tools.

This paper analyses two metaphors used to explain reproduction in Spain's popular medical literature of the 1950s and 1960s, that is, during the middle decades of the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975). By exploring metaphors and advice manuals, I study how knowledge about sexuality is disclosed to non-specialist audiences, and how this reinforces hegemonic discourses that sustain power relations and naturalize gender hierarchies. Precisely the status of advice literature as a hybrid genre makes it an interesting source to study the use of gendered metaphors. The intention to educate common people is evident in a language that uses clear analogies and familiar associations that appeal to common sense and are supposed to be effortlessly grasped by the intended audience. Particularly, I discuss two examples that rely on both textual and visual allegories. On the one hand, I explore the concept of menstruation as a cyclical defeat, which conveys and reinforces assumptions about women's bodies and roles that fit well with the gender politics of the Franco regime. On the other hand, I asses the depiction of the egg and the sperm through the simile of fertilization as a wedding. This image reflects widespread preconceptions about love, marriage, and sex. I argue that, since symbolic representations play a crucial role in shaping gender inequalities, an inquiry of such discourses help us identify those symbols that naturalize stereotypes and allows us to problematize strategies that perpetuate power relations.

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After Francisco Franco’s death, the process of democratisation of public institutions was a key factor in the evolution of the architectural profession in Spain. The approval of the creation of neighbourhood associations, the first municipal governments, and the modernisation of Spanish universities are some examples of this. Moreover, feminist and environmental activism from some parts of Spanish society was relevant for socio-political change that affected women in particular. The last decade of Franco’s Regime coincided with the first generation of women that graduated from the Barcelona School of Architecture (ETSAB). From 1964 to 1975, 73 female students graduated as architects—the first one was Margarita Brender Rubira (1919–2000) who validated her degree obtained in Romania in 1962. Some of these women became pioneers in different fields of the architectural profession, such as Roser Amador in architectural design, Alrun Jimeno in building technologies, Anna Bofill in urban design and planning, Rosa Barba in landscape architecture or Pascuala Campos in architectural design, and teaching with gender perspective. This article presents the contributions of these women to the architecture profession in relation to these socio-political advances. It also seeks—through the life stories, personal experiences, and personal visions on professional practice—to highlight those ‘other stories’ that have been left out of the hegemonic historiography of Spanish architecture.

The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.

In 2019, Spanish economy maintained the post-crisis growth rates of the 2010s’ second half, although they were slightly lower than the average for the last period due to both, political and economic factors. The political uncertainty fueled by the necessity in holding four general elections in 2018–2019 has slowed down the search for consensus on reforming the country’s financial system. The decline in domestic demand reflected the evolution of personal consumption and investment, while the contribution of external demand was attributable to a slowdown in imports and slightly stronger exports. Low inflation and almost zero interest rates in banks also provided a favorable situation. By the end of the first quarter of 2020, the generally positive economic outlook was largely undermined by the global economic crisis caused by the COVID 19 pandemic which affected humanity in all socio-economic aspects. In the short term, the decline in Spain’s GDP and overall business activity is unprecedented since the country’s democratic transition that started on 20 November 1975. Even the vibrant Spanish foreign economic sector was tied: both external and internal demand for almost any economy in the world was in an equal crisis state with the start of the pandemic. Many factors analyzed point to a more precarious position in Spain compared to other countries. The Bank of Spain expects the Spanish GDP to fall by double digits in 2020 and it looks like the most realistic scenario. The article analyzes the economic situation in Spain by the beginning of the COVID 19 pandemic, examines the reaction of the national economy to the coronavirus, the individual measures of the Spanish government and the supranational institutions of the EU to combat the pandemic are analyzed, as well as a forecast regarding the post-crisis future of the country’s economy is given. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).

When in 1975 Spain leaves to its fate the inhabitants of the former Spanish province of Western Sahara, most of the Saharawi population has to flee their homes chased by the armies of Morocco and Mauritania in the operation known as “Ecouvillon” while the civilian population marched to Saharaui territory in "The Green March" .In this flight to the desert find refuge in an inhospitable territory of the Algerian Hamada where, located in four camps, declare the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), organizing basic services that allow the survival of the population as well as the possibility of return and government of the territory of Western Sahara in the future. Within the hardness of the situation emerges something exceptional and it is the main axis of this article. The Saharawi people are able to create in the desert refugee camps an educational system that reduces illiteracy in the population as a whole and in childhood in particular. They have been able to organize an educational system in which practically 100% of children are in school, reducing the illiteracy of 90% of the population, in colonial times, to data similar to those of developed countries. In the education of the camps you can study children's education, primary, secondary and also vocational training. In this article we will go deeper into the main characteristics and difficulties of a structured educational system practically without economic resources, but what represents a great commitment to education as a form of struggle, social and political progress. We will also analyze the role of the Spanish Government as a donor of humanitarian aid to these people, as well as its political responsibility in a conflict that has been open for more than 40 years, with Western Sahara being the only territory in the world pending decolonization.

In 1934, construction began on training centers for the upper echelons of future NS leadership: the Vogelsang in the Eifel, Krössinsee (Polish Złocieniec-Budowo) in western Pomerania, and Sonthofen in Allgäu. Through the enormous efforts of the German Labor Front (DAF) the training centres, called Ordensburgen (literally: ‘castles of the orders’), were completed in 1936. In the meantime, much literature has been published on all of the NS Ordenburgen, yet an investigation of the genesis and analysis of their form is still lacking, which this essay partially attempts to address. The intention was undoubtedly to build Ordensburgen on the southern, western and eastern fringes of the Reich distanced less than 60 kilometres from the border. Rosenberg, who had made a statement to this effect in a speech in 1934, coined the name ‘Ordensburg’ in connection with the Teutonic Order – the proud champion of ‘Germanness’. The name evoked other echoes from history: young men who were trained for warfare and administration and who lived a life closed of from outside influences. The name also recalled the medieval orders of knights who exercised their power as a military authority along the frontiers of Christianity from Spain to Palestine. If we go beyond a formal interpretation of the Ordensburgen, what can be seen in all the three structures is the important symbolic function of towers (two rectangular brick towers were erected in Kroessinsee in 1939). In all of them so-called Tingplätze were built, a kind of open-air theatre for political rallies. Moreover, the architect Clemens Klotz embraced the modern age. In adhering to contemporary thought, he blended the cosiness of the Heimatstil with the monumentality and pathos of Neoclassicism. Other forms are also found, such as oval risalites derived from ‘Neues Bauen’ or the protruding window reveal, or the use of unworked stone blocks, something that was particularly characteristic of NS architecture. Yet despite the name ’Ordensburg’, formal references to medieval architecture are sparse. The most apparent examples are seen in the Sonthofen architecture of Herman Giesler in the proportions of the main tower or the vaulted ceilings of the tavern (the so-called Fuchsbau). After 1945, the Ordensburgen became the military barracks of the victors: Vogelsang was British until 1950, then Belgian; Sonthofen was American until 1956 and then turned over to the German Bundeswehr; Krössinsee was used by the Soviet army from 1947 or 1948, and afterward became the Polish Budowo. Vogelsang was opened to the public in 2006. Today, we face ongoing questions about the preservation and new uses of the Ordensburg structures and facilities. The designation of the former NS training centres as memorial sites, in which the juncture between Ordensburgen and the NS crimes finds physical expression, will presumably be the sole way to ensure their continued existence. Between 1939 and 1940, approximately 260 Ordensjunkers (the name derived from ‘Junker’: a nobleman from the landed class) were sent from Krössinsee on military assignment to the area of Poznań (‘Warthegau’), from where up to a half a million Poles and Jews were expelled to the Government General. Further documentation shows the involvement of the Ordensjunkers in the Holocaust during 1941 in the occupied Soviet territories. In making the buildings of the Ordensburgen accessible to the public, while at the same time laying bare the reality behind the mystique, it seems necessary to proceed on a different path than that which has been taken up to now. ‘Domesticating’ the testimonies of a terror regime has been expressed in ways such as the oversized colourful pillows for visitor seating at the Wewelsburg Castle or the garish plastic forms in Vogelsang. Tus, in addition to taking stock of the buildings and making a case for their preservation, the serious question that must be asked is how to deal with this kind of legacy. (translated by Sharon Nemeth)

Spanish conquest in the New World has two sides, evangelization, and colonization. The former was carried by the missionaries who were heavily influenced by Bartolome de Las Casa and Vitoria, while the latter by conquistadores, the defenders of the conquest. Early missionaries fought for the dignity of the Indios where they clashed with the motives of the conquistadores to exploit human resources. The problematic part was they have to work under the Spanish crown where their point of contact was also their area for friction. When they arrived in the Philippines, that social solidarity and dynamics of social relation continued where it became complex due to the involvement of various groups including the natives and their leaders, the religious orders, and most of all the Spanish Royal Court that had the history of having a heart for the Indians. King Philip II created a space for debates within his agenda of social conscience. 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El presente artículo pretende contribuir al debate sobre el rol que jugaron los sindicatos como canalizadores de la conflictividad social en las provincias subdesarrolladas durante la Transición. De esa forma, se parte de que las regiones rurales, aun carentes de un movimiento sindical potente, se convirtieron en importantes espacios de confrontación política en los primeros gobiernos de la monarquía. Cuenca se erige como arquetipo de región con escasos recursos de movilización que debió esperar hasta un momento avanzado de la Transición para poner en marcha la maquinaria de protesta. Así, a través de un análisis pormenorizado se estudia la importancia de los sindicatos como canalizadores de la conflictividad social y sus aportaciones a la democratización de España. Además, se examina la organización y evolución de la protesta en un contexto de coacción gubernamental. Palabras clave: sindicalismo; transición democrática; movimiento obrero; Comisiones Obreras; Unión General de TrabajadoresTopónimo: CuencaPeríodo: Transición española ABSTRACTThis article aims to contribute to the debate on the role played by trade unions as conduits of social conflict in underdeveloped provinces during the Spanish Transition. It is based on the principle that rural regions, albeit in the absence of a powerful trade union movement, became important spaces for political confrontation in the first governments of the monarchy. Cuenca stands out as the epitome of a region with limited mobilization resources that had to wait until an advanced stage of the Transition to set in motion its machinery of protest. Thus, through a detailed analysis, the importance of trade unions as conduits of social conflicts and their contributions to the democratization of Spain is studied. 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The life path, scientific-pedagogical and public activity of Volodymyr Sokurenko – a prominent Ukrainian jurist, doctor of law, professor, talented teacher of the Lviv Law School of Franko University are analyzed. It is found out that after graduating from a seven-year school in Zaporizhia, V. Sokurenko entered the Zaporizhia Aviation Technical School, where he studied two courses until 1937. 1/10/1937 he was enrolled as a cadet of the 2nd school of aircraft technicians named after All-Union Lenin Komsomol. In 1938, this school was renamed the Volga Military Aviation School, which he graduated on September 4, 1939 with the military rank of military technician of the 2nd category. As a junior aircraft technician, V. Sokurenko was sent to the military unit no. 8690 in Baku, and later to Maradnyany for further military service in the USSR Air Force. From September 4, 1939 to March 16, 1940, he was a junior aircraft technician of the 50th Fighter Regiment, 60th Air Brigade of the ZAK VO in Baku. The certificate issued by the Railway District Commissariat of Lviv on January 4, 1954 no. 3132 states that V. Sokurenko actually served in the staff of the Soviet Army from October 1937 to May 1946. The same certificate states that from 10/12/1941 to 20/09/1942 and from 12/07/1943 to 08/03/1945, he took part in the Soviet-German war, in particular in the second fighter aviation corps of the Reserve of the Supreme Command of the Soviet Army. In 1943 he joined the CPSU. He was awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 1st degree and the Order of the Red Star (1943) as well as 9 medals «For Merit in Battle» during the Soviet-German war. With the start of the Soviet-German war, the Sokurenko family, like many other families, was evacuated to the town of Kamensk-Uralsky in the Sverdlovsk region, where their father worked at a metallurgical plant. After the war, the Sokurenko family moved to Lviv. In 1946, V. Sokurenko entered the Faculty of Law of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University, graduating with honors in 1950, and entered the graduate school of the Lviv State University at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law. V. Sokurenko successfully passed the candidate examinations and on December 25, 1953 in Moscow at the Institute of Law of the USSR he defended his thesis on the topic: «Socialist legal consciousness and its relationship with Soviet law». The supervisor of V. Sokurenko's candidate's thesis was N. Karieva. The Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Culture of the USSR, by its decision of March 31, 1954, awarded V. Sokurenko the degree of Candidate of Law. In addition, it is necessary to explain the place of defense of the candidate's thesis by V. Sokurenko. As it is known, the Institute of State and Law of the USSR has its history since 1925, when, in accordance with the resolution of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of March 25, 1925, the Institute of Soviet Construction was established at the Communist Academy. In 1936, the Institute became part of the USSR Academy of Sciences, and in 1938 it was reorganized into the Institute of Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1941–1943 it was evacuated to Tashkent. In 1960-1991 it was called the Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In Ukraine, there is the Institute of State and Law named after V. Koretsky of the NAS of Ukraine – a leading research institution in Ukraine of legal profile, founded in 1949. It is noted that, as a graduate student, V. Sokurenko read a course on the history of political doctrines, conducted special seminars on the theory of state and law. After graduating from graduate school and defending his thesis, from October 1, 1953 he was enrolled as a senior lecturer and then associate professor at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv State University named after Ivan Franko. By the decision of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Ministry of Higher Education of the USSR of December 18, 1957, V. Sokurenko was awarded the academic title of associate professor of the «Department of Theory and History of State and Law». V. Sokurenko took an active part in public life. During 1947-1951 he was a member of the party bureau of the party organization of LSU, worked as a chairman of the trade union committee of the university, from 1955 to 1957 he was a secretary of the party committee of the university. He delivered lectures for the population of Lviv region. Particularly, he lectured in Turka, Chervonohrad, and Yavoriv. He made reports to the party leaders, Soviet workers as well as business leaders. He led a philosophical seminar at the Faculty of Law. He was a deputy of the Lviv City Council of People's Deputies in 1955-1957 and 1975-1978. In December 1967, he defended his doctoral thesis on the topic: «Development of progressive political thought in Ukraine (until the early twentieth century)». The defense of the doctoral thesis was approved by the Higher Attestation Commission on June 14, 1968. During 1960-1990 he headed the Department of Theory and History of State and Law; in 1962-68 and 1972-77 he was the dean of the Law Faculty of the Ivan Franko Lviv State University. In connection with the criticism of the published literature, on September 10, 1977, V. Sokurenko wrote a statement requesting his dismissal from the post of Dean of the Faculty of Law due to deteriorating health. During 1955-1965 he was on research trips to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Austria, and Bulgaria. From August 1966 to March 1967, in particular, he spent seven months in the United States, England and Canada as a UN Fellow in the Department of Human Rights. From April to May 1968, he was a member of the government delegation to the International Conference on Human Rights in Iran for one month. He spoke, in addition to Ukrainian, English, Polish and Russian. V. Sokurenko played an important role in initiating the study of an important discipline at the Faculty of Law of the Lviv University – History of Political and Legal Studies, which has been studying the history of the emergence and development of theoretical knowledge about politics, state, law, ie the process of cognition by people of the phenomena of politics, state and law at different stages of history in different nations, from early statehood and modernity. Professor V. Sokurenko actively researched the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of Ukrainian legal and political thought. He was one of the first legal scholars in the USSR to begin research on the basics of legal deontology. V. Sokurenko conducted extensive research on the development of basic requirements for the professional and legal responsibilities of a lawyer, similar to the requirements for a doctor. In further research, the scholar analyzed the legal responsibilities, prospects for the development of the basics of professional deontology. In addition, he considered medical deontology from the standpoint of a lawyer, law and morality, focusing on internal (spiritual) processes, calling them «the spirit of law.» The main direction of V. Sokurenko's research was the problems of the theory of state and law, the history of legal and political studies. The main scientific works of professor V. Sokurenko include: «The main directions in the development of progressive state and legal thought in Ukraine: 16th – 19th centuries» (1958) (Russian), «Democratic doctrines about the state and law in Ukraine in the second half of the 19th century (M. Drahomanov, S. Podolynskyi, A. Terletskyi)» (1966), «Law. Freedom. Equality» (1981, co-authored) (in Russian), «State and legal views of Ivan Franko» (1966), «Socio-political views of Taras Shevchenko (to the 170th anniversary of his birth)» (1984); «Political and legal views of Ivan Franko (to the 130th anniversary of his birth)» (1986) (in Russian) and others. V. Sokurenko died on November 22, 1994 and was buried in Holoskivskyi Cemetery in Lviv. Volodymyr Sokurenko left a bright memory in the hearts of a wide range of scholars, colleagues and grateful students. The 100th anniversary of the Scholar is a splendid opportunity to once again draw attention to the rich scientific heritage of the lawyer, which is an integral part of the golden fund of Ukrainian legal science and education. It needs to be studied, taken into account and further developed.

RESUMENLa historia del cristianismo no se entiende sin el complejo fenómeno mariano. El culto mariano ha afianzado la construcción de identidades colectivas, pero también individuales. La figura de la Virgen María estableció un modelo de conducta desde cada contexto histórico-cultural, remarcando especialmente los ideales de maternidad y virginidad. Dentro del imaginario católico, la Europa contemporánea ha estado marcada por la formación de una cultura aparicionista que se ha generadoa partir de diversas apariciones marianas que han establecido un canon y un marco de interpretación que ha alimentado las guerras culturales entre secularismo y catolicismo.PALABRAS CLAVE: catolicismo, Virgen María, cultura aparicionista, Lourdes, guerras culturales.ABSTRACTThe history of Christianity cannot be understood without the complex Marian phenomenon. Marian devotion has reinforced the construction of collective, but also of individual identities. The figure of the Virgin Mary established a model of conduct through each historical-cultural context, emphasizing in particular the ideals of maternity and virginity. Within the Catholic imaginary, contemporary Europe has been marked by the formation of an apparitionist culture generated by various Marian apparitions that have established a canon and a framework of interpretation that has fuelled the cultural wars between secularism and Catholicism.KEY WORDS: Catholicism, Virgin Mary, apparicionist culture, Lourdes, culture wars. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAlbert Llorca, M., “Les apparitions et leur histoire”, Archives de Sciences Sociales des religions, 116 (2001), pp. 53-66.Albert, J.-P. y Rozenberg G., “Des expériences du surnaturel”, Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions, 145 (2009), pp. 9-14.Amanat A. y Bernhardsson, M. T. (eds.), Imagining the End. Visions of Apocalypsis from the Ancient Middle East to Modern America, London and New York, I. B. Tauris, 2002.Angelier, F. y Langlois, C. 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From 1939 to 1975, Spain had to live under the dictatorial regime. This is the time when the Spanish state was ruled by General Francisco Franco Bahamonde and covers the period from the end of the Spanish Civil War, from 1939 until his death, to 1975. This era is also called the Franco era. The Franco government was known for its repressions, restriction of liberty, propaganda of its own ideology and censorship in almost every field, especially in literature. Censorship prohibited the publication of works that would be harmful or threatening to the established regime. During this period of Spanish history any cultural, communicative, ideological or creative activity was restricted. Censorship was mainly used by the ruling party as the main tool to restrict free thought and spread its ideology en masse. It was a protective tool of the ruling class to maintain the power.The established dictatorial regime was clearly influenced by German and Italian totalitarianism, which was manifested in working relationships, autocratic economic policy, aesthetics, the use of symbols, a one-party system, etc. Political repressions in the 1940s, strengthened the established dictatorial system. The existence of the art and the culture of that period was dependent upon the compliance with Franco's ideology. Nevertheless, authors with opposite ideologies (in literature: Carmen Laforet, Antonio Buero Vallejo, in painting: Salvador Dalí, Joan Miró, in music: Carmelo Bernaola, Luis de Pablo, in cinema: Juan Antonio Bardem, Carlos Saura, Luis García Berlanga and others) created the best works of art. Among them were critical works of post-war society. Anti-Franco magazines were also created to enable the public to express themselves freely.In Spanish society during Franco´s regime, humor had a large place in terms of self-expression and criticism of the regime. Political humor was the response of individuals to dictatorial regime and censorship. Spreading anti-regime content jokes and funny stories allowed the public to alleviate the fear and sense of helplessness that was driven by the established political regime. Humor led to a restrained but constant critique of the current regime.The article discusses how Spanish society expressed social and political criticism through humor and describes the different forms of humor that took place during Francoism. The paper analyzes the Spanish humor of the Francisco Franco period as one of the most effective means of criticism of the government and escaping from the censorship.

Abstract This article examines the Mexican state's surveillance of Spanish political exiles. As the Mexican government publicly welcomed over 20,000 political refugees fleeing the Spanish Civil War (1936–9), its intelligence apparatus characterised anarchist and communist refugees as subversive threats to the Mexican nation. Despite these efforts, the Mexican secret police failed to prevent the emergence of new political bonds between the two countries’ popular classes. This article shows the consequences of the Mexican secret police's campaign against radical exiles while also highlighting instances in which Spaniards evaded the state's purview and contributed to revolutionary projects in Mexico, Latin America and Spain.

The bombardment of civilians from the air was a regular feature of the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939. It is estimated some 15,000 Spaniards died as a result of air bombings during the Civil War, most civilians, and 11,000 were victims of bombing from the Francoist side that rebelled against the Republican government, supported by German and Italian aviation that joined the rebellion against the Republic. In Catalonia alone, some 1062 municipalities experienced aerial bombardments by the Francoist side of the civil war. In cities across Spain, municipal and regional authorities developed detailed plans for civilian defense in response to these air campaigns. In Barcelona, the municipality created the Junta Local de Defensa Passiva de Barcelona, to build bomb shelters, warn the public of bombings, and educate them on how to protect themselves against aerial bombardment. They mobilized civilians around the concept of ‘passive defense.’ This proactive response by civilians and local government to what they recognized as a war targeting them is an important and under-studied aspect of the Spanish Civil War.