Thèses sur le sujet « Spain – Foreign relations – Morocco »

Foreign policy analysis stands at the crossroads of different issues and academic disciplines, including political economy and international relations. In this study, the foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the period between 1945 and the early 1990s, in the context of the world-system approach in which foreign policy is considered a part of the interaction between a single world-economy and multiple political structures (nation states). In other words, this is a study of the political economy of foreign policy. The foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the context of the world and national levels of the organisation of power and production. In this general context, the two countries are defined as the interesting but debatable category of semiperiphery states in the world-system hierarchy of states. The analysis of Greece and Spain shows that the foreign policies of both countries were strongly affected by their semiperipheral development patterns during both the "expansion-hegemonic rise" and "contraction-hegemonic decline" periods of the world-economy. The study examines the relative impact of national and international structural factors, the distribution of wealth and power, the state, external and internal economic and power elites on the foreign policies of Greece and Spain. The examination demonstrates the effect of their semiperipheral status on their foreign policy. The main theoretical contention of the study is that the world-system analysis and the concept of "semiperiphery" provide a useful framework for the study of the political economy of the foreign policies of middle income countries.

Defence date: 28 October 2019
Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.

The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.
1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.

This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.

Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de Moraes
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: As relações entre Brasil e Espanha tiveram escassa importância até meados dos anos 1970, quando, paralelamente aos respectivos processos democráticos, produziram-se uma abertura ao exterior e uma transformação econômica e social em ambos países que promoveram sua integração em um mundo cada vez mais globalizado. A Espanha, por diversos fatores, um dos quais foi o grande fluxo de fundos recebidos da União Européia, teve um grande crescimento econômico, passando de país receptor de investimentos externos a país investidor no exterior. Tais investimentos foram especialmente dirigidos à América Latina - sendo o Brasil o país mais favorecido pelos mesmos - e concentraram se nos setores de telecomunicações, bancário, energético e de infra-estrutura. O intercâmbio comercial entre os dois países, no entanto, continua sendo pequeno e limitado quanto ao conteúdo, como conseqüência do protecionismo de ambos. A rigidez administrativa do Brasil soma-se também à dificuldade de implantação de um maior número de empresas. Existem ainda diversos campos em que é possível uma maior cooperação bilateral, sendo o setor energético, a pesca e o turismo os mais destacados. Do ponto de vista cultural, há cada vez maior aproximação, fruto da potencialização do ensino de espanhol no Brasil, o aumento do turismo bilateral e a emigração de brasileiros a Espanha, assim como os esforços dirigidos pelos governos para este fim. Politicamente, as relações apresentam um baixo perfil, que tem sido melhorado pela integração do Brasil nas Cúpulas Ibero-americanas de Chefes de Estado e de Governo. A liderança do Brasil na região e sua crescente projeção no exterior devem condicionar um novo equilíbrio nas relações bilaterais: caso os países ajustem suas posições a esta nova realidade, no futuro as relações podem alcançar níveis de cooperação superiores aos atuais.
Abstract: Relations between Brazil and Spain had little importance until the mid-1970s when, concurrently with their democratic processes, an opening toward the outside world and an economic and social transformation took place in both countries, thus promoting their integration in an increasingly globalized world. Spain, for several reasons, such as the large flow of funds received from the European Union, had a great economic growth, leaving the position of a country that receives foreign investment to beco me a country that invests abroad. Such investment was particularly directed to Latin America - most especially to Brazil - and concentrated in the areas of telecommunications, banking, energy and infrastructure. Commercial exchange between the two countries, however, remains limited in its amount and contents, as a consequence of protectionism on both parts. The rigidity of Brazilian administrative procedures also raises difficulties for the establishment of a higher number of companies in the country. There are several fields in which it is possible to further bilateral cooperation, being the energy industry, fishing and tourism the most prominent of them. From the cultural point of view, the ties between the countries have become stronger as a result of an increase in the teaching of the Spanish language in Brazil, enhanced bilateral tourism, and the emigration of Brazilians to Spain, as well as the efforts led by both govemments for this purpose. Politically, the relations have a low profile, which has been improved by the integrati~n of Brazil in the Iberian-American Summit of Heads of State and Govemment. The Brazilian leadership in the region and its increasing projection abroad must determine a new balance in bilateral relations; if the countries adjust their position to this new reality, relations of cooperation may reach higher levels in the future.
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Defence date: 26 January 2021
Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II’s reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.

This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.

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As relações entre Brasil e Espanha tiveram escassa importância até meados dos anos 1970, quando, paralelamente aos respectivos processos democráticos, produziram-se uma abertura ao exterior e uma transformação econômica e social em ambos países que promoveram sua integração em um mundo cada vez mais globalizado. A Espanha, por diversos fatores, um dos quais foi o grande fluxo de fundos recebidos da União Européia, teve um grande crescimento econômico, passando de país receptor de investimentos externos a país investidor no exterior. Tais investimentos foram especialmente dirigidos à América Latina - sendo o Brasil o país mais favorecido pelos mesmos - e concentraramse nos setores de telecomunicações, bancário, energético e de infra-estrutura. O intercâmbio comercial entre os dois países, no entanto, continua sendo pequeno e limitado quanto ao conteúdo, como conseqüência do protecionismo de ambos. A rigidez administrativa do Brasil soma-se também à dificuldade de implantação de um maior número de empresas. Existem ainda diversos campos em que é possível uma maior cooperação bilateral, sendo o setor energético, a pesca e o turismo os mais destacados. Do ponto de vista cultural, há cada vez maior aproximação, fruto da potencialização do ensino de espanhol no Brasil, o aumento do turismo bilateral e a emigração de brasileiros a Espanha, assim como os esforços dirigidos pelos governos para este fim. Politicamente, as relações apresentam um baixo perfil, que tem sido melhorado pela integração do Brasil nas Cúpulas Ibero-americanas de Chefes de Estado e de Governo. A liderança do Brasil na região e sua crescente projeção no exterior devem condicionar um novo equilíbrio nas relações bilaterais: caso os países ajustem suas posições a esta nova realidade, no futuro as relações podem alcançar níveis de cooperação superiores aos atuais.
Relations between Brazil and Spain had little importance until the mid-1970s when, concurrently with their democratic processes, an opening toward the outside world and an economic and social transformation took place in both countries, thus promoting their integration in an increasingly globalized world. Spain, for several reasons, such as the large flow of funds received from the European Union, had a great economic growth, leaving the position of a country that receives foreign investment to become a country that invests abroad. Such investment was particularly directed to Latin America – most especially to Brazil – and concentrated in the areas of telecommunications, banking, energy and infrastructure. Commercial exchange between the two countries, however, remains limited in its amount and contents, as a consequence of protectionism on both parts. The rigidity of Brazilian administrative procedures also raises difficulties for the establishment of a higher number of companies in the country. There are several fields in which it is possible to further bilateral cooperation, being the energy industry, fishing and tourism the most prominent of them. From the cultural point of view, the ties between the countries have become stronger as a result of an increase in the teaching of the Spanish language in Brazil, enhanced bilateral tourism, and the emigration of Brazilians to Spain, as well as the efforts led by both governments for this purpose. Politically, the relations have a low profile, which has been improved by the integration of Brazil in the Iberian-American Summit of Heads of State and Government. The Brazilian leadership in the region and its increasing projection abroad must determine a new balance in bilateral relations; if the countries adjust their position to this new reality, relations of cooperation may reach higher levels in the future.

This doctoral dissertation studies the effect of economic integration on the performance of firms. The ongoing process of global economic integration has been characterized by dismantling of trade barriers and openness to foreign direct investments (FDI). These changes have not only brought opportunities to firms in terms of market access and the possibility to learn about foreign technologies brought in by foreign counterparts. The new economic environment has also posed new challenges through a greater competitive pressure urging firms to continuously align their production patterns to more efficient business practices. The agility of firms to adjust to external shocks, and hence the potential of countries to benefit from economic integration, does presumably not only depend on the internal assets of firms but may also be influenced by government policies and national institutional settings. This conceptual background constitutes the storyline of the doctoral dissertation.

Chapter 1 of the dissertation is a step forward in understanding the externalities of foreign direct investments on the economic performance of domestic firms. During the late eighties and early nineties, Spain saw an upswing in foreign direct investments that placed the economic at the top of FDI recipients in Europe. To provide fresh insights into the firm-levels responses to FDI, Chapter 1 investigates the effects of foreign direct investment on the productivity of domestic firms within the same sector of activity as foreign firms, and whether FDI externalities differed depending on their level of technology. The empirical results show that foreign presence had an overall positive effect on the productivity growth of domestic firms. The gains were not, however, evenly distributed across firms. Firms closer to the frontier benefited more from FDI than firms far from the technology frontier.

A further integration of the world economy with new economic actors, like China and India, has highlighted the need for European firms to climb the quality ladder and shift towards high value added products and greater flexibility in delivering new products in order to survive new competitive threats. Chapter 2 is a theoretical and empirical examination of the role of innovation for the export activities of firms. The intuition is that firms through innovation enhance their access to foreign markets by improving cost competitiveness and the quality of products. The Chapter builds on previous literature to develop a trade model in which firms differ in their propensity to innovate and export based on their underlying productivity. The empirical results, in line with the theoretical model, suggest a positive effect of innovation on the probability of participation in export markets.

The innovative activities of firms may not only depend on their internal assets, but presumably also on their relations with other actors in the national innovation systems. To understand better the role of firms’ relations with the science sector, Chapter 3 turns to one of the major producers of knowledge –universities- and investigates the factors that contribute to the successful transfer of knowledge from universities to the market. The results from Chapter 3 show that universities with established technology transfer policies, procedures, and large and experienced technology transfer offices perform better.

Previous chapters demonstrate that innovation gives a competitive edge to firms exploring foreign markets. Chapter 4, which is joint work with economists from France’s central bank, investigates how credit market imperfections affect the expansion and survival of firms in foreign markets, which is essential for the design of policies stimulating aggregate trade and competitiveness. Chapter 4 develops a theoretical model to study the impact of credit constraints on the number of newly served export destinations by firms and their exits from the export market and tests it using French firm-level data. The results show that credit constraints negatively affect the number of newly created export relations and have a negative effect on the probability of exit from the export market.

Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas desmigrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui latraversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en unedestination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politiquenationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêtsinternes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000,constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord leprocessus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes etpratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration,tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processusd’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient unarchétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui,par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeuxmigratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations del’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent enAfrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain commeterrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de cerégime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir enprofondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politique
This project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the caseof West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature ofthe policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly importantdestination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a nationalpolicy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. Ishall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents akey moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. Thesignificance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of Europeannorms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surroundingimmigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process ofimmigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policythrough its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of theexternal dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharanimmigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. Thereassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucialmoment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trendcontinued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which Ibelieve reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards theexternalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-Africanframework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend theconsequences and collateral effects of this policy

The constitution of the European visa regime has deservingly received much scholarly attention. It has been analyzed as part of the policy toolkit that displaces migration control away from the edges of the territory of Europe. Nevertheless, the street-level implementation of this European policy in national consulates remains understudied. This dissertation sheds ethnographic light on Schengen visa policy implementation that is conceptualized as bordering policy. By delivering Schengen visas, state and nonstate organizations achieve the filtering work of borders; this dissertation therefore investigates the day-to-day bordering of Europe abroad and using a comparative approach and focusing on from the theoretical perspective of street-level policy implementation. The analysis builds on a comparative case study: it focuses on the visa sections of the consulates of two old immigration countries, Belgium and France, and one new immigration country, Italy, which implement visa policy in a same third country, i.e. Morocco. This study highlights cross-national differences of visa policy day-to-day implementation that are due to shifting historical backgrounds, national sense-making of visa policy, and distinct organizational conditions. However, the comparative research design and the inductive epistemological approach deployed have revealed processes of transfer at the implementation level, which result in transnational policy-making from below. Informal interactions between actors constitute a ‘community of practice’ based on the desire to share local and practical knowledge rather than expert knowledge in order to address problems linked to day-to-day implementation.

La construction d’un régime européen de visas représente un domaine de recherche important. Ceci a été analysé comme un des instruments politiques qui déplacent le contrôle migratoire au delà des limites du territoire européen. Cependant, la mise en œuvre dans les consulats nationaux reste très peu étudiée. Cette thèse analyse la mise en œuvre de la politique du visa Schengen conceptualisée comme politique des frontières. Par la délivrance du visa Schengen, organisations étatiques et non-étatiques réalisent le travail de filtrage des frontières. Cette thèse investigue la construction quotidienne de la frontière européenne à l’étranger en privilégiant la perspective théorique de la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques. L’analyse s’appuie sur un cas d’étude comparé. Elle se concentre sur les services visas des consulats de deux anciens pays d’immigration, la France et la Belgique, et un nouveau pays d’immigration, l’Italie, qui mettent en œuvre la politique du visa dans un même État tiers :le Maroc. Cette étude met en évidence des différences nationales importantes qui sont dues aux différents passés historiques, à l’attribution d’un sens national à la politique du visa, aux conditions organisationnelles distinctes. Toutefois, la méthodologie comparative et l’approche épistémologique inductive choisis ont permis de mettre en exergue des processus de transferts au niveau de la mise en œuvre qui constituent l’action publique transnationale par le bas. Les interactions informelles entre les acteurs constituent une ‘communauté de pratiques’ basé sur le désir de partager un savoir pratique et local qui sert à adresser des problèmes liés à la mise en œuvre au quotidien.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Corrêa de Moraes
Banca: Janina Onuki
Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceira com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: As relações entre Brasil e Espanha tiveram escassa importância até meados dos anos 1970, quando, paralelamente aos respectivos processos democráticos, produziram-se uma abertura ao exterior e uma transformação econômica e social em ambos países que promoveram sua integração em um mundo cada vez mais globalizado. A Espanha, por diversos fatores, um dos quais foi o grande fluxo de fundos recebidos da União Européia, teve um grande crescimento econômico, passando de país receptor de investimentos externos a país investidor no exterior. Tais investimentos foram especialmente dirigidos à América Latina - sendo o Brasil o país mais favorecido pelos mesmos - e concentraramse nos setores de telecomunicações, bancário, energético e de infra-estrutura. O intercâmbio comercial entre os dois países, no entanto, continua sendo pequeno e limitado quanto ao conteúdo, como conseqüência do protecionismo de ambos. A rigidez administrativa do Brasil soma-se também à dificuldade de implantação de um maior número de empresas. Existem ainda diversos campos em que é possível uma maior cooperação bilateral, sendo o setor energético, a pesca e o turismo os mais destacados. Do ponto de vista cultural, há cada vez maior aproximação, fruto da potencialização do ensino de espanhol no Brasil, o aumento do turismo bilateral e a emigração de brasileiros a Espanha, assim como os esforços dirigidos pelos governos para este fim. Politicamente, as relações apresentam um baixo perfil, que tem sido melhorado pela integração do Brasil nas Cúpulas Ibero-americanas de Chefes de Estado e de Governo. A liderança do Brasil na região e sua crescente projeção no exterior devem condicionar um novo equilíbrio nas relações bilaterais: caso os países ajustem suas posições a esta nova realidade, no futuro as relações podem alcançar níveis de cooperação superiores aos atuais.
Abstract: Relations between Brazil and Spain had little importance until the mid-1970s when, concurrently with their democratic processes, an opening toward the outside world and an economic and social transformation took place in both countries, thus promoting their integration in an increasingly globalized world. Spain, for several reasons, such as the large flow of funds received from the European Union, had a great economic growth, leaving the position of a country that receives foreign investment to become a country that invests abroad. Such investment was particularly directed to Latin America - most especially to Brazil - and concentrated in the areas of telecommunications, banking, energy and infrastructure. Commercial exchange between the two countries, however, remains limited in its amount and contents, as a consequence of protectionism on both parts. The rigidity of Brazilian administrative procedures also raises difficulties for the establishment of a higher number of companies in the country. There are several fields in which it is possible to further bilateral cooperation, being the energy industry, fishing and tourism the most prominent of them. From the cultural point of view, the ties between the countries have become stronger as a result of an increase in the teaching of the Spanish language in Brazil, enhanced bilateral tourism, and the emigration of Brazilians to Spain, as well as the efforts led by both governments for this purpose. Politically, the relations have a low profile, which has been improved by the integration of Brazil in the Iberian-American Summit of Heads of State and Government. The Brazilian leadership in the region and its increasing projection abroad must determine a new balance in bilateral relations; if the countries adjust their position to this new reality, relations of cooperation may reach higher levels in the future.
Mestre

La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaises
France's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites

Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.

L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).

La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La investigación ha abordado los contactos oficiales y extraoficiales entre España y la Unión Soviética durante el siglo XX, y, especialmente, se ha centrado en la proyección del modelo soviético desplegado por las Asociaciones de Amistad, tales como la Sección Española de los Amigos de la Unión Soviética y la Asociación España - URSS, como un medio de calibrar su impacto en España. Asimismo, se ha prestado atención a las asociaciones de amistad británicas para comparar el relativo éxito de estas asociaciones en los dos países. Las principales fuentes utilizadas han sido los fondos VOKS y SODD, procedentes de los archivos estatales rusos, documentos privados de las Asociaciones y testimonios, los cuales han sido cruciales para comprender estas asociaciones, los problemas que encararon así como sus éxitos y fracasos. Las Asociaciones de Amistad con la Unión Soviética fueron un medio de difundir ideales - el antifascismo y la coexistencia pacífica- defendidos por el gobierno Soviético. Así, estas asociaciones constituyeron un tipo de diplomacia popular. En términos generales, la gente que creía en un modelo diferente al capitalista se unió a estas asociaciones y proveyeron ejemplos de respecto en un mundo multicultural. Debido a ello, su mensaje no es obsoleto en el mundo de hoy.
The research deals with the official and unofficial contacts between Spain and the Soviet Union, focussing particularly on those perceptions of the latter disseminated through the various Friendship societies, such as the Spanish Friends of the Soviet Union and the Spain - USSR Society. As a way of assessing their impact in Spain, a chapter is dedicated to the British Friendship societies, which will compare the relative successes of these societies in the two countries. The main sources utilized have been the VOKS and SSOD files from the Russian Federation archives, private documents of the societies and testimonies, which have been crucial to understanding these associations, the problems they faced, as well as their successes and failures.The friendship societies with the Soviet Union were a way of spreading ideals -antifascism and peaceful coexistence - championed by the Soviet government. As such, these societies were a type of popular diplomacy. Broadly speaking, people who believed in a different model than capitalism joined these associations and they provided examples of respect in a multicultural world. Because of that, their message is not obsolete in today's world.

La present recerca estudia l'ús d'analogies històriques en els discursos dels màxims responsables de la política exterior de França, Espanya i Itàlia per a defensar l'existència i evolució d'un marc multilateral euromediterrani a partir de la Declaració de Barcelona el 1995. Malgrat l'aparença continuista i formulària d'aquestes referències al passat, el seu significat varia amb els interessos de l'agenda política. L'evolució es produeix enmig de la contradicció insoluble de presentar la Mediterrània com el locus fundacional de la civilització -com a una regió, per tant, capaç de regenerar el món amb el seu exemple- i al mateix temps observar la història mediterrània com a fonamentalment marcada pel conflicte entre grans blocs culturals. Les pròpies bases del discurs feien difícil, doncs, que els representants polítics poguessin proporcionar fonaments històrics als objectius declarats d'inclusió cultural i cohesió regional. L'anàlisi revela, en canvi, com el relat històric preparà la progressiva desaparició del diàleg polític a la regió, propiciant el decandiment del propi marc multilateral poc després d'haver entrat en contacte amb la nova realitat de la primavera àrab.
This research looks at the use of historical analogies concerning the Mediterranean in the political speeches of top foreign-policy decision-makers in France, Spain and Italy since the Barcelona Declaration of 1995. In spite of the consistent and formulaic appearance of such references to the past, their meaning shifted as political interests changed. This evolution took place in the midst of an unsolvable contradiction. While political leaders have largely presented the Mediterranean as the birthplace of civilization, and as such, as a region capable of regenerating the world by example, at the same time, conflict between cultural blocs has been perceived as the defining feature of Mediterranean history. The very basis of discourse, then, made it difficult for leaders to provide a historical ground for the stated political goals of cultural inclusiveness and regional cohesion. Analysis reveals, on the contrary, that historical narrative contributed to a progressive withdrawal of political dialogue, which ultimately entailed the waning of the multilateral framework itself as the Arab Spring unfolded.

Defence date: 4 December 2017
Examining Board: Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Miren Llona, University of the Basque Country (External Advisor); Yolanda Aixelà-Cabré, IMF-CSIC Barcelona
The Hispano-Moroccan Re-Encounter: Colonialism, Mimesis, and Power in the Spanish War on Tetouan and its Occupation (1859-62) is a micro-history of the events that inaugurated modern Spanish colonialism in Morocco. The dissertation analyzes the interrelated imperial and local discourses and practices in the mid nineteenth-century military conflict enhanced by Spain and the understudied twenty-seven-month occupation of Tetouan. The complex contours of the incipient Hispano-Moroccan modern imperial formation are scrutinized by recourse to a constellation of multilingual sources – in Arabic, Spanish, and Basque, including manuscript and printed chronicles, press articles, literary accounts and diverse archival materials. The topical chapters discuss nineteenth-century Spanish colonial discourses, the Tetouani and Moroccan reaction to the war and defeat, the colonial (re)encounter and the policies based on the construction of racial difference, the politics of gender, status, and religion, the urban history of occupied Tetouan, the subaltern populations’ political action, and finally the view of the events of the Moroccan elites who abandoned the city on the eve of its occupation. The dissertation includes a Prologue that offers a general description of the studied events, and an Epilogue that discusses some of the processes that developed after the Spanish evacuation of Tetouan. The dissertation is intended as a contribution to four interrelated scholarly realms. Firstly, to the study of Spanish colonialism, in which Spanish Africa has received little attention in comparison to the Americas and the Philippines. Secondly, to postcolonial studies of the Middle East and North Africa, in which prevalence has been given to British and French colonialisms, and in which the Maghrib has received less attention than the Mashriq. Thirdly, to Moroccan historiography, which has until recently disregarded colonial Morocco as if it were a ‘historical parenthesis.’ And fourthly, to Hispano-Moroccan studies, which have focused more on al-Andalus than on the post-1492 interactions.

Defence date: 24 September 2004
Examining board: Prof. Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Universidad Complutense, Madrid (External supervisor) ; Dr. Declan M. Downey, University College Dublin ; Prof. John H. Elliott, Oriel College, University of Oxford ; Prof. Lawrence Fontaine, EHESS, Paris (Supervisor) ; Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 15 March 1993
Examining board: Prof. Richard T. Griffiths (supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Albert Carreras (European University Institute) ; Prof. Juan Pablo Fusi (Universidad Complutense, Madrid) ; Prof. Pierre Gerbet (Insitut d'Etudes Politiques, Paris) ; Alan S. Milward (London School of Economics)
First made available online: 7 June 2016

Defence date: 9 March 1998
Examining Board: Dr. Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Instituto Universitario Europeo (Director) ; Dr. Jaime Contreras, Universidad de Alcalá de Henares ; Dr. Gérard Delille, Instituto Universitario Europeo ; Dr. Jonathan I. Israel, University College London
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 16 June 2011
Examining Board: Prof. Kiran Klaus Patel (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Federico Romero (EUI); Prof. Fernando Guirao (University Pompeu Fabra); Prof. Andrew Rotter (Colgate University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this work is to study Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations in the period 1943-1957. However, and in spite of the fact that the question of Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations between 1943 and 1957 will remain at the heart of this research, this is not merely a history of bilateral relations. In fact, the present work contends that this bilateral relationship cannot be studied in isolation and that a broader context is key, in order to obtain a full understanding of it. In this way, this research will also focus on how these two countries responded to the challenges of the post-war period, and how they struggled to pursue a more independent foreign policy with respect to the major powers. Hence, it is clearly important to analyse the degree of influence which Great Britain first and the United States afterwards exerted both in Spain and Italy and over their relations. The role of France will also be scrutinised, although it will be under a different light, since France did not possess the material capabilities to display a hegemonic policy in Western Europe after 1943. However, the French role in Spanish- Italian relations cannot be ignored either, especially after 1950 when the diplomats at the ‘Quai D’Orsay’ began to intervene more actively in the affairs of the two neighbouring states. Therefore, this research will also address the question of how much room for manoeuvre the Spanish and the Italian Governments really had in the diplomatic field. By accomplishing these objectives, the present research will enrich the existing field of scholarship of both the Spanish and Italian foreign policies after the Second World War and, at the same time, it will contribute to obtaining a better understanding of international relations in Western Europe during the post-war period and, especially the role of the major powers.

Defence date: 13 October 2006
Examining board: Prof. Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Antonella Romano (European University Institute) ; Prof. Ricardo García Cárcel (Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona) ; Prof. Jean-Frédéric Schaub (École de Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Esta dissertação apresenta como objetivo geral analisar as consequências humanitárias que podem resultar de decisões dos Estados, bem como o seu impacto nos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável e consequente necessidade da criação de vias legais e flexíveis. O debate entre a migração e o desenvolvimento encontra-se em aberto. A mais recente crise diplomática entre Marrocos e Espanha, dois países com história e fronteiras comuns, originou uma crise humanitária nos enclaves de Ceuta e Melilla, colocando à prova a gestão migratória da União Europeia e consequentemente a aplicação do Direito Internacional e dos Direitos Humanos. A globalização facilitou a interação entre pessoas e instituições, mas também trouxe consigo o medo do desconhecido e os efeitos subsequentes. À medida que cada vez mais pessoas se veem obrigadas a abandonar o seu país por motivos diversos e a recorrer à imigração indocumentada, também o número de fronteiras, físicas ou não, tem vindo a aumentar. Consequentemente, as Organizações Não Governamentais têm vindo a ganhar uma importância acrescida, não só a nível de proteção, acompanhamento e capacitação dos mais vulneráveis, mas também de influência política.
The main objective of this dissertation is to describe present, through a qualitative lens/approach, the humanitarian consequences which may result from decisions made by States, their impact on the Sustainable Development Goals, and the consequent need to create legal and flexible pathways to safeguard Human Rights. There is still an ongoing debate between migration and development. As a case study, we analyse here the most recent diplomatic crisis between Morocco and Spain, two countries with common history and borders. This situation gave rise to a humanitarian crisis in the Ceuta and Melilla enclaves, putting the European Union's migratory management to the test and demonstrating the importance of facilitating legal and flexible routes for the implementation of International Law. Globalization is a complex process that, while enabling the interaction between people and institutions, has deepened the fear of the unknown and its subsequent effects. As more and more people are forced to leave their country for various reasons and resort to undocumented immigration, the number of borders, physical or not, has also increased. Consequently, Non-Governmental Organizations active in North Africa are demonstrating their importance not only in protecting, monitoring, and training the most vulnerable, but also in exerting political influence.