Thèses sur le sujet « Soviet union - international relations »
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1
Croll, Kirsteen Davina. « Soviet-Polish relations, 1919-1921 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2009. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/663/.
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The Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1921 was a direct consequence of the ideological objectives pursued by the belligerents. Ideology shaped the political agenda and the diametrically opposed war aims of both states, and was implemented through the foreign policy, diplomatic negotiation and military engagements pursued. This proved to be the principal obstacle to the establishment of cordial relations. As western democracy and Russian Marxism battled it out, war was inevitable. Externally, the Paris Peace Conference provided the necessary conditions for the resumption of traditional Russian-Polish hostilities, whilst the Allied States consistently demonstrated their absolute inability to directly influence either the development, or outcome, of the conflict. Redressing the balance of historiography, this thesis includes a greater examination of the conflict from the perspective of the Soviet regime. This firmly controlled the Russian decision-making process. By charting the war, it becomes clear that both states deliberately pursued a dual offensive: traditional diplomatic negotiation and military campaign as conditions dictated. However, in addition, Soviet Russia developed a unique and innovative, revolutionary, agit-prop, diplomatic medium. This enabled adept Soviet diplomats to win the majority of diplomatic battles during the conflict, although often negotiating from a militarily weak position. Nevertheless, the regime ultimately failed in its objective: to ignite socialist revolution in western Europe. The mistaken Soviet decision in July 1920 to cross the ethnographic border to forcefully sovietise Poland, in opposition to Marxist doctrine, irreversibly altered the complexion of the war and proved its pivotal turning point. This culminated politically with the short-lived establishment of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee in Białystok, and militarily, with the decisive defeat of the Red Army at the Battle of Warsaw. It is now certain that the Red Army offensive into Poland in July 1920 aimed not only at the sovietisation of Poland, but at spreading the socialist revolution to Western Europe and overthrowing the Versailles settlement. The European revolutionary upsurge had largely extinguished during the previous year and in August 1920, Communist ideology ultimately failed to inspire the vast majority of the Polish population. Thus, by utilising the Soviet military to secure its war aims, Lenin and the Politburo inadvertently signed the death-warrant of socialist revolution in Poland at the beginning of the twentieth century.
2
Morriss, Anthony Douglas. « Russia, the Soviet Union and Arms Control 1899-1987 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625609.
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3
Copp, John W. « Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970 ». PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.
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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
4
McMahon, Margery A. « Changing relations : Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2457/.
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In the period of transition which followed the collapse of the USSR, the states of that region were forced to make many political and economic adjustments. A crucial part of the processes was the restructuring of relations among these formerly fraternal republics and as they became in 1991, independent states. For most states structuring relations with Russian became a priority since it is the largest and most dominant regional actor. Such relations are shaped by a number of factors including historical development, economic legacies and geopolitical concerns. These issues have impacted upon the evolving relationship between Russia and its Slav neighbours, Ukraine and Belarus. Drawing on a common background in terms of historical political, economic and cultural development, Russia's relations with these states developed to the point where they were formalized in a Russian Belarusian Community (1996) and a Russian Ukrainian Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation (1997). The impetus for Russia to renegotiate its relations with the states on its western borders was strengthened by the proposed eastward expansion of NATO. Belarus and Ukraine however benefited from this. Belarus was guaranteed cheap supplies of Russian natural resources, vital for its economy, even if this came at the cost of ceding a degree of sovereignty. Ukraine, still excluded from European political and economic organizations was recognized by Russia as an independent state with significant regional influence. Russia secured a buffer zone on its western borders. Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus are now qualitatively different. Ukraine has emerged as a potential ally and even future rival to Russia while Belarus has opted to become a Russian client state with, it appears, the ultimate goal of union with Russia.
5
Child, Victoria. « British policy towards the Soviet Union 1939-42 with special reference to the Baltic States ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240246.
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6
Netzer, Miriam Sophia. « Strange bedfellows : Russian-Iranian relations from 1941-present ». Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27731.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
7
Zhu, Jiaming. « A Chinese exploration of Sino-Soviet relations since the death of Stalin, 1953-1989 ». Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 1991. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/979/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 1991.Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, 1991. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.
8
Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. « Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.
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This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.
9
Bayerl, Elizabeth. « USAID projects in the former Soviet Union : policy case studies ». Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32740.
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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston UniversityThe dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War are widely recognized as watershed events in the history of world affairs. Decision-makers and scholars in many fields are only beginning to understand the profound shifts and realignments in global political and economic relationships in a post-Cold War world. An important link between the United States and the former Soviet republics is the foreign assistance program in the region, since assistance efforts often serve as an important lens through which to view strategic relationships between nations. This evaluative policy research explores that link through qualitative case studies of three US Agency for International Development (USAID) projects in the region. Each qualitative case study represents a distinct approach to foreign assistance delivery in the region: classical technical assistance (represented by ZdravReform in contracts with Abt Associates), formal site partnership (in cooperative agreements with the American International Health Alliance), and experimental technology (a cooperative agreement with the former Selentec, Inc.). Three policy context chapters (Chapters I, II, and III) introduce the case studies, in which historical trends of the assistance effort and of the domestic foreign policy-making framework in Washington, DC, are highlighted. A final chapter (VII) examines the findings from the study and recommends a refocusing of the foreign assistance effort in the NIS toward more long-term developmental strategies. Theoretical and methodological assumptions in the study are informed by the constructionist approach to policy evaluation described by Guba and Lincoln (1989). This broad approach assumes that different constructions or interpretations exist concerning the nature and goals of projects. Unlike typical project evaluations, this approach does not assume that stakeholders in projects share common perceptions of the expected goals for and outcomes of their projects. Constructionist approaches to qualitative study fall within the interpretative stream of social science explored by theorists and researchers from a number of disciplines (Geertz, 1973; Denzin, 1992; Hammersley, 1989; Bruner, 1990). More specific conceptual assumptions also are explored in Chapter I, drawn from the literature on institutional research . Emphasis is placed in the evaluative analysis on how effectively conflicts that arose among the multiple stakeholders in each project were addressed.
10
Rosenberg, Hyla. « U.S.-Soviet interchange : an examination of the underlying assumptions of U.S. peace organizations sponsoring contact with Soviet citizens ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4105.
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The research focus of this study was upon U.S. peace organizations which sponsor face-to-face contact with Soviet citizens. Nine U.S. peace organizations were included in the study, the names of which were acquired through a publication produced by the Institute for Soviet-American Relations. The researcher contacted approximately 28 organizations either by telephone or mail, requesting that organizational literature (program descriptions, newsletters, brochures, pamphlets) be sent to the researcher for the purpose of conducting a rhetorical analysis of such literature.
11
Lyons, Anthony J. « International relations theory and the end of the Cold War : a retrospective step forwards ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340591.
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12
Swann, Peter William. « British attitudes towards the Soviet Union, 1951-1956 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1506/.
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The thesis is concerned with the British perception of Soviet foreign policy between 1951 and 1956. In particular it examines the understanding that British diplomats, politicians and civil servants had of the process of change which the death of Stalin stimulated in the Kremlin's relations with the outside world. The core of the study centres around 1955, as this was the pivotal point for the British. With the ascendancy of Khruschev there was perceived not only a new emphasis in Moscow on the necessity of avoiding global war between East and West, but also a new interest in economic competition. By 1956 Whitehall had concluded that there were a number of factors informing the Soviet re-evaluation of foreign policy. Among which were: the stabilisation of the Western alliance culminating with West German rearmament in 1955; the cost of defence expenditure both in armaments and in supporting the satellite regimes and China; the development of American and Soviet thermonuclear potentials. The latter was thought by the British to be the most profound in its implications on the Soviet approach to the future of international relations. The Soviet leadership certainly appeared eager to be friendly and particularly to communicate an awareness of the grotesque futility of a war employing the latest weaponry. To this end they agreed to the Geneva Summit of 1955. Anthony Eden and Harold Macmillan were convinced by this meeting that, in Macmillan's words, "there ain't gonna be no war". For a few brief, golden months, it seemed in London as if the Cold War might even be negotiated into history. However, by the end of 1955 it was apparent to the British that Geneva did not mean the Kremlin had given up aspirations to global supremacy, rather that the means to this end were now to be different.
13
Sheeran, Paul. « Altered states in international relations : the role of counterculture in the disintegration of the Soviet Union ». Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302517.
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14
Goldman, Lawrence R. « An Analysis of the Relationship between Cuba and the Soviet Union : 1959-1990 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625685.
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15
Fodor, Neil. « The Warsaw Treaty Organisation : a political and organisational analysis ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1987. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4359/.
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This thesis describes the political-military alliance of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation (WTO) from its origins and founding in 1955 to its 30th Anniversary in 1985, and after. In showing how the WTO has developed and operated, its practical application in the fields of joint foreign policy and military affairs is described and discussed. In the light of this analysis, the WTO is placed in its context within the socialist community. The origins of the WTO are shown to be part of a general trend towards closer co-operation between the European socialist countries. The states were formally brought together as a public response to the London and Paris Agreements of 1954, which officially rearmed the Federal Republic of Germany and incorporated it into the Western military alliance system and NATO. The structural development is described and analysed, showing the practice of the official structure largely to be a response to existing ad hoc arrangements. The limitations placed on the Organisation's political and military roles are explained, detailing how the WTO is formally restrained from operating as an efficient or effective multilateral co-ordinating body. Where it does operate, the WTO is shown principally to be a political organisation. The documentary history of the WTO is analysed, to show how the structure works in practice. Particular stress is placed on the role of the WTO in carrying out its claimed purpose of co-ordinating the foreign policies of the members. The conclusion is suggested that the WTO at most co-ordinates the `basic principles' rather than the diplomatic practice of its members' foreign policies. The participating states are shown not to be significantly bound by the WTO in the practice of their national foreign policies, though they are bound by bilateral factors external to the structure of the Warsaw Treaty. The 30th Anniversary of the signing of the WTO, potentially a historic landmark, is shown to have passed with very little pomp or celebration. The treatment of the Anniversary in the Soviet Union and amongst its allies was low-key. The issues covered by the Anniversary speeches and articles are described, and are analysed both for what they said about the WTO, its origins, practice, ansd significance, and for what was not said or done. Changes are analysed that have taken place under the new Soviet leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev, whose accession occurred just before the signing of the Protocol extending the Treaty. The 30th Anniversary soon followed. Structural changes were hinted at but never took place, though the documents issued by the existing bodies have become much more open in their description of the discussions and disagreements that took place. These events, coinciding with other changes in Soviet internal and externalpolicies, were shown to be part of an apparent attempt by the Soviet authorities to consult and co-ordinate its actions with its allies, or at least to appear to be doing so. It is also shown where past practices, such as unilateral Soviet moves on foreign policy and arms control, have not changed. The conclusion is that the real significance of the WTO is ideological, serving to give the impression of unity. The Warsaw Treaty Organisation is just another means in the many forms of alliance indicating, and used to justify, the `socialist community'. Other forms of alliance, both political and military, take precedence over the WTO in all its functions. These are principally bilateral, rather than multilateral, forms, and in many cases they are party, rather than state, forms of alliance. Research into the WTO has not been fruitless, but has proved to be the study of issues other than the foreign or defence policies of a multilateral alliance.
16
Hudson, Victoria Ann. « A study of the civilisational aspects of Russian soft power in contemporary Ukraine ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5134/.
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This thesis contributes to an in-depth understanding of the concept of soft power, which according to Joseph Nye indicates the ability to achieve foreign policy goals through cultural attraction. For the purposes of this study of Russian cultural influence in Ukraine, soft power is rearticulated to highlight the ability to engage in mean-making and cultural-ideational leadership on the international stage. A critique of Nye justifies a reframing of soft power, which is supplied by drawing on the analytical power of post-Marxist hegemony and discourse theory. The methodology through which this concept is operationalised empirically emphasises outcomes over inputs, thus appraisals of soft power must account for whether the discourses promoted by mean-making initiatives resonate favourably with target audiences. Desk-based and field research supports an argument that Moscow acknowledges the need for soft power, understood here in terms of ‘sovereignty of spirit’. This civilisational approach is explored further, and the target narratives advanced by significant proponents of the discourse, namely the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the Russian Orthodox Church and foreign policy officials, are identified. Insights into the activities of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to promote spiritually-infused discourses are provided, and new developments observed. Finally, the extent of Russian ‘civilisational’ soft power is estimated through surveys and focus groups gauging audience reception to the ideational narratives promoted.
17
Olson, Peter Millard. « An analysis of US/Soviet arms control : adding a subsystem perspective ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4300.
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Analyses of US/Soviet arms control have usually focused on domestic variables to explain US/Soviet arms control behavior. Partly because the number of negotiating parties is only two, there is a propensity to focus on the bilateral relationship of the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective domestic political situations. Only superficial attention has usually been given to international systems variables that may well influence the domestic political situation and arms control policy.
This thesis broadens the explanatory scope of US/Soviet arms control by showing how the political environment of a trilateral relationship (a subsystem that includes the West European members of NATO as a single actor as well as the United States and the Soviet Union) is a primary motivator of US/Soviet arms control behavior.
18
Fink, Rachael. « France and the Soviet Union : Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism ». Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
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Richardson, Paul Benjamin. « At the edge of the nation : the Southern Kuril Islands and the search for Russia's national destiny ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1623/.
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In post-Soviet Russia, the destiny of the Southern Kuril Islands has been used by the political and intellectual elite to define and contest ideas of national identity. From the early 1990s these islands became a symbolic territory for elite groups attempting to define what kind of state the Russian Federation should become. The various geographical visions projected onto these islands are part of a struggle between elite groups to define national values and to claim the state for their own political ends. However, such visions are not smoothly inscribed onto these islands. Instead, any idea of state, nation and homeland is negotiated, contested and inflected at every geographical scale. The debates over these islands expose a deep tension over the political control of space in the Russian Far East and beyond. It is suggested that these islands are a kind of ‘hyper-border’: a site which is distant, and at times even beyond the state’s control, yet at the same time can be instantaneously linked to the destiny of the entire country. It is a term intended to capture the struggles, contestations and unequal power relations inherent in the ideological process of constructing national space and identity.
20
Oskanian, Kevork. « Weaving webs of insecurity : fear, weakness and power in the post-Soviet South Caucasus ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/367/.
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This thesis' central aim is the application of a Wendtian-constructivist expansion of Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) on a specific case study: the South Caucasus. To that effect, three concepts of RSCT – amity/enmity, state incoherence, and great power penetration – are expanded and developed within the broader above-mentioned ontological-epistemological framework. Amity-enmity is elaborated into an integrated spectrum founded on varying ideational patterns of securitisation alongside objective characteristics, and encompassing conflict formations, security regimes and security communities. States are conceptualised as ideational-institutional-material "providers of security"; their incoherence is characterised over three tiers and two dimensions, leading to a distinction between vertical and horizontal inherent weakness, ostensible instability and failure. Great power penetration is dissected into its objective, subjective and intersubjective elements, resulting in a 1+3+1 typology of its recurring patterns: unipolar, multipolar-cooperative and multipolar-competitive, bounded by hegemony and disengagement. After the specification of a methodology incorporating both objective macro- and interpretive micro-perspectives, two working hypotheses are specified. Firstly, that state incoherence engenders high levels of regional enmity, and, secondly, that patterns of great power penetration primarily affect transitions of regional amity/enmity between conflict formations and security regimes. The framework is subsequently used to triangulate these hypotheses through an application of the theoretical framework on the post-Soviet Southern Caucasus. An initial macro-overview is subsequently provided of the Southern Caucasus as a regional security complex; the three expanded concepts are consequently investigated, in turn, from the discursive micro-perspective. The South Caucasus is categorised into a "revisionist conflict formation", the nature of its states' incoherence is characterised, and existing patterns of great power penetration are identified as competitive-multipolar. In the final chapter, the hypotheses are largely confirmed, and various scenarios as to the possible emergence of a regional security regime are investigated.
21
Blackburn, Matthew. « National identity, nationalist discourse and the imagined nation in post-Soviet Russia ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30590/.
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This thesis attempts to account for post-Soviet Russian national identity and nationalism ‘from below’, employing the ‘thick descriptions’ of the nation reproduced by ordinary Russians across social and generational lines. It examines the current equilibrium in mainstream nationalist hegemonic discourse, shedding light on the vitality of the nation as an ‘imagined community’. In doing this, nationalism is viewed as a set of discursive formations that make claims about how or what the nation is or should be. A central aim in this research is to highlight what discursive constructions are shared or contested across a representative sample of the Russian population. In order to offer a meaningful assessment of nationalist discourse, this research employs ethnographic fieldwork driven by a grounded theory approach. With fifteen months of fieldwork in three Russian cities, this permitted room for exploration and siginificant redirection of the research focus. This helped reveal the interconnections between certain common, foundational elements of national identity and the structure of a dominant nationalist discourse. Previous research has often focused on the challenges of Russian nation-building given the complicated heritage bestowed by the Romanov and Soviet empires. This thesis identifies certain historical and cultural factors vital to the shaping of Russian national identity today. It also identifies a current hegemonic nationalist discourse and unpacks how it is relevant to the majority. This dominant discourse is built on certain myths and versions of normality, much of which takes the late Soviet as ‘normal’ and the wild nineties as ‘abnormal’. The thesis also explores how the above is contested. What is argued is that, at the current moment, the challenge of anti-hegemonic nationalist discourses is, for many people, neutralised by the appeal of a particular geopolitical vision. This research outlines how visions of the nation are weaved into commonly shared notions of identity and underlines how the current status quo is held together.
22
Shapiro, Ann Katherine. « In defiance of censorship : an exploration of dissident theatre in Cold War Poland, Czechoslovakia, and the German Democratic Republic ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7005/.
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This thesis explores dissident theatre in East Central Europe during the second half of the Cold War (1964-1989). Contextualised within the discussion of individual theatrical and performance cultures and practices in Poland, Czechoslovakia, and The German Democratic Republic, it examines how theatre was used to subvert the dominant ideologies and dissent from the status quos in these countries. It establishes a framework that addresses the divergences between Anglo-American political theatre and Eastern Bloc dissident theatre, and discusses the necessity of considering the work of subcultural and subversive artists when analysing work of this kind. The core chapters discuss the theatrical and dramatic techniques, and the intention of the artists with regards to the work itself and to audience interpretation and response in the plays and performances of Václav Havel (Czechoslovakia), Theatre of the Eighth Day (Poland) and Autoperforationsartisten (East Germany). Further, these chapters demonstrate the significant differences in the ways dissident theatre and performance was conceptualised and staged. This thesis also analyses similarities in the theoretical and philosophical motivations for the work of the artists, and the development of ‘second’ or ‘parallel’ societies as a result of the performances.
23
Healy, Joseph. « Central Europe in flux : Germany, Poland and Ukraine, 1918-1922 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2324/.
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This thesis is an examination of the relationship between the Ukrainian nationalists, led by Petliura (The Ukrainian People’s Republic) and both Germany and Poland in the period 1918-1922. Although the thesis addresses primarily the situation after World War I and the military collapse of Germany in Eastern Europe, I also examine the historical relationship between Germany and Ukraine, which came to the fore in the period of World War I, and especially following the treaties of Brest Litovsk. This period involved the German recognition of Ukrainian independence, and the German intervention in Ukrainian internal political and economic affairs.
24
Salitan, Laurie P. « An analysis of Soviet Jewish emigration in the 1970s ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f984e4b9-f578-4ee9-89d5-b26a65cca29b.
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Domestic, not foreign affairs drove Soviet policy on Jewish emigration during the period of 1968-1989. This study challenges the prevailing view that fluctuating levels of exit from the USSR were correlated to the climate of relations between the USA and the USSR. The analysis also considers Soviet-German emigration for comparative perspective. Extensive historical background, with special emphasis on Soviet nationality policy is provided.
25
Mija, Valeriu. « A solution to Moldova's Transdniestrian conflict : regional complex interdependence / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMija.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
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Vercauteren, Pierre. « Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS : la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Boden, Ragna. « Die Grenzen der Weltmacht : sowjetische Indonesienpolitik von Stalin bis Brežnev ». Stuttgart Steiner, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=014953041&linen̲umber=0003&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
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Prodromidou, Alexandra. « Russian foreign energy policy conduct in the oil and gas sectors : a case study of the Caspian region 1991-2008 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3151/.
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This thesis explores the continuities and change in the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region in the period 1991-2008 with the central focus set on the inclusion of energy both as a tool and one of the main targets of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration. More specifically it looks at the impact that the choice to establish Russia as an energy superpower based mainly on its oil and gas sectors during this period had on the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region. The central research question is how Russian oil and gas companies are used as foreign policy tools in the conduct of Russian foreign energy policy within the current foreign energy policy framework and to what end. The argument of this thesis is based on the hypothesis that the Russian state uses its oil and gas companies in order to infiltrate the Central Asian energy markets and assert its economic hegemony in the region through a web of legal and contractual monopolies aiming at maintaining Russia’s economic hegemony in the Caspian and contributing to one of Russia’s main energy policy priority of becoming an influential player in the global energy markets.
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Telfer, Elizabeth. « Iran's foreign policy in the Caspian region 1991-1997 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3155/.
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Set in the context of the evolving political tapestry of the Caspian region, encompassing the five riparian states of Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Russia, and their immediate neighbours in the South Caucasus (Armenia and Georgia) and Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) this PhD presents an analysis of Iranian foreign policy in the first six years following the Soviet break-up (1991-1997), an era that overlapped with the administration of President Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani (1989-1997). This thesis aims to build upon two distinct areas of current scholarship creating linkages between Tehran’s domestic and external environment between 1988 and 1991 which resulted in the comprehensive pragmatist alliance and the emergence of opportunities in the Caspian after the Cold War. The crux is that Rafsanjani’s material interests were aligned with the changing geopolitics of its northern region, inducing an Iranian policy driven by a pragmatic construction of strategic concerns.
30
Wenell, Olov. « Sovjetunionen och svenska vänsällskap 1945-1958 : sällskapen Sverige-Sovjetunionen som medel i sovjetisk strategi ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-98934.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this dissertation is to describe and analyze how the Soviet Union attempted to win the sympathies of the Swedish population during the period 1945-1958 through the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) and the Sweden-Soviet Union Societies. The dissertation includes the central Soviet decision-making apparatus’ general formulation of strategy and what means were to be used to win the sympathies of populations in other countries. Concerning VOKS’s work targeting Sweden, this dissertation examines the general strategies and means used in practice. This dissertation links these activities with realism which serves as an analytical framework. Realism focuses states seeking their security in the international system. Security is considered achievable through strategies for using different means of force, in this case, diplomacy and its sub-instruments in the form of soft power and public diplomacy. Immediately after World War II, VOKS was seen by the Soviets as a tool for countering American and British propaganda. VOKS’s reorganization in the early 1950s led to more country-specific activities. Increasingly in the 1950s VOKS sought out partners from outside organizations associated with national communist parties. This strategy aimed to optimally convey the message and to popularize the Soviet Union. This also led to a decline in VOKS’s importance. VOKS during the period 1945-1958 can be viewed as a collaborative project between the state and the party. The Soviet Union, through VOKS, used the Sweden-USSR Society to popularize the country among the Swedish public. VOKS took increasingly greater control over the societies’ activities, which were reviewed and approved by the Soviet Embassy in Stockholm and VOKS in Moscow. To develop these societies, VOKS increased its efforts to influence the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP) to take part in the societies’ activities. At the suggestion of VOKS in Moscow, the local Sweden-USSR societies formed a national organization in the autumn of 1950 called the Sweden-Soviet Union Federation. After 1953, VOKS’s interest intensified in implementing and developing cultural collaborations with other actors in addition to the societies. Near the end of VOKS’s existence, representatives from the Soviet Embassy and VOKS tried to establish an intergovernmental cultural agreement with Sweden. However, no such agreement was ever signed. The Soviet Union continued to channel most of its public diplomacy toward Sweden through the societies.
31
Moullec, Gaël. « Retours sur l'URSS : pour une histoire générale du projet soviétique ». Thesis, Mulhouse, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MULH4707.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Le bouleversement des sources historiques permet de penser une histoire générale du projet soviétique qui élargi les perspectives des deux écoles occidentales de pensée historique engagées dans une tentative de définition de la nature du système politique soviétique. Ces études s'attachaient alors principalement aux phénomènes politiques internes - limités aux luttes de personnes ou de factions et faisaient l'économie d'analyses sur la société soviétique, sur le rôle du mouvement communiste internationale et du renseignement et, enfin, sur la place prise par l'Union soviétique dans les relations internationales. Le projet soviétique est une construction inscrite dans le temps par une accumulation de décisions politiques et d'actions concrètes, le réel tournant - le point crucial - de consolidation du système semble être ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler les Grandes purges des années 1937-1938. Au-delà du nombre des victimes, statistiquement faible par rapport aux pertes de la Guerre civile, de la collectivisation ou plus encore, de la Grande guerre patriotique, cet événement a inscrit dans la mémoire collective : - une peur généralisée - d'autant plus importante qu'à l'époque la « logique » réelle de cette opération est inconnue ; - des possibilités d'ascension sociale qui s'ouvraient devant les plus jeunes générations, les « nouveaux venus ». Une nouvelle élite dont les principaux représentants restent aux commandes de l'URSS jusqu'à sa disparition constitue la base active du système soviétique. Si la Russie soviétique nait de la révolution d'Octobre 1917, si l'Union soviétique émerge en 1922, il faut toutefois attendre la fin des années 1930 pour voir surgir un système, soviétique ou stalinien, qui détermine pour les décennies ultérieures, jusqu'en 1991, les principaux paramètres du projet soviétique et continue d'influencer la Russie d'aujourd'huiThe overturning of historical sources makes it possible to think of a general history of the Soviet project which broadens the perspectives of the two Western schools of historical thought engaged in an attempt to define the nature of the Soviet political system. These studies focused mainly on internai political phenomena limited to the struggles of individuals or factions and without giving a truc attention to analysis on the Soviet society, the role of the international communist movement and intelligence and, finally, on the place taken by the Soviet Union in international relations. The Soviet project is a construction inscribed in time by an accumulation of political decisions and concrete actions, the real turning point - the crucial point - of consolidation of the system seems to be what is known as the Great Purges of the years. 1937-1938. Beyond the number of victims. statistically small compared to the losses of the Civil War, collectivization or even more, of the Great Patriotic War, this event has written in the collective memory: a generalized fear - all the more important since, at the time, the real "logic" of this operation is unknown; opportunities for social advancement that opened up to younger generations, the "newcomers". A new elite whose main representatives remain at the controls of the USSR until its disappearance constitutes the active base of the Soviet system. If Soviet Russia is boni of the revolution of October 1917, if the Soviet Union emerges in 1922. however, it is necessary to wait until the end of the 1930s to see a system emerge, Soviet or Stalinist, which determines for the following decades, until in 1991, the main parameters of the Soviet project and continues to influence Russia today
32
Imranli-Lowe, Kamala. « The first Armenian Republic and its territorial conflicts with Azerbaijan ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4130/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis, which is based on extensive archival materials, explores the origins of the on-going conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan by focusing on the emergence of the first Armenian Republic in 1918 and its territorial issues with Azerbaijan, in order to understand the factors which led to this conflict. It examines the background to the creation of the first Armenian Republic by researching the location of the ‘historical Armenian homeland’, the construction and reconstruction of the notion of the ‘Armenian homeland’, the aspects facilitating the way in which the ideology and strategy of the Armenian national movement developed, and the factors instrumental in the construction of the Armenian identity. The work provides a historical background to the Armenian claims to Garabagh and Nakhchyvan and analyses the ethnic, historical, economic, geographical and security arguments used by the first Armenian Republic to substantiate its vision of the territorial delimitation between Armenia and Azerbaijan with regard to these regions at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. The thesis also considers the positions of the external powers involved in the South Caucasus vis-à-vis the Garabagh and Nakhchyvan issues and assesses the impact of their stance on the settlement of these conflicts.
33
Beltran, Thelma L. « Philippines-Soviet relations ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111184.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study traces the development of Philippine-USSR relations and
examines the implications of such development for Philippine national
security, in particular, and the regional security of Southeast Asia in
general. At a glance, this is a problem for history and not for
international relations. However, national and regional security
problems in Southeast Asia are closely tied with the historical
development of each nation's relations with external powers,
particularly the United States and Soviet Union. Any assessment of
different national threat perceptions and their policy implications for
national or regional security can be misleading if not viewed within
the perpective of historical developments.
This is particularly true with respect to the Philippines. The
country has never been isolated from regional events nor from the
influence of international powers. Its security options reflect this
relationship. First, it was closely allied with the United States (as
it still is), being a US colony since the turn of this century up to
1946 when the country got its political independence. Second, while
politically independent, the Philippines has been economically
dependent. Third, as a result of this dependency, Philippine foreign
policy up to 1968 was closely tied with the American foreign policy.
Fourth, with worldwide economic recession, following the oil embargo of
1973, the country was forced to open trade and diplomatic relations
with other countries, particularly with the socialist and communist
bloc. And fifth, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with the USSR in 1976, apparently to ensure trade and commercial markets outside
of the traditional US and Japan markets.
34
Trifoi, Bianca. « Kim was Korea and Korea was Kim : The Formation of Juche Ideology and Personality Cult in North Korea ». FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3275.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Juche ideology, created by founder Kim Il-Sung, governs all aspects of North Korean society. This thesis attempts to answer the questions of why and how Juche ideology and the cult of personality surrounding Kim Il-Sung were successfully implemented in North Korea. It is a historical analysis of the formation of the North Korean state that considers developments from the late 19th century to the late 20th century, with particular attention paid to the 1950s-1970s and to Kim’s own writings and speeches. The thesis argues that Juche was successfully implemented and institutionalized in North Korea due to several factors, including the rise of Korean nationalism, the personal history of Kim Il-Sung, the Korean War and resulting domestic strife, and the influence of the international socialist movement. It provides a historical explanation of Juche and its importance within North Korea, which in turn is necessary for understanding North Korea as a whole.
35
Deets, Michael Joseph. « German-Soviet Relations and the International System ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625912.
Texte intégral
36
Zrudlo, Laurie. « Soviet foreign policy responsiveness to the external environment : Soviet-Indian relations 1968-1985 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66111.
Texte intégral
37
Kadlecová, Gabriela. « Mediální prezentace mezinárodních vztahů v Československu v době studené války prostřednictvím Československé televize ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142286.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The diploma thesis with the title "Media Presentation of International Relations in Czechoslovakia during the Cold War in the Czechoslovak Television" uses selected events in the defined period to show how much foreign policy of the Soviet Union influenced the Czechoslovak Television news. First, both Czechoslovak and Soviet foreign policies as well as media policy of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia are described, followed by a brief history of the Czechoslovak Television. The core part of this diploma thesis lies in the third chapter, where specific reports from the news of the Czechoslovak television are analyzed.
38
Dibb, Paul. « The Soviet Union : the incomplete superpower ». Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145691.
Texte intégral
39
Light, Margot. « The Soviet theory of international relations, 1917-1982 ». Thesis, University of Surrey, 1986. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/804213/.
Texte intégral
40
Miller, Daniel Quentin. « John Updike and the Cold War : drawing the Iron Curtain / ». Columbia, Mo. [u.a.] : Univ. of Missouri Press, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/327515422.pdf.
Texte intégral
41
Aka, Philip Chukwuma. « Soviet Cultural Diplomacy in the Middle East : a Case Study of USSR'S Cultural Relations with Egypt and Syria, 1955-1971 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500642/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.
42
Al-Imam, Jamal D. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
43
Lambert, Michael. « De Prague à Riga : stratégies de mise en place du soft power de l’Union européenne dans les États du Partenariat oriental ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040172.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les États du Partenariat oriental (Ukraine, Moldavie, Biélorussie, Géorgie, Arménie, Azerbaïdjan) ainsi que les territoires séparatistesqui s’y trouvent (Transnistrie, République du Donbas, Crimée, Abkhazie, Ossétie du Sud, Haut-Karabakh) doivent déterminer leurappartenance à un ensemble géopolitique afin d’assurer leur prospérité mais aussi leur sécurité. Les options qui se présentent à euxpeuvent se résumer à une intégration au sein de l’Union européenne, de l’Union (Économique) Eurasiatique ou à un partenariat avec la Chine, et ce en raison de leur difficultés à survivre en tant que pays non-alignés, et des pressions exercées pour Bruxelles et parMoscou. La raison de ces pressions repose sur la souhait d’émergence de l’Union européenne en tant que puissance géopolitique mondiale, poussée notamment par les États-Unis pour contrebalancer l’influence de la Russie, et par le Kremlin qui souhaite conserver son influence dans ce qu’il considère encore comme sa zone d’influence légitime” plus de 25 ans après la chute de l’Union soviétique. Cette thèse analyse les tendance intra-européennes, avec l’approche normalisatrice des pays d’Europe de l’Ouest, qui cherchent un compromis avec la Russie, et ceux d’Europe de l’Est, qui voient dans les Institutions européennes un moyen de s’affirmer comme puissances régionale. Avec l’avènement du projet de Partenariat oriental lancé par la Pologne et la Suède en 2008, l’UE incarne ces deux tendances, parfois contradictoires, à travers la mise en place de ses stratégies d’influence - son soft power - sur le terrain. Une influence mis à mal par les membres de l’EaP qui détournent abondamment les fonds en provenance de l’UE en raison de la corruption qui règne au sein des institutions nationales. La Russie tente pour sa part de retrouver son influence mais en usant d’une approche plus musclée, parfois même relevant du domaine militaire - son hard power - comme le montrent l’annexion de la Crimée et la mise en place des Peacekeepers dans le Caucase du Sud. Alors que l’Union européenne peine à exercer son influence dans un contexte de crise économique post-2008, la Russie semble pour sa part disposer de nouveaux moyens pour accroitre son influence : la guerre hybride, l’instrumentalisation des réfugiés qui affluent aux portes de l’Espace Schengen, et l’Union Economique EurasiatiqueThe states of the Eastern Partnership (Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan) and the separatist territories therein (Transnistria, Republic of Donbas, Crimea, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh) have to determine their membership in a geopolitical entity to ensure their prosperity and safety. Due to the difficulties to survive as non-aligned countries and pressures fromBrussels and Moscow, all of them either have to join the European Union, the Eurasian (Economic) Union or to establish an exclusivepartnership with China in the upcoming years.Pressure from the EU and Russia is based on the desire of the EU to emerge as a global geopolitical power, particularly pushed by theUnited States to counterbalance the influence of Russia, and the will of the Kremlin to retain its influence in what is presented in theRussian media as the “legitimate sphere of influence”, even more than 25 years after the fall of the Soviet Union.The PhD dissertation analyzes the political divergences between EU member states, with the “normalizing approach” of WesternEuropean countries that seek a compromise with Russia, and those from Eastern Europe currently trying to use the European institutionsas a means to become regional powers.The Eastern Partnership launched by Poland and Sweden in 2008 embodies these two, sometimes contradictory tendencies through theimplementation of EU’s strategies of influence - the EU’s soft power - in post-Soviet space. Nonetheless, those strategies are oftenundermined by members of the EaP, which abundantly divert funds from the EU, because of the corruption of local institutions. At thesame time, Russia is also trying to regain its influence, sometimes even by using military means - the so called Russian hard power - asshown by the annexation of the Crimea and the establishment of peacekeeping missions in South Caucasus.While the European Union hardly exerts its influence in a post-2008 economic crisis context, Russia seems to have developed new waysto weaken its opponents. Hybrid warfare, weaponizing of refugees, pushed by massive bombings in Syria, and the establishment of theEurasian Economic Union are under the most efficient ways to weaken the EU and NATO so far
44
Bain, Mervyn J. « Soviet/Cuban relations 1985-1991 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5387/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In March 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). By 1985 relations between the Soviet Union and Cuba had been in existence for over 25 years and were extremely close in both ideological and trade terms. Soon after coming to power, Gorbachev implemented the policies of perestroika and glasnost while Fidel Castro introduced the campaign for rectification of errors in Cuba. There were great differences in these campaigns since the Cuban one was much more ideologically driven than its Soviet counterparts. This study is an examination of the period from March 1985 to the end of 1991. This is done in three broad areas: official Soviet policy towards Cuba; the unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba (an examination of academics and social/political commentators work on Cuba) and the Cuban perception and reaction to the events in the Soviet Union. This study also attempts to establish whether a rethinking, with the benefit of hindsight, has taken place in the years since 1991. In 1985 official and unofficial Soviet policy towards Cuba were identical but as the Gorbachev period continued this began to change. Official policy began to become contradictory in style since Moscow started "veiled" attacks against aspects of its relationship with Cuba while at the same time still defended the island in the face of continuing US hostility. Moscow also stated that the differences in Soviet and Cuban policies were because each campaign was designed for conditions specific to each country but that both had the same goal: the improvement of socialism. Although official policy became more outspoken, at no point during the Gorbachev era did it call for the termination of relations with Cuba. Unofficial Soviet policy started to change as the effects of glasnost permeated Soviet society. This became noticeable from 1987 onwards and reached the point that an open debate on the relationship was taking place. By 1991 unofficial policy was vastly different from the official Soviet line towards Cuba. The Cuban government also stated that the programmes were for situations specific to each country but that both had the same goal, that being the improvement of socialism. The unofficial Cuban line mirrored the official one but by 1990 this started to change as it started to criticise Soviet policies. In 1991 the Cuban government also started to do this. Due to the difficult situation in the socialist world the Cuban government from 1989 had been trying to increase its hard currency markets. A general re-thinking with the benefit of hindsight has not taken place on either side but an examination of participants' memoirs is still a valuable study to conduct. Although it offers very little new evidence for this period it does, however, give more credence to the events that took place between March 1985 and December 1991.
45
Ziebarth, Kurt W. « Civil-military relations in the Soviet Union : poised for conflict ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28029.
Texte intégral
46
Hale, Carol Anne. « German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
47
Moxham, K. I. « The Labour Party and the Soviet Union, 1945-51 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377235.
Texte intégral
48
Lambert, Michael. « De Prague à Riga : stratégies de mise en place du soft power de l’Union européenne dans les États du Partenariat oriental ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040172.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les États du Partenariat oriental (Ukraine, Moldavie, Biélorussie, Géorgie, Arménie, Azerbaïdjan) ainsi que les territoires séparatistesqui s’y trouvent (Transnistrie, République du Donbas, Crimée, Abkhazie, Ossétie du Sud, Haut-Karabakh) doivent déterminer leurappartenance à un ensemble géopolitique afin d’assurer leur prospérité mais aussi leur sécurité. Les options qui se présentent à euxpeuvent se résumer à une intégration au sein de l’Union européenne, de l’Union (Économique) Eurasiatique ou à un partenariat avec la Chine, et ce en raison de leur difficultés à survivre en tant que pays non-alignés, et des pressions exercées pour Bruxelles et parMoscou. La raison de ces pressions repose sur la souhait d’émergence de l’Union européenne en tant que puissance géopolitique mondiale, poussée notamment par les États-Unis pour contrebalancer l’influence de la Russie, et par le Kremlin qui souhaite conserver son influence dans ce qu’il considère encore comme sa zone d’influence légitime” plus de 25 ans après la chute de l’Union soviétique. Cette thèse analyse les tendance intra-européennes, avec l’approche normalisatrice des pays d’Europe de l’Ouest, qui cherchent un compromis avec la Russie, et ceux d’Europe de l’Est, qui voient dans les Institutions européennes un moyen de s’affirmer comme puissances régionale. Avec l’avènement du projet de Partenariat oriental lancé par la Pologne et la Suède en 2008, l’UE incarne ces deux tendances, parfois contradictoires, à travers la mise en place de ses stratégies d’influence - son soft power - sur le terrain. Une influence mis à mal par les membres de l’EaP qui détournent abondamment les fonds en provenance de l’UE en raison de la corruption qui règne au sein des institutions nationales. La Russie tente pour sa part de retrouver son influence mais en usant d’une approche plus musclée, parfois même relevant du domaine militaire - son hard power - comme le montrent l’annexion de la Crimée et la mise en place des Peacekeepers dans le Caucase du Sud. Alors que l’Union européenne peine à exercer son influence dans un contexte de crise économique post-2008, la Russie semble pour sa part disposer de nouveaux moyens pour accroitre son influence : la guerre hybride, l’instrumentalisation des réfugiés qui affluent aux portes de l’Espace Schengen, et l’Union Economique EurasiatiqueThe states of the Eastern Partnership (Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan) and the separatist territories therein (Transnistria, Republic of Donbas, Crimea, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh) have to determine their membership in a geopolitical entity to ensure their prosperity and safety. Due to the difficulties to survive as non-aligned countries and pressures fromBrussels and Moscow, all of them either have to join the European Union, the Eurasian (Economic) Union or to establish an exclusivepartnership with China in the upcoming years.Pressure from the EU and Russia is based on the desire of the EU to emerge as a global geopolitical power, particularly pushed by theUnited States to counterbalance the influence of Russia, and the will of the Kremlin to retain its influence in what is presented in theRussian media as the “legitimate sphere of influence”, even more than 25 years after the fall of the Soviet Union.The PhD dissertation analyzes the political divergences between EU member states, with the “normalizing approach” of WesternEuropean countries that seek a compromise with Russia, and those from Eastern Europe currently trying to use the European institutionsas a means to become regional powers.The Eastern Partnership launched by Poland and Sweden in 2008 embodies these two, sometimes contradictory tendencies through theimplementation of EU’s strategies of influence - the EU’s soft power - in post-Soviet space. Nonetheless, those strategies are oftenundermined by members of the EaP, which abundantly divert funds from the EU, because of the corruption of local institutions. At thesame time, Russia is also trying to regain its influence, sometimes even by using military means - the so called Russian hard power - asshown by the annexation of the Crimea and the establishment of peacekeeping missions in South Caucasus.While the European Union hardly exerts its influence in a post-2008 economic crisis context, Russia seems to have developed new waysto weaken its opponents. Hybrid warfare, weaponizing of refugees, pushed by massive bombings in Syria, and the establishment of theEurasian Economic Union are under the most efficient ways to weaken the EU and NATO so far
49
Wan, Chi Shun. « Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation,
and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding.
After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined
through the reappraisal of three major areas.
Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable.
The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed
in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated.
The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and
the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care.
Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored.
Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor
as well, because they produced a domestic political and social
situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished.
Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China
gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure
applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
50
Nadkarni, Vidya. « Soviet perceptions of the correlation of forces ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27469.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines evolving Soviet perspectives on the "correlation of forces" between the socialist world and the capitalist countries in general and the Soviet Union and the United States in particular. The focus is on the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases of Soviet history. The term "correlation of forces" is primarily an analytic concept used by Soviet leaders and scholars to understand and interpret the pace of what they view as the inevitable historical development in favor of socialism. A rough Soviet equivalent of the Western concept of the "balance of power," "correlation of forces" as it is used by Soviet spokesmen encompasses economic, political, and military-security dimensions.
The methodology employed in the thesis in charting the chronological evolution of Soviet thinking regarding the correlation of forces consists of a careful and discriminating textual analysis of terminological variations in Soviet scholarly and official use of the concept over time, with due regard to contextual fluctuations in the domestic and international realms. For its source material, this study relied heavily on the speeches and writing of Soviet leaders as well as utilizing analyses of international developments published in Soviet scholarly journals. The differing stress on each of the three aspects of the correlation of forces—economic, political, and military—between the Khrushchev and Brezhnev periods allowed us to trace the change and evolution of the Soviet world view from a primary stress on economic factors of the distribution of power under Khrushchev, to an emphasis on the military dimension of the balance under Brezhnev. By monitoring terminological variations in the concept, we were able to identify periods of optimism and pessimism during both the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases.
We also noted the important role played by the divergent personalities of Khrushchev and Brezhnev on Soviet portrayal of the correlation of forces. Whereas the exuberant Soviet optimism in the military area lacked any basis in fact under Khrushchev, the depiction of the military correlation, while more muted under Brezhnev, was solidly based. These and other such differences, we argued, were a function of the stamp superimposed on Soviet politics by the respective leaders of the time.
This study will, by clarifying the context within which the Soviet leadership makes its choices, contribute to an enhanced understanding of the general foreign policy trends of the USSR.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate