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1
Beltran, Thelma L. « Philippines-Soviet relations ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111184.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study traces the development of Philippine-USSR relations and
examines the implications of such development for Philippine national
security, in particular, and the regional security of Southeast Asia in
general. At a glance, this is a problem for history and not for
international relations. However, national and regional security
problems in Southeast Asia are closely tied with the historical
development of each nation's relations with external powers,
particularly the United States and Soviet Union. Any assessment of
different national threat perceptions and their policy implications for
national or regional security can be misleading if not viewed within
the perpective of historical developments.
This is particularly true with respect to the Philippines. The
country has never been isolated from regional events nor from the
influence of international powers. Its security options reflect this
relationship. First, it was closely allied with the United States (as
it still is), being a US colony since the turn of this century up to
1946 when the country got its political independence. Second, while
politically independent, the Philippines has been economically
dependent. Third, as a result of this dependency, Philippine foreign
policy up to 1968 was closely tied with the American foreign policy.
Fourth, with worldwide economic recession, following the oil embargo of
1973, the country was forced to open trade and diplomatic relations
with other countries, particularly with the socialist and communist
bloc. And fifth, the Philippines established diplomatic ties with the USSR in 1976, apparently to ensure trade and commercial markets outside
of the traditional US and Japan markets.
2
Zrudlo, Laurie. « Soviet foreign policy responsiveness to the external environment : Soviet-Indian relations 1968-1985 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66111.
Texte intégral
3
Copp, John W. « Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970 ». PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
4
Al-Imam, Jamal D. « U.S. Foreign Policy and the Soviet Gas Pipeline to Western Europe ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1985. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc663015/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper surveys U.S. foreign policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s as the American administration reacted to the Soviet Union's interventions in Afghanistan and Poland and to its planned gas pipeline to Western Europe. Chapter I outlines the origins of the pipeline project; Chapters II and III describe U.S. foreign policy toward the Soviets during the Carter and Reagan administrations. Chapter IV focuses on the economic sanctions imposed against the Soviet Union by the United States and their failure to block or delay the pipeline, and Chapter V stresses the inability of economic sanctions-- in this and other instances--to achieve political ends.
5
Aka, Philip Chukwuma. « Soviet Cultural Diplomacy in the Middle East : a Case Study of USSR'S Cultural Relations with Egypt and Syria, 1955-1971 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500642/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.
6
Dibb, Paul. « The Soviet Union : the incomplete superpower ». Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145691.
Texte intégral
7
Wan, Chi Shun. « Economic aspects of the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1964 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29867.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation,
and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding.
After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined
through the reappraisal of three major areas.
Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable.
The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed
in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated.
The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and
the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care.
Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored.
Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor
as well, because they produced a domestic political and social
situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished.
Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China
gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure
applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
8
Nadkarni, Vidya. « Soviet perceptions of the correlation of forces ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27469.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines evolving Soviet perspectives on the "correlation of forces" between the socialist world and the capitalist countries in general and the Soviet Union and the United States in particular. The focus is on the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases of Soviet history. The term "correlation of forces" is primarily an analytic concept used by Soviet leaders and scholars to understand and interpret the pace of what they view as the inevitable historical development in favor of socialism. A rough Soviet equivalent of the Western concept of the "balance of power," "correlation of forces" as it is used by Soviet spokesmen encompasses economic, political, and military-security dimensions.
The methodology employed in the thesis in charting the chronological evolution of Soviet thinking regarding the correlation of forces consists of a careful and discriminating textual analysis of terminological variations in Soviet scholarly and official use of the concept over time, with due regard to contextual fluctuations in the domestic and international realms. For its source material, this study relied heavily on the speeches and writing of Soviet leaders as well as utilizing analyses of international developments published in Soviet scholarly journals. The differing stress on each of the three aspects of the correlation of forces—economic, political, and military—between the Khrushchev and Brezhnev periods allowed us to trace the change and evolution of the Soviet world view from a primary stress on economic factors of the distribution of power under Khrushchev, to an emphasis on the military dimension of the balance under Brezhnev. By monitoring terminological variations in the concept, we were able to identify periods of optimism and pessimism during both the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases.
We also noted the important role played by the divergent personalities of Khrushchev and Brezhnev on Soviet portrayal of the correlation of forces. Whereas the exuberant Soviet optimism in the military area lacked any basis in fact under Khrushchev, the depiction of the military correlation, while more muted under Brezhnev, was solidly based. These and other such differences, we argued, were a function of the stamp superimposed on Soviet politics by the respective leaders of the time.
This study will, by clarifying the context within which the Soviet leadership makes its choices, contribute to an enhanced understanding of the general foreign policy trends of the USSR.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
9
Hale, Carol Anne. « German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
10
Wen, Haitao. « Defence-oriented industrialization, perestroika and ending the cold war : a case study of USSR's alteration of its policy towards northeast Asia ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110872.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the midst of the most serious economic and political
crises since its founding seven decades ago, there have been
significant developments in Soviet Asian policy within the
framework of global detente during the past two years. Following
the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, with the Gorbachev-Den
Xiaoping summit in Beijing, Sin-Soviet rapprochement was accomplished,
mainly according to terms set out by Beijing.
Then, with another summit between Gorbachev and Roh Tae Woo,
the Soviet Union and South Korea established diplomatic relations
in 1990. At the same time, Soviet-Japanese relations
also experienced some progress. These developments pose a
sharp contrast to the typical Soviet Cold War attitude towards
Northeast Asia, which was characterised by an accelerated
military build up beginning in the late 1960s in the Soviet
Far East and strategic alignment with North Korea and Vietnam,
directed against the US-led alliance and China. This alteration
of Soviet Asian policy has deep political and economic
reasons. It shows that under great political and economic
pressure within the society, the Soviet Union endeavours to
reduce international tension and build new ties of economic
cooperation. The alteration also indicates that in search of
new economic partners to revive its collapsing economy, the
Kremlin is willing to distance itself from North Korea, a
country that has been its most important Cold War ally (given
there were not any better candidates) in Northeast Asia.
11
Fernandez, Marisa. « The enigma of the Spanish Civil War : the motives for Soviet intervention ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79763.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.
12
Ibrahim, Azeem. « United States policy towards the Caspian Region since the end of the Soviet Union ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609635.
Texte intégral
13
Holloway, Thomas Walter. « Propaganda analysis and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan ». The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272462089.
Texte intégral
14
Bayerl, Elizabeth. « USAID projects in the former Soviet Union : policy case studies ». Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32740.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston UniversityThe dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War are widely recognized as watershed events in the history of world affairs. Decision-makers and scholars in many fields are only beginning to understand the profound shifts and realignments in global political and economic relationships in a post-Cold War world. An important link between the United States and the former Soviet republics is the foreign assistance program in the region, since assistance efforts often serve as an important lens through which to view strategic relationships between nations. This evaluative policy research explores that link through qualitative case studies of three US Agency for International Development (USAID) projects in the region. Each qualitative case study represents a distinct approach to foreign assistance delivery in the region: classical technical assistance (represented by ZdravReform in contracts with Abt Associates), formal site partnership (in cooperative agreements with the American International Health Alliance), and experimental technology (a cooperative agreement with the former Selentec, Inc.). Three policy context chapters (Chapters I, II, and III) introduce the case studies, in which historical trends of the assistance effort and of the domestic foreign policy-making framework in Washington, DC, are highlighted. A final chapter (VII) examines the findings from the study and recommends a refocusing of the foreign assistance effort in the NIS toward more long-term developmental strategies. Theoretical and methodological assumptions in the study are informed by the constructionist approach to policy evaluation described by Guba and Lincoln (1989). This broad approach assumes that different constructions or interpretations exist concerning the nature and goals of projects. Unlike typical project evaluations, this approach does not assume that stakeholders in projects share common perceptions of the expected goals for and outcomes of their projects. Constructionist approaches to qualitative study fall within the interpretative stream of social science explored by theorists and researchers from a number of disciplines (Geertz, 1973; Denzin, 1992; Hammersley, 1989; Bruner, 1990). More specific conceptual assumptions also are explored in Chapter I, drawn from the literature on institutional research . Emphasis is placed in the evaluative analysis on how effectively conflicts that arose among the multiple stakeholders in each project were addressed.
15
Rashdan, Abdelfattah A. (Abdelfattah Ali). « The Shift of the Egyptian Alliance from the Soviet Union to the United States, 1970-1981 ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500417/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to examine internal and external factors affecting the Egyptian-Soviet alliance during the period under investigation. Chapter I provides background information on Egyptian-Soviet relations, and in Chapter II important developments in those relations are outlined. Chapter III examines the October War of 1973 and Soviet policy during the war. Chapter IV traces efforts to reach a settlement in the Middle East, highlighting the role of the United States in the negotiations. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that Egypt, like other small nations, has not surrendered its interests to the aims of either of the superpowers.
16
Hsü, Ling-chih. « The role of the nuclear factor in the Sino-Soviet split ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111994.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Andrei Gromyko, a veteran Foreign Minister of the USSR,
shocked the world last winter with a particular
revelation in his memoirs: the late Chairman Mao Zedong
of China had a plan to lure United States troops into
the heartland of China and then wipe them out with
atomic weapons made v/ith Soviet help. 1 We may question
the truth of Gromyko’s memoirs. The Chinese Foreign
Ministry has already done so. But the story of Sovietcooperation
in China's nuclear industry, both for
peaceful and military purposes, cannot be denied. It
is one that tells why the Soviets and Chinese became
close allies in the early 50s and why they drew apart
several years later. It is the contention of this
writer that the Sino-Soviet dispute cannot be fully
understood without giving due weight to the
disagreements the Chinese and Soviets had over nuclear
technology issues.
17
Ho, Choong Sin. « The critical importance of the Soviet role in Vietnam's economic reforms - fact or fallacy ? » Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/118455.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At its Sixth National Party Congress in December 1986, a
drastic leadership change occurred in the Communist Party of
Vietnam (CPV). Truong Chinh, Pham Van Dong and Le Due Tho
all stepped down from top Party positions, accepting most of
the blame for the country's appalling socio-economic condition.
The new leadership that replaced them, led by Nguyen Van
Linh, is now faced with the task of reforming the country's
ailing economy.
To do this, it has embarked on a wide-ranging series of
economic reforms. As these reforms gain momentum in the
second half of the 1980s, it has seen the concomitant rise of a
new class of leaders in the Politburo labelled as "reformers",
the most prominent of whom are the country's new leader,
Nguyen Van Linh, and the State Planning Commission
Chairman. Vo Van Kiet.
18
Foisy, Cory A. « Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.
19
Yan, Ji Bao. « China's policies toward the Soviet Union and the United States before and in the Korean War ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3572.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis deals with China's policy making toward both the Soviet Union and the United States in late 1949 and early 1950 and how they made the decision to enter the conflict, by making use of recently declassified Chinese sources and available American sources.
20
Clements, John Patrick. « The Northern Territories dispute between Japan and the Soviet Union : from rivalry to rapprochement ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/41976.
Texte intégral
21
Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. « Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.
22
Razma, Ainis. « Values and interests in the foreign policy of the European Union. The case of the EU-Uzbekistan relations ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20121211_094621-37362.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dissertation explores the conflict between interests and values, manifested
in the European Union‘s policy in Uzbekistan. EU has sound economic and political interests
in Central Asia, however their implementation is often hindered by a dissension
on values.
The differences in ideologies and political cultures between the EU and Uzbekistan
lead to the situation where further unilateral emphasis on values and principles may
cause a buildup of tension in relations. Analysis of the EU-Uzbekistan relations implies,
that dominant thinking on the EU‘s side is to take the growing tension in relations with
Uzbekistan as temporal situational difficulties, which are supposed to cease as soon as
the leadership of Uzbekistan will accept proposed standard schemes of cooperation,
including inter alia, the continuous implementation of principles of democracy in various
spheres of life of the society and the state. On the other hand, the analysis does not
uncover any evidence in favour of the assumption that such temporal situation would
change anytime soon. This brings into question both the approaches, providing a
ground for the EU‘s policy in Uzbekistan, and the expectations for outcomes of such a
policy.
Methodologically, dissertation stays within the stream of qualitative-interpretive
tradition. It employs the method of civilizational analysis, aiming to explain the role of
values in the relations between states, belonging to different civilizations, and how they
can cause the... [to full text]Disertacija tiria vertybių ir interesų konfliktą, pasireiškiantį Europos Sąjungos politikoje Uzbekistane. Europos Sąjunga Centrinėje Azijoje turi ekonominių ir politinių interesų, tačiau jų įgyvendinimas dažnokai stringa dėl vertybinio pobūdžio nesutarimų tarp ES ir Uzbekistano. Panašu, jog ideologijų ir politinių kultūrų skirtumai tarp Uzbekistano ir Europos Sąjungos sąlygoja situaciją, kai pernelyg stiprus vertybinio dėmens akcentavimas tolydžio didina įtampą tarpusavio santykiuose. Nagrinėjant šiuos santykius ryškėja, jog ES vyrauja tendencija žvelgti į įtampos didėjimą santykiuose su Uzbekistanu kaip į laikiną reiškinį, o ES iškylančias kliūtis siekti interesų Centrinėje Azijoje, vertinti kaip laikinus situacinius sunkumus. Abu šie reiškiniai lyg ir turėtų išnykti, kai tik Uzbekistanas sutiks priimti siūlomas standartines bendradarbiavimo schemas, apimančias be kita ko ir nuoseklų demokratijos principų diegimą visose valstybės ir visuomenės gyvenimo srityse. Kita vertus, tyrinėjant ES – Uzbekistano santykius, sunku atrasti tokio laikinumo prielaidų. Todėl iškyla klausimas apie ES požiūrio, lūkesčių bei jais besiremiančios politikos Centrinėje Azijoje pagrįstumą. Metodologiniu požiūriu, disertacija orientuojama kokybine-interpretacine linkme. Vertybių vaidmuo santykiuose tarp valstybių, priklausančių skirtingoms civilizacijoms, nagrinėjamas naudojant civilizacijų analizės metodą. Siekiama išsiaiškinti ar vertybės gali sąlygoti neatitikimą tarp valstybės užsienio politikos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
23
Spencer, Malcolm Lyndon Gareth. « Stalinism and the Soviet-Finnish war of 1939-40 : crisis management, censorship and control ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74e74093-9ac5-40fe-92e2-9f0d6e5c833d.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In both western and Russian historiography the Soviet-Finnish War of 1939-40 enjoys, at best, only a passing reference in any narrative of the period and is poorly integrated into existing scholarly analyses of the Soviet regime under Stalin. It is my contention that this conflict offers an invaluable opportunity to test for continuity and change in the form and function of the Stalinist system. Between the disastrous efforts of its forces and the condemnation of the international community, the Kremlin was confronted with the serious challenge of how to portray the events of the war in the media, while managing domestic and international opinion over the course of the fighting. This thesis examines the extent to which the Soviet regime under Stalin had the institutions and agents in place at the close of the 1930s to cope with the crisis of war in Finland; to be in command of the military campaign, while simultaneously controlling the direction of the official narrative about the fighting; and to censor conflicting interpretations, experiences and information channels, which might expose the Red Army's woeful performance on Finnish territory. This mobilisation of press, propaganda and censorship organs in the face of widespread international condemnation and domestic disquiet constituted a significant challenge for a regime still dealing with the sudden reorientation of the Communist International, required after the Soviet Union's conclusion of a non-aggression treat with Nazi Germany in August 1939. An international perspective is central to this thesis, with a view towards assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the public face and private practice of Soviet information controls.
24
Olson, Peter Millard. « An analysis of US/Soviet arms control : adding a subsystem perspective ». PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4300.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Analyses of US/Soviet arms control have usually focused on domestic variables to explain US/Soviet arms control behavior. Partly because the number of negotiating parties is only two, there is a propensity to focus on the bilateral relationship of the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective domestic political situations. Only superficial attention has usually been given to international systems variables that may well influence the domestic political situation and arms control policy.
This thesis broadens the explanatory scope of US/Soviet arms control by showing how the political environment of a trilateral relationship (a subsystem that includes the West European members of NATO as a single actor as well as the United States and the Soviet Union) is a primary motivator of US/Soviet arms control behavior.
25
Poupart, Ronald. « Les réactions des pays de l'axe face au pacte germano-russe de 1939 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61274.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is concerned with the diplomatic reaction of the Axis Countries, Italy, Japan, Spain and Hungary, to the Russo-German Non-Aggression Pact of August 1939. The immediate origins of the Pact were studied in order to put into context the individual responses of the various countries, known as the Axis Powers. Each of these countries was confronted with a dramatic change in the European situation and each had to adjust its relations with Germany in accordance with its own interests and expectations for the question of war or peace in Europe.With the exception of Hungary, all were opposed to the Pact because it seemed to run contrary to their national interests and promised to upset the Balance of Power on the European, and indeed, the Asian continent. The thesis thus illustrates the special character of Hitler's diplomacy, in the last year of peace before the Second World War, which did not consider the interests of his partners when concluding his arrangements with the Soviet Union.
26
Nanson, Steffanie Jennifer. « Fleet Street's dilemma : the British press and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14303.
Texte intégralRésumé :
British press opinion concerning the Soviet Union in the 1930s contributes to an understanding of the failed cooperation, prior to 1941, between the British and Soviet Governments. During the trial of six British engineers in Moscow in 1933, the conservative press jingoistically responded by demanding stringent economic action against the Soviet Union and possibly severing diplomatic cooperation. The liberal and labour press expected relations to improve to prevent similar trials of Britons in the future. Despite the strain in relations and ideological differences, between 1934 and 1935, Britain and the USSR worked for collective security. The quality conservative press was willing to support a closer relationship, though popular conservative newspapers remained anti-Soviet. The liberal and labour press, though hoping for more, expressed relief that Britain was improving relations with the Soviet Union. The Spanish Civil War led the conservative press to resume its non-collective beliefs and to become ideologically critical of the Soviet Union. The provincial conservative newspapers were the exceptions. Liberal and labour papers were annoyed with the British refusal to cooperate with the USSR over Spain and became disappointed by the Government's decision to support appeasement rather than collective action. While the British Government reviewed the benefits of collective security, the Moscow show trials damaged Britain's belief in the stability of the USSR. All papers realised there was something seriously wrong in the Soviet Union. The conservative press advocated avoiding cooperation with a country weakened by purging. The liberal and labour press, though concerned about the image of the USSR, realised that Britain required an East European ally and called for an improvement of existing relations. In 1939 nearly every newspaper demanded the British Government form an alliance with the USSR against Hitler's aggression and criticised both governments for wasting time. Condemnation of the Soviet Union's signing of the Nazi-Soviet pact and role in the partition of Poland was relatively limited as hope remained that Britain and the USSR would collaborate to defeat Hitler. However, the Winter War strained these hopes and led to intense press condemnation of the Soviet attack on Finland. Nevertheless, in July 1940 newspapers became interested in the emerging conflict of interests between Germany and the USSR. Despite criticism of Soviet expansion in Eastern Europe, the press accepted that Britain's security depended on the Soviet Union. All newspapers welcomed the alliance in 1941 and ignored ideological issues.
27
Doeser, Fredrik. « In search of security after the collapse of the Soviet Union : foreign policy change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-1993 / ». Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7484.
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Wasser, Iring. « An analysis of American foreign policy : a case study of the pipeline sanctions against the Soviet Union ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44095.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis focuses on the following questions: What accounts for U.S. foreign
policy? Where is causation located in the foreign process? What changes have taken
place in this process over the past 20 years and what are its present characteristics?
In providing answers to these questions I refer to James Rosenau's pretheory, a
widely employed theoretical framework for the analysis of foreign policy. Rosenau
identified five interrelated variable categories which together determine the foreign policy
behavior of the United States. He assigned relative potencies to the variable categories
thereby ranking them according to their explanatory power. In this thesis, an adapted
version of Rosenauâ s pretheory was used for the analysis of the first major foreign policy
crisis of the Reagan administration, the Soviet pipeline sanctions. This foreign policy
episode proved to be an excellent illustration of how changes in the domestic and external
environment have caused a transformation of U.S. foreign policy in the past two
decades. It was found that the domestic foundation of U.S. foreign policy - congressional
bipartisanship, executive branch unity, a supportive public and the backing of interest
groups - has been replaced by a divided public, antagonist interest groups, a fragmented
Executive, and an assertive Congress. These domestic changes were accompanied by
external changes, especially the declining ability of the United States to control its external
environment. These factors placed constraints on an independent U.S. foreign policy
and most of them proved to promote continuity rather than change in the foreign
policy behavior of the United States.Master of Arts
29
Reitz, Julianne M. « Tito's Balkan Federation attempts : the immediate factor in the Soviet-Yugoslav split of 1948 ». Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265457.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study has presented an overview of the significant impact the Balkan Federation attempts had upon the 1948 Soviet-Yugoslav split. Furthermore, this thesis argues that Yugoslav Communist leader Josip Broz-Tito's intentions to create a federation of Balkan countries and East European bloc states challenged Joseph Stalin's monolithic dominance. United under Tito, this federation could have provided resistance to Stalin's plans to subjugate Communist Europe under his command. Furthermore, for Tito, the Balkan Federation represented the opportunity to maintain control over Yugoslavian affairs while enhancing his influence in the region. Such a demonstration of independence by Tito could cause other Soviet dominated areas to question Stalin's authority. It is this scenario of a Balkan Federation inside Stalin's Communist realm that became the immediate factor in the Moscow-Belgrade break.Department of History
30
Telfer, Elizabeth. « Iran's foreign policy in the Caspian region 1991-1997 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3155/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Set in the context of the evolving political tapestry of the Caspian region, encompassing the five riparian states of Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Russia, and their immediate neighbours in the South Caucasus (Armenia and Georgia) and Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) this PhD presents an analysis of Iranian foreign policy in the first six years following the Soviet break-up (1991-1997), an era that overlapped with the administration of President Ali Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani (1989-1997). This thesis aims to build upon two distinct areas of current scholarship creating linkages between Tehran’s domestic and external environment between 1988 and 1991 which resulted in the comprehensive pragmatist alliance and the emergence of opportunities in the Caspian after the Cold War. The crux is that Rafsanjani’s material interests were aligned with the changing geopolitics of its northern region, inducing an Iranian policy driven by a pragmatic construction of strategic concerns.
31
Stocksdale, Sally A. « British diplomatic perspectives on the situation in Russia in 1917 : an analysis of the British Foreign Office correspondence ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26927.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front.
Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen.
This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
32
Vercauteren, Pierre. « Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS : la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.
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Kim, Sun. « Re-conceptualizing 'educational policy transfer' : an analysis of the Soviet and US influence on educational reforms in the two Koreas (1945-1959) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:efdd4194-ce75-4f6d-978b-7e0c0ddc5557.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this comparative and historical study is to consider a reconceptualization of the notion of educational policy transfer, based on an analysis of how the reforms made during the Soviet and US military occupation in the two Koreas influenced the educational development of North and South Korea from 1945 to 1959. The conceptual framework for the research drew on a definition of 'policy' as a comprehensive concept comprising of policy process and practice 'on the ground,' and going beyond a rigid definition of it as a formally recorded and proclaimed statement by a government. This concept of policy enabled me to analyze the process and practice of the educational reforms from a multi-dimensional perspective, incorporating the beliefs of local actors and the bureaucracy of domestic institutions. For this purpose, historical sources including South Korean, North Korean and US government documents, magazines, newpapers, teachers' resumés and guides and the memoires and diaries of important policy-makers were analyzed; historical documentation was complemented by expert interviews with eleven South and North Korean policy-makers and academics. In South Korea, educational reforms were implemented to promote liberal democratic ideals in the education system. Curricular and systemic changes were made to teach democratic procedures and concepts, such as the introduction of the subject social studies, the establishment of a single-track school system, and the introduction of a student-centered pedagogy to primary schools. In North Korea, a socialist-communist ideology, along with an attraction to the Soviet Union as a model state to follow, was extensively promoted through a series of educational reforms as political indoctrination intensified in the adult education and school curricula. In both contexts, the localization of the reforms was affected by cultural and social factors unique to Korea: the authoritarian legacy of Confucianism and Japanese colonization, and the nationalism that had been fostered for the purpose of state-formation. The Korean case indicates that the state-centric, linear and static view of educational policy transfer should be replaced by a new conceptualization which includes the complex web of decision-making and implementation processes that involve negotiations and compromises among various politicians and administrators who are driven by national as well as personal interests and goals. For example, although the educational reforms in the two Koreas were developed by Soviet and US military in order to maximize their long-term security interests in the Korean peninsula, the key actors who implemented the reforms were Korean policy-makers, who had been appointed to key positions of the educational administrations through the bureaucratic politics between the military authorities and the Korean polity. Although the overall objective of the educational reforms was to extend the ideological influences of the Soviet Union and the USA in the Korean peninsula, specific programs and policies for the reforms depended on the Korean policy-makers' understanding and interpretations of different ideologies.
34
Olsen, Agnes Eileen. « Robert Francis Kelley and the Eastern European Division of the State Department : 1917-1933 ». PDXScholar, 1997. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3826.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study traces the career of Robert Francis Kelley and his influence on American-Russian Relations during the nonrecognition period (1917-1933). The focus of this examination is Kelley's role in formulating, implementing, and sustaining America's anti-communist policy developed and solidified during the 1920s and 1930s. Particular attention is given to the senate recognition hearing of 1924, Kelley's training of future diplomats (George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, et al.), and his contributions to the preparations leading to the United States' recognition of Russia in 1933. Using Kelley's papers and personal correspondence, this study shows the growth of a man and the evolution of a policy.
35
Fink, Rachael. « France and the Soviet Union : Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism ». Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
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Bradshaw, Michael Joseph. « East-West trade and the regional development of Siberia and the Soviet Far East ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26964.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Studies of the role of East-West trade in Soviet economic development often assume that Siberia and the Far East play an important role in trading relations, but few studies have examined the extent of that role and the relationship between trade and economic development within the region. This study addresses two interrelated questions: firstly, what is the role of Siberia and the Far East in trade with the West, and secondly, what is the role of East-West trade in Siberian development.
Regional trade participation data are not available. The study therefore examines the composition of Soviet trade with the West and the industrial structure of the Siberian economy, in order to deduce the extent of regional participation in trade. Soviet exports to the West are dominated by natural resources, while imports from the West comprise machinery and equipment, manufactured goods and agricultural products. Analysis of the Siberian economy reveals a specialisation in the production and processing of natural resources. Estimates of export participation show that since the late 1970s the region has become the Soviet Union's most important source of foreign currency. Imports of Western technology are shown to play an important part in natural resource production and in the creation of Siberia's Territorial-Production Complexes. In many instances compensation agreements tie the use of imports to export production.
Overall the value of Siberian exports exceeds the cost of imports of Western technology, so that the region generates a sizeable foreign currency surplus. In conclusion, a simple model of the trade and development process is presented which relates the pattern of foreign trade participation to the process of regional development. The impact of Western imports is felt mainly in the European core region where they provide additional resources to feed the population and renovate the industrial base; the impact of exports to the West is felt mainly in Siberia and the Far East where they increase demands for natural resource production. Thus, East-West trade serves to perpetuate the existing core-periphery pattern of Soviet regional development.Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
Graduate
37
Prodromidou, Alexandra. « Russian foreign energy policy conduct in the oil and gas sectors : a case study of the Caspian region 1991-2008 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3151/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the continuities and change in the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region in the period 1991-2008 with the central focus set on the inclusion of energy both as a tool and one of the main targets of Russian foreign policy during the Putin administration. More specifically it looks at the impact that the choice to establish Russia as an energy superpower based mainly on its oil and gas sectors during this period had on the conduct of Russian foreign policy in the Caspian region. The central research question is how Russian oil and gas companies are used as foreign policy tools in the conduct of Russian foreign energy policy within the current foreign energy policy framework and to what end. The argument of this thesis is based on the hypothesis that the Russian state uses its oil and gas companies in order to infiltrate the Central Asian energy markets and assert its economic hegemony in the region through a web of legal and contractual monopolies aiming at maintaining Russia’s economic hegemony in the Caspian and contributing to one of Russia’s main energy policy priority of becoming an influential player in the global energy markets.
38
Blackbourn, Nicholas. « The sum of their fears : the Committee on the Present Danger, the demise of détente, and threat inflation, 1976-1980 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8243.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation seeks to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the political pressure group the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), which formed in 1976. The group's establishment, attainment of credibility, and influence in critical national security debates during the late 1970s has not yet been given sufficient attention. The Committee on the Present Danger has often been interpreted as a disingenuous propaganda group that dishonestly compiled an alarmist message to deceive politicians and journalists of the threat posed by the Soviet Union. However, the dissertation argues that the Committee's alarmism was genuine. The fact that CPD board members themselves became so fearful of the Soviet threat is the most striking aspect of the group's first four years of operation, and is the primary focus of this study. An examination of the group's formation and activities from 1976 to 1980 permits a more sophisticated appreciation of the group's goals, the promotion of its views, and the effects of its campaign on national security debates during this period. The dissertation adopts a chronological approach that recognises the creeping alarmism of the CPD over these years: warning of the dangers of détente gave way to prophesising an imminent Soviet invasion of Western Europe. Keeping the CPD as the focus of study in this period permits one to argue that the Committee's members, as a private citizens' group without government oversight and a shared worst-case methodology for assessing national security risks, sincerely came to believe in the veracity of their analysis of imminent Soviet military expansion. Committee experts generated and publicised a number of metrics that purported to demonstrate a military imbalance between the Soviet Union and the United States. Over time, and seemingly confirmed by alleged Soviet global aggression, the Committee came to believe that their worst-case estimates reflected reality.
39
Kurth, Audrey Ellen. « The great powers and the struggle over Austria, 1945-1955 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f40b09b1-bf96-40d4-b725-8bc5c0a1018a.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Austrian State Treaty, achieved after ten years of occupation of Austria by France, Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union, is a frequently cited example of the triumph of painstaking diplomacy between the great powers, but it can more accurately be depicted as the result of unilateral actions by the negotiating countries, particularly the Soviet Union. Careful examination of the records of the negotiations as well as available policy documents of the participants reveals that the highly publicized negotiations gradually became a sophisticated charade for the benefit of European and domestic audiences, while the critical decisions were made elsewhere. Indeed, as Europe grew increasingly polarized very little actual bargaining occurred between East and West; the Austrian negotiations became merely a forum for unilateral action. Thus, in describing the search for Austrian independence, the thesis is not simply a reiteration of the three hundred and seventy-nine meetings of the Foreign Ministers and Foreign Ministers' Deputies for Austria. Rather, it is a uniquely encapsulated version of the course of the Gold War in the ten critical years following the Second World War. The purpose of the thesis is to study, through the prism of British and American documents, the behaviour of the four great powers in the struggle to determine the future of Austria. Examining allied behaviour towards this small but strategically important country, and understanding how the Austrians came to choose a third way between East and West, sheds light upon the great power arrangements in Europe which have persisted to this day.
40
Belyi, Andrei. « La dimension énergétique de la Sécurité pan-européenne et son impact sur la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211092.
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Kadlecová, Gabriela. « Mediální prezentace mezinárodních vztahů v Československu v době studené války prostřednictvím Československé televize ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142286.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The diploma thesis with the title "Media Presentation of International Relations in Czechoslovakia during the Cold War in the Czechoslovak Television" uses selected events in the defined period to show how much foreign policy of the Soviet Union influenced the Czechoslovak Television news. First, both Czechoslovak and Soviet foreign policies as well as media policy of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia are described, followed by a brief history of the Czechoslovak Television. The core part of this diploma thesis lies in the third chapter, where specific reports from the news of the Czechoslovak television are analyzed.
42
McAfee, Shannon Elizabeth. « Global Positioning Semantics : President Karimov's Evolving Definitions of the Uzbek Nation's Rightful Place in the World, 1991-2011 ». The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306898793.
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Jubran, Bruno Mariotto. « A política externa da URSS para os três mundos : EUA, China e Índia (1953-1985) : uma proposta de análise multinível ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/178158.
Texte intégralRésumé :
В настоящей диссертации изучается внешняя политика Советского Союза в период пика его существования, то есть, после кончины Иосифа Виссарионовича Сталина в 1953 г., до прихода Михаила Сергеевича Горбачева к власти в 1985 г. Чтобы пристально понимать такой вопрос, предлагается разделить на два разные основные периоды: Хрущевская эра (1953-1964); и Брежневская эра (1964-1982 гг.), в которую также вписываются правления Андропова (1982-84) и Черненко (1984-85). Второй период называется «развитым социализмом» его сторонниками или «эпохой застоя» ее критиками. Чтобы создать более эффективную и одновременно упрощенную аналитическую структуру, выбираются три примера двусторонних отношений с странами, которые играли доминировавшую роль в каждой из тогдашних «миров»: Соединенные Штаты (Первой мир или группа развитых капиталистические страны), Китайская Народная Республика (Второй мир, или группа стран социалистического лагеря), и Индия (Третий мир, или группа развивающихся стран). В данном исследовании стремится применять и продвигать многоуровневый подход в области анализа внешней политики (АВП), с учетом и теорию «Двухуровневую игру» Роберта Пунтама, и так называемый неоклассический реализм. Две основные цели определяют осуществление этой работы: первая из них является эмпирическим пониманием поведения одного из двух главнейших держав во время «холодной войны». Вторая – вносить критический вклад в аналитические дебаты внутри самой АВП. Одним из основных результатов данного исследования является определение процесса переориентации в советской внешней политике в 1950-х годах. На протяжении следующих десятилетий, сущность действий Советского государства оставалась неизменной, только с корректировками на стратегических и программных сферах в каждом из трех пересмотренных взаимоотношений. Для более точного описания внешней политики, утверждается необходимость учитывать различные аналитические аспекты в соответствии с многоуровневым подходом, такие как: глобальное соотношение сил, внутренние борьбы между разными социальными группами, мировоззрение правящей элиты, а также динамику институтов, в которых принимаются и реализуются решения. Эта работа основывается на основной источник, особенно в отношении экономических и военных данных, а также и на вторичные источники российской и зарубежной историографий.Esta tese busca entender e explicar a política externa da União Soviética durante seu ápice, isto é, entre 1953, após a morte de Josef V. Stálin, e 1985, com a ascensão de Mikhail S. Gorbatchov. Para uma compreensão mais abrangente do tema, propõe-se a distinção de dois períodos principais: a Era Khrushchov (1953-1964); e a Era Brejnev (1964-1982), à qual acrescentamos, também, os hiatos de Andropov (1982-84) e Tchernenko (1984-85), fase denominada como ‘Socialismo Desenvolvido’, por seus próceres, ou ‘Era da Estagnação’, por seus críticos. Para obter um recorte analítico ao mesmo tempo mais robusto e ao mesmo tempo parcimonioso, selecionam-se três relações bilaterais de países representativos de uma categorização bastante comum durante a Guerra Fria, a imagem dos Três Mundos: os Estados Unidos (Primeiro Mundo, ou dos países capitalistas avançados), a República Popular da China (Segundo Mundo, ou dos países de orientação socialista), e a Índia (Terceiro Mundo, ou do heterogêneo grupo dos países em desenvolvimento). Busca-se desenvolver e aplicar uma metodologia multinível no escopo da Análise de Política Externa (APE), tendo-se como inspiração tanto a Teoria dos Jogos de Dois Níveis, de Robert Putnam, como o chamado realismo neoclássico. Dois grandes objetivos guiam a realização desta pesquisa: o primeiro, de caráter empírico, que é o de entender o comportamento de um dos dois grandes polos de poder durante a Guerra Fria; e o segundo, contribuir criticamente para o debate analítico em APE. Uma das principais revelações da tese é a ocorrência de um processo de reorientação na política externa do país na década de 1950, cuja essência se manteve inalterada nas décadas posteriores, com alterações no plano estratégico e tático em cada uma das três interações supramencionadas. Em consonância à abordagem multinível, defende-se a necessidade de se considerar diferentes níveis de análise em um mesmo esquema analítico para uma compreensão mais rigorosa da política externa, como a correlação de forças no sistema internacional, bem com as lutas internas, a visão de mundo predominante em dado governo e, também, a dinâmica das instituições onde as decisões são formuladas e implementadas. O trabalho utiliza tanto fontes primárias, sobretudo de indicadores econômicos e militares, mas também secundárias por meio da historiografia de autores russos como de outras nacionalidades.
This dissertation aims to analyze the foreign policy during the peak of Soviet Union, after Yosef Stalin’s death in 1953, and before the rise of Mikhail S. Gorbachev in 1985. For a more comprehensive understanding on the issue, a division of two distinct main periods is proposed: the Khrushchev Era (1953-1964), and the Brezhnev Era (1964-1982), to which is also added the hiatuses of Andropov (1982-84) and of Chernenko (1984-85), which is labeled ‘Developed Socialism’ by its supporters, or ‘Stagnation Era’ by its critics. To obtain an analytic framing simultaneously more revealing and parsimonious, it is selected three cases of bilateral relations of representative nations of a very common categorization during the Cold War, the concept of the Three Worlds: the United States (First World, or the set of developed capitalist nations), the People’s Republic of China (Second World, or the group of the socialist-oriented countries), and India (Third World, or the group of the developing countries). Initially, we proceed to apply a multilevel approach in the field of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), by bearing in mind both the Robert Putnam’s ‘Two-Level Game’ and the so-called neoclassic realism. Two main objectives guide the making of this work: the first one, of empiric nature, consists of grasping the behavior of one of the two power poles during the Cold War; and second one is to critically contribute to the analytic debate within FPA. One of the major findings of this research is the delimitation of reorientation in Soviet foreign policy in the 1950’s, whose essence remained largely unchanged over the decades ahead, with alterations in strategic and programmatic plans in each of the three overmentioned interactions. In line with the multilevel approach, it contends that, to obtain a more accurate depiction of foreign policy, one must consider different analytical dimensions, such as the global division of power, as well as the domestic disputes, the predominant worldview within a ruling elite, and the dynamics of institutions where decisions are taken and implemented. This work is informed both by primary sources, especially as regards of economic and military figures, and secondary ones of Russian and foreign historiography.
44
Holloway, Joshua T. « Help, Hinder, or Hesitate : American Nuclear Policy Toward the French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons Programs, 1961-1976 ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1555692933625691.
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Garrido, Caballero María Magdalena. « Las relaciones entre España y la Unión Soviética a través de las Asociaciones de Amistad en el siglo XX ». Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10891.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La investigación ha abordado los contactos oficiales y extraoficiales entre España y la Unión Soviética durante el siglo XX, y, especialmente, se ha centrado en la proyección del modelo soviético desplegado por las Asociaciones de Amistad, tales como la Sección Española de los Amigos de la Unión Soviética y la Asociación España - URSS, como un medio de calibrar su impacto en España. Asimismo, se ha prestado atención a las asociaciones de amistad británicas para comparar el relativo éxito de estas asociaciones en los dos países. Las principales fuentes utilizadas han sido los fondos VOKS y SODD, procedentes de los archivos estatales rusos, documentos privados de las Asociaciones y testimonios, los cuales han sido cruciales para comprender estas asociaciones, los problemas que encararon así como sus éxitos y fracasos. Las Asociaciones de Amistad con la Unión Soviética fueron un medio de difundir ideales - el antifascismo y la coexistencia pacífica- defendidos por el gobierno Soviético. Así, estas asociaciones constituyeron un tipo de diplomacia popular. En términos generales, la gente que creía en un modelo diferente al capitalista se unió a estas asociaciones y proveyeron ejemplos de respecto en un mundo multicultural. Debido a ello, su mensaje no es obsoleto en el mundo de hoy.The research deals with the official and unofficial contacts between Spain and the Soviet Union, focussing particularly on those perceptions of the latter disseminated through the various Friendship societies, such as the Spanish Friends of the Soviet Union and the Spain - USSR Society. As a way of assessing their impact in Spain, a chapter is dedicated to the British Friendship societies, which will compare the relative successes of these societies in the two countries. The main sources utilized have been the VOKS and SSOD files from the Russian Federation archives, private documents of the societies and testimonies, which have been crucial to understanding these associations, the problems they faced, as well as their successes and failures.The friendship societies with the Soviet Union were a way of spreading ideals -antifascism and peaceful coexistence - championed by the Soviet government. As such, these societies were a type of popular diplomacy. Broadly speaking, people who believed in a different model than capitalism joined these associations and they provided examples of respect in a multicultural world. Because of that, their message is not obsolete in today's world.
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BECH, HANSEN Claus. « The ambivalent empire : Soviet rule in the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic, 1945-1964 ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/27179.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 18 April 2013Examining Board: Professor Stephen Anthony Smith, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Olivier Roy, EUI Professor Jörg Baberowski, Humboldt University Dr. Galina Yemelianova, University of Birmingham.
First made available online: 14 September 2021
This thesis analyses the functioning of Soviet rule in the Uzbek Soviet republic from 1945 to 1964. Thereby, it focuses on the effects of two fundamental forces that characterised Soviet rule in Uzbekistan: On the one hand, the Moscow leadership held a strong claim to power resulting in quasi-imperial practices to ensure the implementation of central government interests in the Uzbek Soviet republic. On the other hand, even during the Stalinist dictatorship, the Uzbek periphery was subject to a continuous integration into the Soviet Union through central government investment in all spheres of the country in the name of communism. This ambivalence of Soviet rule was accompanied by the condition of limited statehood. Yet, instead of merely understanding limited statehood as a sign of weakness of the Soviet state or as opposition to the Soviet project on side of the Uzbeks, the thesis uses limited statehood as an analytical concept to provide a better understanding of the centre-periphery relations in the Soviet Union. The thesis thus contributes to a growing body of literature on the late-Stalin and the Khrushchev periods and sheds light not only on the tremendous changes Soviet rule had for Uzbek society, but also on the changes and continuities in its form under Stalin and Khrushchev.
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DE, SANTI Chiara. « Strategies of Sovietization in Central Asia, 1924-1930 : The Uzbek case ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/11996.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 16 January 2009Examining Board: Prof. Edward A. Rees (University of Birmingham, EUI) - supervisor Prof. Douglas T. Northrop (University of Michigan-Ann Arbor) - external supervisor Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (European University Institute) Prof. Galina M. Yemelianova (University of Birmingham)
First made available online: 26 July 2021
The thesis examines four cases of sovietization (modernization) as realized in Central Asia and especially in Uzbekistan in the 1920s, with particular emphasis on the period between 1924 (the regionalization of Central Asia) and 1930 (the end of the last general purges of the 1920s). Showing how Moscow intended to transform the region along the lines of Soviet ideology with the idea of converting the Homo Islamicus speaking Muslim into Homo Sovieticus speaking Bolshevik, the cases embodied by the four main parts of the thesis represent the intersection of soft-line and hard-line policies and bureaucratic control. Women, as a surrogate of the proletariat and as communicators between the population and the establishment, are the central subjects that tie the four cases together. The first part focuses on visual propaganda and introduces the first level of soft-line control with state-sponsored posters being regarded as direct means for modifying the attitudes of Central Asians using images and slogans. The second part, devoted to the Red Cross and the Red Crescent, represents the second level of soft-line bureaucracy with nuances of hard-line control, highlighting the interconnections between a supposedly neutral international (front) organization and party-state and Red Army institutions. The third part of the thesis is devoted to gender policy with particular emphasis on the hujum, the reactions among the indigenous population that emerged in the form of resistance in the second half of the 1920s, and the counter-reactions by the establishment through the first stage of purges, illustrating the transition from soft-line to hard-line policy, and leading both chronologically and conceptually to the fourth part dealing with the general purges of the 1929-1930, which represent the highest degree of hard-line policy and further confirm that the Soviets intended to sovietize the region beginning with its women.
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Ayson, Robert. « Soviet fishing activities in the South Pacific ». Thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144364.
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Kim, Jeong-Gi. « Changes in the Soviet foreign policy system and their impact on Soviet policy toward the Korean peninsula ». 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28166359.html.
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Noren, Dag Wincens. « The Soviet Union and eastern Europe : considerations in a political transformation of the Soviet bloc ». 1990. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2455.
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