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1
Irimia, Ana Irina. « The European Union and Minorities ». Scientific Bulletin 20, no 1 (1 juin 2015) : 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.
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Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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Zavalna, Zhanna, et Mykola Starynskyi. « CONTRACTUAL DELEGATION OF SOVEREIGNTY IN SUPRANATIONAL ENTITIES ». Global Prosperity 2, no 1 (25 juillet 2021) : 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46489/gpj.2021-1-2-5.
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The article analyses the agreement basis for state sovereignty as established and implemented in the European Union. The research aims to study the agreement-based regulation used by the EU Member States to create a stable position of Ukraine on its way to becoming a member of the European Union. The research allowed finding out that the member states do not transfer their powers in their economic and social fields but only delegate them. The analysis of the treaties concerning the establishment and functioning of the European Union proves the existence of specific organisational and legal intervention measures that the countries agree to when joining the treaty union. The agreement-based rearrangement of powers between the EU and its member states lets the latter obtain their special legal personalities regarding the conclusion of agreements among themselves and at the same time preserve complete economic sovereignty in their relations with the countries that are not member states of the EU. When joining the European Union, its member states voluntarily and on a negotiable basis agree to certain restrictions and prohibitions binding in their economy. Furthermore, the EC Treaty provides for the improved protection of interests for the economic community as compared with the protection of national interests of the member states though it is not excluded that the latter can be taken into consideration when adopting the national laws of a member state to the EU legislation.
3
Beloff, Lord. « Amery on the Constitution : Britain and the European Union ». Government and Opposition 33, no 2 (avril 1998) : 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00788.x.
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IT WAS ASSUMED BY AMERY THAT THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION WAS AN important topic for study and something which might require further reform, because with the rest of his generation he took it for granted that the Constitution was itself wholly under the control of the British people through their indigenous institutions. Parliamentary sovereignty could only be understood in the light of sovereignty in the sense of political independence. At the time he was writing the importance of this basic concept had been reinforced by recent experience. Many European countries had lost their sovereignty through the imposition of German rule and had only had it restored to them by a massive military effort in which Britain had played no mean part. In their turn, the victorious allies had deprived Germany of its sovereignty and were through the occupation regimes starting on a path which it was hoped would lead, as indeed it did, to a Germany purged of the Nazi virus.
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Yakoviyk, Ivan, Yevhen Bilousov et Kateryna Yefremova. « EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AS A CHALLENGE FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ECONOMIC STATE SOVEREIGNTY ». Access to Justice in Eastern Europe 5, no 3 (13 août 2022) : 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33327/ajee-18-5.2-a000330.
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One of the most significant modern examples of political and economic integration for Ukraine is the EU, given the plan for European integration. In gaining membership in this integration entity, states face the issue of delegating their powers to the Union. The issue of modification of state sovereignty in the context of the EU’s relations with member states and candidate countries for EU membership is acute, which raises concerns about the forced restrictions on their state economic sovereignty. The methodological basis of the study are such general-science and special methods as historical-legal, dialectical, comparative-legal, and others. The historical-legal method was used to study the genesis of the content of the legal categories of ‘economic sovereignty’, ‘sovereign debt’, and the stages of European integration. The usage of the dialectical method provided a comprehensive study of the process of forming EU economic policy, as well as defining the ratio between the categories of ‘economic sovereignty restriction’ and ‘restriction of sovereign economic rights of the state’. By using the comparative-legal method, the paper reveals the specifics of the approaches of individual states to the legal regulation of relations to ensure economic sovereignty and economic security of the state. The study, based on the experience of the new EU member states, has shown that European integration as a whole contributes to changing the volume of sovereign powers of states during the implementation of economic state sovereignty. However, the authors conclude that such a process is twofold: on the one hand, factors that objectively reduce the economic sovereignty of countries through the delegation of their sovereign rights are increasing, and, on the other, most states voluntarily and consciously accept such restrictions to obtain economic, political, and social benefits.
5
Casas-Cortes, Maribel, Sebastian Cobarrubias et John Pickles. « CHANGING BORDERS, RETHINKING SOVEREIGNTY : TOWARDS A RIGHT TO MIGRATE ». REMHU : Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana 23, no 44 (juin 2015) : 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880004404.
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Abstract The intervention of European Union border authorities in countries of Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe has shown how the European state “border” has been displaced from its national moorings and externalized across the territories of neighboring states. Our research examines the outsourcing of the southern European Union border, focusing on the case of Spain and its relationship with Morocco and countries of Western Africa. In this paper we describe the development and implementation of this strategy of migration management, signaling implications of border externalization from the point of geopolitics and legality, including a suggestive call to reclaim the legal tradition of the Right to Migrate.
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Sicakkan, Hakan G. « Political Asylum and Sovereignty-Sharing in Europe ». Government and Opposition 43, no 2 (2008) : 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00253.x.
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AbstractIn focusing on the relationships between asylum recognition rates and the different institutional arrangements through which European states share or preserve their sovereignty, this article seeks to show how sovereignty-sharing affects the right to political asylum in practice. After a qualitative overview of variations in sovereignty-sharing forms, the article presents the results from a multiple regression analysis of the relationship between legal and institutional frames of asylum decision-making in 17 West European countries (EU-15, Norway and Switzerland) and the asylum recognition rates in these countries. The article ends with a brief assessment of the significance of the results for a potential policy change in the European Union.
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Körner, Finn Marten, et Hans-Michael Trautwein. « Rating sovereign debt in a monetary union – original sin by transnational governance ». Journal of Risk Finance 16, no 3 (18 mai 2015) : 253–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jrf-11-2014-0171.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis that major credit rating agencies (CRAs) have been inconsistent in assessing the implications of monetary union membership for sovereign risks. It is frequently argued that CRAs have acted procyclically in their rating of sovereign debt in the European Monetary Union (EMU), underestimating sovereign risk in the early years and over-rating the lack of national monetary sovereignty since the onset of the Eurozone debt crisis. Yet, there is little direct evidence for this so far. While CRAs are quite explicit about their risk assessments concerning public debt that is denominated in foreign currency, the same cannot be said about their treatment of sovereign debt issued in the currency of a monetary union. Design/methodology/approach – While CRAs are quite explicit about their risk assessments concerning public debt that is denominated in foreign currency, the same cannot be said about their treatment of sovereign debt issued in the currency of a monetary union. This paper examines the major CRAs’ methodologies for rating sovereign debt and test their sovereign credit ratings for a monetary union bonus in good times and a malus, akin to the “original sin” problem of emerging market countries, in bad times. Findings – Using a newly compiled dataset of quarterly sovereign bond ratings from 1990 until 2012, the panel regression estimation results find strong evidence that EMU countries received a rating bonus on euro-denominated debt before the European debt crisis and a large penalty after 2010. Practical implications – The crisis has brought to light that EMU countries’ euro-denominated debt may not be considered as local currency debt from a rating perspective after all. Originality/value – In addition to quantifying the local currency bonus and malus, this paper shows the fundamental problem of rating sovereign debt of monetary union members and provide approaches to estimating it over time.
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Agiakloglou, Christos, et Emmanouil Deligiannakis. « Sovereign risk evaluation for European Union countries ». Journal of International Money and Finance 103 (mai 2020) : 102117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jimonfin.2019.102117.
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Forte, Francesco. « The European Union building from Public Choice to Ordo, Röpke’s and Einaudi’s ideas of Europe ». Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 35, no 1 (1 avril 2020) : 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569120x15847229936986.
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The first part the article deals with the Public Choice approach to the European Union as a club of sovereign states that decide to share, without losing sovereignty, some segment of their public goods and related power under the subsidiarity principle. It also deals with Ordo, Röpke’s and Einaudi’s liberal third way between historical capitalism and a competitive market economy, with – at its centre – the people and the civitas humana. The second part presents the dualistic performances of the main countries of the euro area, building on the analysis of eight parameters for the period 2013–18, and discusses the incompleteness of the institutional construct of the European Union. The third part discusses potential solutions to these problems in the light of Ordo, Einaudi’s and Röpke’s ideas of Europe.
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Castleberry, Douglas, Balasundram Maniam et Geetha Subramaniam. « The Euro And The European Debt Crisis ». International Business & ; Economics Research Journal (IBER) 13, no 1 (31 décembre 2013) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v13i1.8360.
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This paper studies the history of the Euro leading up to its inception, what happened after the Euro was introduced into circulation and implications for its future. The Euro was set up to accommodate a unified currency while preserving sovereignty among nations who, less than a century ago, were mortal enemies. Preserving sovereignty weakened the ability to respond to crisis by design, and it wasnt long before the limits of the European Monetary Union were tested after a series of financial crisis threatened the very existence of the Euro. The Euro held together, yet the inability of the European Central Bank to assist member nations control subsequent debt following the financial crisis may wound the ability of the Euro to replace the dollar as the dominant world currency or even prove fatal. Greece is on the verge of collapse, and is so entangled with other Euro nations; a systemic domino effect will occur should any of the troubled member Eurozone nations collapse uncontrollably. Three options remain for the European Monetary Union, banding together and preserving the currency, grossly indebted countries exiting to preserve the health of countries which are more fiscally responsible, or the Euro may land inconsequentially between success and failure, never challenging the power of the dollar as the dominant world currency.
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Voronkov, L. S. « Nothern European Lessons for Eurasian Integration ». Russia & ; World : Sc. Dialogue 1, no 1 (30 septembre 2021) : 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2021-1-1-79-91.
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The paper is dedicated to the differences between the classical instruments for regulating interstate political and trade-economic relations from those used in the development of regional integration processes. Traditionally, the Eurasian Economic Union is compared with the European Union, considering the EU as a close example to follow in the development of integration processes. At the same time, there exist the other models of integration. The author proposes to pay attention to the other models of integration and based on the analysis of documents, reveals the experience of Northern Europe, which demonstrates effective cooperation without infringing on the sovereignty of the participants. The author examines the features of the integration experience of the Nordic countries in relation to the possibility of using its elements in the modern integration practice of the Eurasian Economic Union.
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Nauvarian, Demas. « TANTANGAN SUPRANASIONALITAS UNI EROPA : KOMPARASI INTEGRASI POLITIK PADA KRISIS EUROZONE 2008 DAN KRISIS PENGUNGSI 2015 ». Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no 1 (28 février 2021) : 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i1.185.
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The European Union is widely referred to as the international organization at the regional level with the highest integration phase. His journey is thought to have united the continent of Europe in a post-modern supranational political institution with a new post-Westphalia identity - European continental identity. This can be defined as a process of political integration. The process marked by the transfer of sovereignty, for example, can be seen in the European Union's ability to handle the Euro crisis in 2008. However, along the way, the political integration of the European Union is considered to be weakening. Post-Crisis 2008, the European Union experienced another challenge in the form of the 2014-2015 Refugee Crisis. This paper aims to answer questions related to why there is a weakening of the political integration of the European Union in these two challenges. By using the method of cross-longitudinal comparative studies on the responses of countries to the EU's decisions in the two challenges above, this paper argues that the increase in right-wing populism in various countries, particularly in Eastern and Central European countries, is a factor. the main part of the start to break up the political integration of the European Union. This paper concludes that the political values of right-wing populism that focus on nation-state nationalism are contrary to the basic values of the European Union which focus on liberal internationalism, and will become an obstacle to the future of EU political integration.
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Naxera, Vladimír, Viktor Glied, Ondřej Filipec et Małgorzata Kaczorowska. « “To protect national sovereignty from the EU?” The 2019 EP elections and populist parties in V4 countries ». UNISCI Journal 18, no 54 (octobre 2020) : 71–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-98.
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This article analyses the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election manifestos of populist parties in V4 countries as a contribution to the contemporary discussion on political populism. The aim of the study is to analyze the election campaign programs which populist parties operating in individual V4 countries presented for EP elections in 2019, using a qualitative content analysis of the official election programs of relevant populist parties and other sources of their communication. It tries to identify topics that have been framed as a problem or risk by Central European populists and how these topics have been interpreted in their programs. The so-called “immigration crisis” and the contemporary state of the European Union are seen as the most problematic topics by a majority of the populists. On the other hand, the majority of these parties do not want some Central European version of Brexit. Their rhetorical goal is rather the reform the Union.
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Martynov, Andriy. « THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022) ». European Historical Studies, no 23 (2022) : 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.
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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Hrebeniuk, D. « The genesis of the European Parliament and its transformation to supra statehood ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law 1, no 72 (16 novembre 2022) : 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.72.5.
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The article examines the European Union as a unique association of European countries, which was created as an organizational form for political, economic and social cooperation between member countries, candidates for membership and partner countries that are not part of the union. The European Union symbolizes the diversity of nations and European cultures and aims to achieve peace and prosperity. Independent countries united for the sake of a common goal and sacrificed part of their sovereignty in order to become economically stronger, so it is not surprising that the official motto of the union is "unity in diversity".
The article pays special attention to the nature of the European Union, because de facto it is an international entity, it combines such features as supra-statehood and inter-statehood, but de jure it is neither one nor the other. The structure of the European Union includes institutions whose tasks are to realize the goals of this union, to serve its interests and the interests of its citizens, as well as to ensure the consistency and effectiveness of its policies. At the beginning of its creation, the European Union consisted of six countries and had a completely different name, namely the European Coal and Steel Association. Gradually, the subjects of this entity are deepening economic integration and creating a single market, we can also see that successively, partial management functions are moving to the supranational level and the number of future participants of the union is increasing. The evolution of the union takes place for the sake of economic development, through the opening of markets, which leads to an increase in production and, as a result, new working cities are created. With an increase in imports, competition increases and prices decrease and the quality of goods increases [1, р. 1].
This scientific work examines the formation of the legislative institution of the European Union, analyzes the cooperation of the European Parliament with other leading institutions, and also examines the regulatory and legal framework that influenced the transformation and reveals the nature of the European Parliament.
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Kopits, George. « Can fiscal sovereignty be reconciled with fiscal discipline ? » Acta Oeconomica 62, no 2 (1 juin 2012) : 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.62.2012.2.1.
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Over the past two decades, international bond markets have become the chief disciplinarian of fiscal policy, displacing the International Monetary Fund and the European Union in this role. This trend culminated in the wake of the global financial crisis, as countries that had indulged in moral hazard and fiscal profligacy during the Great Moderation were vulnerable to a sharp rise in sovereign risk premium and in some cases to loss of market access. The article compares the response of new governments in Hungary and United Kingdom to restore policy credibility. A major lesson is that governments that adopt a rules-based fiscal framework, including fiscal watchdogs and transparency norms, are far more successful in anchoring fiscal expectations and in achieving fiscal sovereignty than those that do not.
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Krasavina, Lidiya N. « Brexit Problem as a Component of the EU System Crisis : Analysis Based on Systemic Methodology in the Context of Reproduction Theory ». Economic Strategies 144 (20 mai 2020) : 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-3.169.2020.42-49.
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The article analyzes the Brexit problem, the solution of which has been delayed: four years passed from the referendum on Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union (February 16, 2016) till signing of the Brexit Act by Prime Minister Boris Johnson (January 31, 2020). The article's novelty consists in assessing Brexit as a manifestation of the system crisis of the European Union (EU), officially recognized by the European authorities in 2015 due to violation of the development regularities of the European integration and the global crisis consequences. Based on systemic methodology in the aspect of reproduction theory, the internal and external causes of Brexit are analyzed. The author identifies a change in the US attitude to Brexit — from Barack Obama's negative position to active support by Donald Trump in order to break down the European Union as a collective competitor composed of twenty-eight integrated countries. This is facilitated by the loss of economic sovereignty of the EU countries under US pressure. Possible British benefits and risks of losses as a result of exit from the EU are analyzed.
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Wang, Zhemin, Zhijun Lin, Yan Tan, Yuansha Li et Morris Liu. « Taxation In Germany And Romania ». International Business & ; Economics Research Journal (IBER) 11, no 1 (21 décembre 2011) : 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v11i1.6671.
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Taxation is a symbol of national sovereignty and a central part of a countrys overall economic policy, helping finance public spending and redistribute wealth. Furthermore, for international business executives, taxation is an important consideration in investment decisions. This paper discusses the taxation in two European Union (EU) member countries, Germany and Romania. These two countries are selected because of their different stages of economic development and their unique characteristics in taxation.
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MULIUOLIS, ALVYDAS, LARISA KARAMA et VICTOR ROMANOVSKY. « Evolution of public administration in the post-Soviet countries. The Republic of Lithuania ». Public Administration 24, no 2 (2022) : 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2022-24-2-100-118.
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The article analyzes the changes that took place in the Republic of Lithuania after gaining sovereignty. During thirty years of independence, Lithuania has built a modern state with a developed democratic political system and market economy. The process of state-building continues; all administrative reforms are focused on modern Western models that meet the standards of the European Union and are aimed at forming a developed society as well as ensuring the rights and freedoms of all its members.
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Prieshkina, O. V., et O. R. Avdieiev. « POLITICAL AND LEGAL DOCTRINE OF STATE SOVEREIGNTY IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION ». Соціальний Калейдоскоп 1, no 4 (20 août 2020) : 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.47567/bomivit.1-4.2020.07.
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The article substantiates and analyzes the factors that influence the process of political and legal doctrine of state sovereignty in the context of globalization. As a result of a comprehensive study, it was determined that the realization of state sovereignty depends not only on the action of general historical and international political factors, but also on the ability of Ukrainian society to overcome economic difficulties, on the active participation of each member of the territorial community. In the context of globalization, the concept of sovereignty, its content and implementation becomes specific. Despite its sovereign nature, state power is still not absolute and is subject to certain restrictions, both internally and externally, but such restrictions cannot be confused with a violation of sovereignty, which is unacceptable. It is determined that in the context of globalization, sovereignty is narrowing: the world community exerts influence, sometimes severe, on countries violating international law, international rules and agreements, and their strong global economic supranational forces also influence the transformation of state sovereignty. Sometimes there is a tendency to voluntarily delegate powers to world, regional and international organizations and associations, ie the internal affairs of the state, in which no one interferes and which are governed only by national law and customs are narrowed by voluntary renunciation of sovereign rights, and international law or the right of a certain community is extended. It was found that the very nature of state sovereignty, the genesis of formation, modification and development of its concept are due to globalization and integration processes in the world, and above all, within the European Union.
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Balyuk, I. A., et M. A. Balyuk. « External Debt Problem in the European Union ». World of new economy 15, no 2 (26 juin 2021) : 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2021-15-2-47-61.
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The paper's relevance is substantiated by the fact that today a rapid growth of external debt of the most developed countries of the world (including European Union (EU) countries) is one of the most acute problems of the modern world economy and global finance. The paper aims to assess the degree of the external debt burden of various EU countries and evaluate the prospects of solving external debt problems in the EU. The article focuses on dynamics, composition, and specifics shaping the EU countries' external debt based on comparative, economic, statistical, and graphical analysis. Special attention we paid to the analysis of specifics of the EU countries' sovereign external debt composition connected with the acute problem of the rapid growth of public debt in general. The paper examines the ratio of public external and internal debt in various EU countries. It determines the EU particular countries where public external debt is shaping based on either cross-border or domestic model. The research results reveal a high degree of dependence of the EU economy on international debt finance. Gross external debt and sovereign external debt of the EU countries are still growing, and its distribution among various member states is very uneven. The structural imbalance of the EU countries' net external debt has also been revealed: the number of net borrowers is double that of net lenders. According to the basic external debt sustainability indicators, some EU countries are in a pretty tricky situation and entirely depend on the possibility of external debt refinancing.
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Kovalevskaia, Natalia Vladimirovna, Maria Anatolievna Tikhotskaia et Yan Nikolaevich Shevchenko. « “Digital Geopolitics” in the Regional Context : Challenges and Prospects of the European Union on its Way towards Information Sovereignty ». Мировая политика, no 4 (avril 2021) : 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.4.36957.
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The COVID-19 pandemic and the coronacrisis have clearly exposed the strong dependence of modern companies on data governance, the stability of information networks and digitalisation and significantly strengthened the Europeans' belief in the need to achieve strategic autonomy in the development of their own digital solutions. The article aims to define the place of the European Union in the international information and communication space in the context of global data governance policy. The methodology is based on the principles of the multi-paradigm method used for extrapolating some provisions of Robert Gilpin’s hegemonic stability theory on the modern technological competition among the countries on the international arena through a regional approach. The article considers the term “information sovereignty” based on the principles of international law within a constantly changing international environment. The research addresses such documents as “A New Industrial Strategy for Europe”, “A European Strategy for Data”, and the decision of the European Court of Justice concerning the transatlantic Privacy Shield agreement. As an example of the European digital policy, it examines the ambitious GAIA-X project designed to create an open digital ecosystem and common requirements for a European data infrastructure. The article formulates the recommendations in order to ensure effective governance in the digital sector and proposes a multi-stakeholder model, which would help achieve information sovereignty based on European values and ideals.
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Morin, Jacques-Yvan. « Droit et souveraineté à l'aube du XXIe siècle ». Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 25 (1988) : 47–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800003143.
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SummaryThe author explores the relationship between the concept of sovereignty and international law. First, he examines this theme in its changing historical context, particularly the subordination of law to sovereignty by Hegel and the nineteenth-century positivists, and the various attempts by Kelsen and others in the twentieth century to assert the primacy of international law. He then examines the stress laid upon sovereignty as a means of obtaining a more just international economic order by states of the Third World. The implications of bilateral and multilateral agreements that grant broad powers to financial and economic international institutions are also examined to determine their impact upon the sovereignty of less developed countries. The author also examines the implications of the extensive practice of treaty-making and the adoption of rules and standards within a range of Specialized Agencies of the United Nations. He also traces the gradual development of the European Economic Community from free trade area to European union as envisaged by the Single European Act, under which the sovereignty of member states is steadily giving way. In the final analysis, the author concludes that sovereignty is a relative concept. It is not sovereignty itself which is impeding the development of a true community of states but rather the many economic, social, political, and psychological conflicts which impede the development of common values uniting the whole international community.
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Song, byeong jun. « Higher education in the European Union : Characteristics and meaning of dual structure through Erasmus+ and Bologna Process ». Sookmyung institute of Global Governance 1, no 1 (30 juin 2022) : 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.56485/jous.2022.1.1.63.
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Higher education policy is a policy area that is deeply located in the realm of national sovereignty, and member countries have objection to the unified policy of the European Union. Accordingly, higher education policy at the EU level was very limited. However, the Bologna Process was launched outside the European Union in 1999 to internationalize higher education due to the heightened sense of crisis caused by the decline in competitiveness of European universities. The Bologna Process aimed to establish a European Higher Education Area through mutual recognition and harmonization of degrees and certificates between European universities.
European Union was also stimulated by the launch of the Bologna Process in the 2000s, expanding its higher education program and establishing several technical systems for student and faculty exchanges across borders. Specifically, the European Union expanded the Erasmus and Erasmus Mundus programs for the internationalization of universities. At the same time, the European Union actively implemented systems for human exchange, such as the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS).
On the other hand, Bologna Process also built its own system such as Bologna Cycle for degree certificate and qualitative evaluation of higher education. The Bologna Process also introduced the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System, already implemented by the European Union. It is noteworthy that the Bologna Process, which consists of 46 European countries, includes all 27 European Union member states. Accordingly, the European Union’s higher education policy coexists with the Bologna Process, and mutual exchange and system convergence are taking place.
In Korea, internationalization of universities is also a major issue, and in order to promote exchanges and cooperation with the European Union, which has a similar academic level, it is necessary to discuss bilateral projects between the two sides. In addition, in order for Korean universities to promote international exchanges, it is necessary to establish a system for unified grades and degree certificates and qualitative evaluation of education among universities.
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Kovalevskaia, Natalia Vladimirovna, Maria Anatolievna Tikhotskaia et Yan Nikolaevich Shevchenko. « “Digital geopolitics” in the regional context : certain challenges and prospects of the European Union on the path towards information sovereignty ». SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, no 1 (janvier 2022) : 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/1339-3057.2022.1.37196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The COVID-19 pandemic and coronacrisis have clearly exposed the strong dependence of modern companies on the approaches towards data management, stability of information networks and digitalization, as well as significantly strengthened the assertion of the Europeans in the need to achieve strategic autonomy with regards to development of the own digital solutions. The article aims to determine the place of the European Union in the international information and communication space in the context of global data management policy. Research methodology leans on the principles of the multi-paradigm method used for extrapolating some provisions of Robert Gilpin’s hegemonic stability theory on the modern technological competition among the countries on the international arena within the framework of regional approach. The article examines the term “information sovereignty” based on the principles of international law in a constantly changing international environment. The research addresses such documents as “New Industrial Strategy for Europe”, “European Data Strategy”, and the decision of the European Court of Justice concerning the Transatlantic Privacy Shield Agreement. As an example of the European digital policy, the author examines the ambitious GAIA-X project intended to create an open digital ecosystem and develop common requirements for the European data infrastructure. The article formulates the recommendations aimed at ensuring effective management in the digital sector, and offers the model of multilateral participation, which would allow reaching information sovereignty based on the European values and ideals.
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Hiswi, Putti Ananda. « Democracy In Slovenia : Slovenia’s Entry Into The European Union After The Disintegration Of Yugoslavia ». JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 1, no 1 (15 juillet 2020) : 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.1.1.2020.92-116.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Slovenia made changes in its ideology and political system to become part of the European Union. However, as a newly independent country, Slovenia faces an unfinished successional political transition. Undertaking a democratic system shift will cause Slovenia to face several challenges: accepting and implementing new democratic laws, introducing a liberal economy with free initiative, and achieving national sovereignty as an independent country. Apart from being a newly independent country, Slovenia also has a history of war with Italy when it was under Yugoslavia during the Second World War. These conditions make Slovenia’s entry into the European Union problematic. This article aims to understand Slovenia’s policy transition process after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and its consideration to join the European Union. This article uses qualitative methods with data and literatures collection from various official documents, books, journals, and online news which discuss integration process and democracy implementation in Slovenia related to its integration to European Union. This article concludes that Slovenia’s decision to join the European Union - despite its position as a newly independent country and the history of war with Italy - was due to the belief that a common liberal democratic system could help open relations with fellow democracies. The similarity of this system can be seen from the application of the three pillars of liberal democracy in democratic peace theory. The theory postulates that when the three pillars are applied, liberal countries will not go to war with each other
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Vuković, Ivan. « Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia ». Tourism and hospitality management 13, no 2 (juin 2007) : 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Ponomareva, Karina. « Tax Law of the Eurasian Economic Union : Substance and Ways of Using of the European Experience ». EC Tax Review 25, Issue 2 (1 avril 2016) : 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2016010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study considers principal features of the Treaty on Eurasian Economic Union (hereinafter – EAEU) in the light of modern international tax law, its legal nature, its place and functions in the regulation of Eurasian integration. The study describes the main features of tax law under the EAEU Treaty as the foundation treaty of two kinds: establishing international organization for integration (EAEU) and the economic and legal space (the Customs Union and the Common economic space). The important aspect of the proposal is the comparative study of development of tax law in the EAEU and the European Union (EU) as a model of integration which has already shown great results during decades. The objective of this study is to provide an evaluation of development of tax law in EAEU in comparison with EU. The EAEU and the European Union have incomparable historical experience: ten and sixty years respectively. We suppose that some elements of EAEU are similar to EU, and namely the next ones: the unity of institutional structure; aims of vanguard countries correspond to basic direction of development of the whole Union; there is a possibility for rearguard countries to join vanguard countries in case they are ready to carry out extra obligations. The scope of the study is closely connected to the following evaluation problems: tax sovereignty; the effects of the major recent tax policy initiatives for the Union and Member States; ways of tax harmonization in the EAEU and the role of the Court of the EAEU (with using of experience of the European Court of Justice in the area of European tax law); ways of absorbing the enlargement of the EAEU.
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Sandholtz, Wayne. « Choosing union : monetary politics and Maastricht ». International Organization 47, no 1 (1993) : 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004690.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At their Maastricht summit, heads of state of the European Community (EC) countries agreed to establish a single currency and a common central bank by the end of the century. For students of international political economy, the treaty on monetary union offers intriguing puzzles: Why did EC governments commit themselves to such a far-reaching sacrifice of sovereignty? Why did national political leaders in some cases outrun public opinion in their enthusiasm for monetary integration? This study seeks a political explanation of the choices that produced the late-1980s movement for monetary union in Europe. It examines the conversion to monetary discipline in several EC states during the 1980s, arguing that the shift toward anti-inflationary rigor was a necessary precondition for discussions on monetary union. The article outlines three general options for a European monetary regime, based variously on unilateral commitments, multilateral arrangements, and full integration. Treating national preference formation as endogenous and requiring explanation, the article weighs five propositions that explain the motives and preferences of national leaders.
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Iriarte Angel, J. L., A. S. Linnikov, A. V. Sereda et A. S. Minakov. « Current ways to protect the rights and ensure the economic security of Russian individuals and legal entities in the context of international economic sanctions ». Finance : Theory and Practice 26, no 1 (26 février 2022) : 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2022-26-1-198-214.
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Restrictive measures, or so-called “sanctions”, were introduced by the countries of the European Union against the Russian Federation, its citizens, and legal entities in 2014. The introduction of restrictive measures was initially seen as a threat to Russia’s economic security and sovereignty, so the Russian authorities were forced to respond by introducing retaliatory measures, or counter-sanctions. The subject of this article is the various possibilities for defending or challenging the imposed restrictive measures provided for by the legislation of the European Union and its member States, as well as the most famous and significant cases of appealing against these sanctions. The aim of the study is to systematize various ways of challenging restrictive measures in the bodies of the European Union, to develop a mechanism for such a challenge, as well as to collect statistical information on completed cases in which sanctions against certain persons were successfully challenged, or the lifting of restrictive measures was refused. The relevance of the topic is expressed in the unrelenting pressure of foreign states on the sovereignty and economic security of Russia. The scientific novelty is due to the lack of systematic research on the mechanisms for challenging sanctions. The authors apply descriptive, historical, and comparative analysis methods. The authors identified a certain mechanism of opportunities and tools for challenging restrictive measures in the bodies of the European Union, as well as defined a chain of actions to launch an appeal mechanism for certain restrictive measures. The authors conclude that stakeholders should initiate and participate in sanctions appeal procedures as there is good practice in lifting restrictive measures.
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Rehman, Scheherazade. « The Future of the European Union ». Global Economy Journal 15, no 2 (juillet 2015) : 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gej-2015-0028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union (EU) currently comprised of 28 countries is heralded as the single most ambitious voluntary supra-national economic, trade and monetary arrangement in recent modern history. The initial impetus of this arrangement began in 1951 with The Coal and Steel Union amongst Germany, France, Belgium, Luxemburg, Netherlands, and Italy and it continues to evolve today. The most ambitious part of this arrangement is the economic and monetary union (EMU) of 19 EU members countries called the Eurozone. This grand experiment has recently faced its biggest stress test with a double dip recession – the 2008 global financial crisis and the 2010+ European sovereign debt crisis. While many experts focused on the lack of fiscal union to resolve the Eurozone’s current problems, the issues are more complex. Systemic risk in Eurozone originates in part from three principal areas: political issues, lack of a fiscal discipline enforcement mechanism, and market failure.
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Farahat, Anuscheh, et Nora Markard. « Forced Migration Governance : In Search of Sovereignty ». German Law Journal 17, no 6 (1 novembre 2016) : 923–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200021532.
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The European Union (EU) Member States have experienced the recent refugee protection crisis in the EU as a de-facto loss of control over their borders. They find themselves unable to subject entry into their territory to a sovereign decision. In response, the Member States have sought to regain full sovereignty over matters of forced migration, both unilaterally and cooperatively, seeking to govern a phenomenon—forced migration—that by definition defies governance. Unilateral measures include forced migration caps and a search for ways to circumvent responsibility under the Dublin system. Cooperative efforts by EU Member States include the search for ways to more effectively govern forced migration at the EU level and beyond. Supranational EU efforts include the introduction of an internal relocation scheme and support for Italy and Greece in processing asylum claims in so-called “hotspots.” Beyond the EU, Member States are seeking to externalize protection responsibility to third world countries under international agreements, in particular, by returning asylum seekers to Turkey. This Article outlines the unilateral and cooperative governance efforts undertaken and shows that states' sovereign decisions over migration are significantly limited in the case of forced migrants, both by EU law and by international law.
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Bianco, Giuseppe. « European Unions Investment Agreements and Public Debt ». European Business Law Review 28, Issue 2 (1 avril 2017) : 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2017010.
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The on-going global financial crisis has hit Europe in an especially significant manner. With the legal vacuum surrounding sovereign debt restructurings, Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) signed by European countries can provide grounds for litigation in future debt crises. The sovereign debt crisis in the heart of the Eurozone has materialized such dangers, and has had an impact on the European Union’s strategy as an actor in international investment. The problems experienced by Argentina before the ICSID have made European countries more aware of the potential hidden in their BITs. This has in turn led to a careful drafting of the CETA and the TTIP, and potentially of all the other major FTAs to follow.
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Petkanopoulou, Katerina, Ángel Sánchez-Rodríguez, Guillermo B. Willis, Xenia Chryssochoou et Rosa Rodríguez-Bailón. « Two Countries in Crisis : Economic Inequality in the EU and Disidentification With Europe in Spain and Greece ». Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 49, no 6 (21 juin 2018) : 888–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022117751201.
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European identity is currently facing important challenges. From the beginning, European identity has been related to the national identities of Member States with different economic strengths. The recent economic recession made these disparities salient across countries. In this research conducted in two countries with relative low status in the European Union (EU), we explored whether the perceived disparities in wealth between the countries of the EU—perceived economic inequality—predicted disidentification with Europe. We also examined the mediators of this relationship. Study 1, conducted in Spain, revealed that perceived economic inequality positively predicted disidentification with Europe; importantly, this effect remained when controlling for individuals’ subjective socioeconomic status and the perceived status of the country. The experience of fear of economic inequality in the EU mediated this relationship. The results of Study 1 were replicated comparing a Spanish sample (Study 2a) and a Greek sample (Study 2b). These studies delved deeper into the specific appraisals of fear that mediate the relationship between economic inequality and disidentification with Europe. Four categories of fear appraisals obtained in a preliminary qualitative study were measured as potential mediators: losing national sovereignty, worsening of living conditions, being negatively stereotyped, and Europe losing fundamental values. The relationship between economic inequality in the EU and disidentification with Europe was mediated by fear of losing national sovereignty and fear of Europe losing fundamental values.
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Zawojska, Aldona. « Strefa euro a nowe kraje członkowskie Unii Europejskiej - dywergencja czy konwergencja gospodarcza ? » Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW - Ekonomika i Organizacja Gospodarki Żywnościowej, no 53 (25 septembre 2004) : 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/eiogz.2004.53.12.
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Economic and Monetary Union is unique in that it combines centralised conduct of monetary policy by the European Central Bank (ECB) with national sovereignty over fiscal and other economic policies. Its main goals are providing greater macroeconomic stability and improving economic efficiency in the euro area. After implementation of the EU enlargement on l May 2004, the ten new EU member states now face the challenge of joining the Eurozone. Central and East European Countries (CEEC) differ significantly with regards to their economic performance. Of the eight countries in Central and Eastern Europe joined the EU, only Estonia and Lithuania currently meet all the Maastricht convergence criteria. EU membership gives the opportunity to catch up, but the actual economic outcomes depend on the quality of domestic policies.
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Schutte, Camilo B. « Spain Tribunal Constitucional on the European Constitution. Declaration of 13 December 2004 ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, no 2 (19 mai 2005) : 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002816.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When thinking about the integration of the European sovereign states in the European Union, one does not need to be a euro-sceptic to perceive a big fish devouring little fish. Of course, the individuality of the different countries is assured in the European Union. Article I-5(1) of the European Constitution establishes that the Union shall respect their national identities inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, and their essential state functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security. Europe is to be ‘United in diversity’. Yet, however considerate the Union may be of the various European countries, unity can exist only by the grace of all member states' loyally fulfilling their European obligations.
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Janusz, Grzegorz. « Polska i Ukraina. 25 lat zmian systemowych ». Sprawy Międzynarodowe 71, no 1 (30 mars 2018) : 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2018.71.1.12.
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After 1989, Poland and Ukraine were subject to the process of political, economic and social transformation. While Poland regained full sovereignty, Ukraine became an independent state. Both countries were in a similar economic situation at the beginning of the transformation. Poland experienced significant economic growth as the result of the unambiguous choice of western integration, entry into the structures of the European Union (EU) and aid from the EU. The multi-vector nature of Ukraine’s policies resulted in the backwardness of many processes, and the direction of western integration became dominant only after the revolution of dignity. Both countries are important economic and political partners.
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Voigt, Christina. « Up in the Air : Aviation, the EU Emissions Trading Scheme and the Question of Jurisdiction ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 14 (2012) : 475–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712805580336.
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AbstractFrom 1 January 2012, all flights departing from or arriving at the European Union are covered by the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS). Amendments were made to Directive 2003/87/EC by Directive 2008/101/EC with the objective of reducing climate change impacts attributable to aviation, but also in order to avoid distortions of competition. The scheme now includes all airlines, including those from third countries, and accounts for emissions that occur partly outside the airspace of EU Member States. A large number of third countries claim that the extension of the Emissions Trading Scheme to legs of flights outside EU territory violates the principle of state sovereignty and deny the jurisdiction of the EU to regulate emissions that occur beyond its borders. So far, the validity of the EU regulation has been challenged by a claim brought by US and Canadian air carriers. They contended that, in adopting the Directive, the EU infringed principles of customary international law—in particular the principle of state sovereignty and the prohibition of extraterritorial application—as well as various international agreements. On 21 December 2011, the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled that the inclusion of emissions from aviation in the EU ETS is valid. In response, Chinese and Indian carriers threatened not to pay the charge, while US airlines pledged to consider other options. This chapter analyses the judgment of the Court and the opinion of Advocate General Kokott in this case. Particular attention is given to the question of extraterritorial jurisdiction and the understanding of state sovereignty in the context of global climate change mitigation. The chapter argues that the Court missed an opportunity to contribute to the clarification of the law on jurisdiction and to the development of climate law.
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Zhukovska, A., O. Dluhopolskyi et O. Koshulko. « Sovereignty policy under the COVID-19 pandemic conditions : unification VS differentiation ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Economics, no 215 (2021) : 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2667.2021/215-2/4.
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Globalization, which became widespread in the late twentieth – early twenty-first century, has led to large-scale changes associated with deepening the interdependence of national economies and their interpenetration, the formation of international industrial complexes beyond national borders, weakening the ability of nations to form independent economic policies. intensification of the movement of goods, capital, labor resources, the creation of institutions of interstate regulation of global problems, the attraction of the world economy to common standards, values, principles of operation based on the ideas of universalism. Universalism recognizes freedom and justice as more important values. Instead, sovereignty, which spread as a fundamental current at the beginning of the XXI century, is opposed to international law and emphasizes that the national interests of states are more important than the ideals of civilization (the interests of mankind). The article aims are to deepen the theoretical understanding of the processes of strengthening sovereignty in response to the global pandemic COVID-19 because the state’s membership in any supranational association directly affects its sovereignty in its classical sense. The basis of the research methodology is a scientific description and logical-deductive approach, illustrated by empirical cases from around the world. Data from statistical organizations, including the United Nations, the World Health Organization, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, the Council of the European Union, and national health institutions from different countries of the world, were used to analyze the progress of the COVID-19 pandemic and the response of national economies to its effects, as well as analytical reports of the World Economic Forum and the countries of the world, including the countries of the European Union and Ukraine. The study found that there is a continuing confrontation in the world between the spread of sovereignty and the ideas of globalism in the current pandemic and only time will tell which of these theories will eventually gain dominance as a policy. However, according to the results of the study, the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic is largely due to the development of globalization, the openness of world economies, as well as the growing competitiveness of national economies.
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Kováčiková, Hana, et Kristína Považanová. « EU's trade agreements ». Bratislava Law Review 1, no 1 (1 octobre 2017) : 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46282/blr.2017.1.1.70.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Conclusion of the Trade agreements between the European Union and the third countries is one of the displays of the EU´'s sovereignty. At the same time, it is an effective tool for enhancement of the EU´'s position within a globalised world of trade. The aim of the trade agreements is to create an easier business environment for (European) entrepreneurs, in particular by removing the customs, opening the public procurement, establishing the common technical standards, setting the rules of solving the disputes. At the same time, the trade agreements guarantee the achieved level of rights and interests protected by law of the European subjects. This leads to exterritorial application of the European law. This article is focused on brief analysis of concluded EU´'s trade agreements and their application.
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Royo, Sebastián. « Beyond Confrontation ». Comparative Political Studies 39, no 8 (octobre 2006) : 969–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005278246.
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The proponents of globalization contend that European countries are now converging on an Anglo-American model of capitalism. Contrary to this prediction, this article shows that in Spain, globalization and the European Monetary Union have promoted rather than undermined cooperation among economic actors. Unable to escape from economic interdependence, they have developed coordinating capacities at the macro and micro levels to address and resolve tensions between economic interdependence and political sovereignty. In particular, this article analyzes the resurgence of national-level social bargaining in Spain in the 1990s. This development was partly the result of the reorientation of the strategies of trade unions. They have supported social bargaining as a defensive strategy to retake the initiative and influence policy outcomes. This article shows that successful social bargaining depends on not only the organization of the social actors, the main claim of the neocorporatist literature, but also the interests and strategies of the actors themselves.
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Sekongo, N. B. « PROBLEMS OF TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF WEST AFRICAN COUNTRIES WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION, PROSPECTS FOR THEIR DEVELOPMENT ». Vestnik Universiteta, no 3 (29 mai 2020) : 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-3-102-110.
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The problems of trade and economic relations between West African countries and the European Union have been considered in the article in detail, a brief description of the Economic Community of West African States has been given. The essence of relationships between West Africa and the European Union based on the papers, both foreign and domestic researchers in the field of security, regional economic development and integration etc. has been disclosed. The historical path within the framework of international legal documentation that preceded the signing of the Economic Partnership Agreement has been described. The conducted study was based on the analysis of the cost dynamics of exports, imports and trade balance, their structure has been briefly adduced. The main negative aspects faced by West African countries in connection with the implementation of the Economic Partnership Agreement, in particular tariff restrictions, the ban on the use of export taxes, which undermines the national sovereignty of the Economic Community of West African States, have been revealed. Nevertheless, the signed Agreement will allow West Africa to actively integrate into world trade, improve the economic and demographic situation, while the overall trade tariff will remain at the same level.
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Habarta, Andrzej, et Alexandr Novikov. « Advantages and Risks of Accession to Eurozone for the Czech Republic ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, no 3 (30 juin 2021) : 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32021110118.
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The article examines the benefits and risks of the euro adoption for the Czech Republic. In the last decade, in the light of structural problems of the economic and monetary union of the European Union and the Czech euroscepticism that has intensified against this background, the problem has become more of political nature and one of burning issues in relations between the Czech Republic and the EU. The paper analyzes the benefits and risks of such a decision. Special attention is paid to political factors – starting from the possible membership in the EMU institutions and ending with the potential overall improvement of relations with the leading countries of the EU. The authors conclude that from an economic point of view, the eurozone membership is beneficial for the Czech Republic if the level of labour productivity increases before the adoption. However, this issue presents the problem of the overall geopolitical orientation of the Czech Republic, which has to choose between striving to get into the «core» of the integration or the relentless defense of its national sovereignty within the European Union.
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Peeters, Bruno. « The Design of Covid-19 Recovery Contributions : Taxes or Social Security Contributions ? » EC Tax Review 30, Issue 5/6 (1 décembre 2021) : 236–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2021024.
Texte intégralRésumé :
To cover the large financial spending caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, countries worldwide are forced to take substantial fiscal actions. This contribution takes a closer look at the extent to which EU law has an influence (restrictive or otherwise) on the freedom of Member States to opt for (additional) taxes and/or social contributions as a means to finance the (additional) deficits in their social security system. First, a brief numerical overview will be given of the various sources of financing and expenditures of social security in the European Union (II). Subsequently, the question will be addressed to which extent the concept of social security contributions under European Union law interferes with the national definition of taxes (III). The most relevant rulings of the European Court of Justice (CJEU) in this respect will be discussed (IV) followed by a number of final considerations (V). Covid-19 Recovery Contributions, Concept of tax, Social Security Contribution, Wealth Tax, Tax on (Real) Estate, Financing of Social Security, Regulation (EC) No 883/2004, Double Tax Convention, National (Tax) Sovereignty, Annual Tax on Securities Accounts
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Dullin, Sabine. « The Interface between Neighbors at a Time of State Transition : The Thick Border of the Bolsheviks (1917–1924) ». Annales (English ed.) 69, no 02 (juin 2014) : 255–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000765.
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Abstract Focusing on the European margins of the former Russian Empire as it was reinvented by the Soviets and drawing on the central and local archives of the former Soviet Union, this article uncovers a particular construction of territorial sovereignty that emerged from interactions between countries that were both new and ideologically hostile to one another. It shows that although Soviet authorities adapted to the rules of negotiation necessary for the “co-construction” of a frontier, they gradually managed to affirm an exclusive sovereignty over the territory. The thick border that evolved between mutually suspicious neighbors, especially through the creation of buffer zones, was subsequently institutionalized and appropriated by the Soviets in order to control interactions and border crossings. This analysis of everyday life in these border zones offers new perspectives for a transnational history of the state.
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Walsch, Christopher. « An East‑West Divide in the European Union ? The Visegrad Four States in Search of the Historical Self in National Discourses on European Integration ». Politics in Central Europe 14, no 2 (1 septembre 2018) : 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0015.
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Abstract This article explores whether a new east‑west divide exists in the enlarged European Union by analysing national discourses on European integration in the Visegrad Four (V4) states. Two V4 foreign policy legacies form the basis of analysis: the “Return to Europe” discourse and the discourses around the reconstruction of the historical self. The article gives evidence that the V4 countries share sovereignty in external policies and thus have a distinct European orientation. V4 national‑conservative governments hold sovereigntist positions, however, in policy areas that they consider falling exclusively within the realm of the member state. Comparison with Western European member states gives evidence that the post-1945 paradigm changes were more profound than those of post-1989 ones of Eastern Europe. This historic legacy can explain the more integrationist orientations in Western Europe. The article concludes that behaviour of the individual V4 state seems to be of greater importance for each member than collective V4 group action. Finally, the article gives an outlook on ways in which solidarity between the Western and Eastern halves of the EU can be exercised in an ideologically diverging Union.
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Meunier, Sophie. « What Single Voice ? European Institutions and EU–U.S. Trade Negotiations ». International Organization 54, no 1 (2000) : 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551136.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The member states of the European Union (EU) have transferred their sovereignty over trade policymaking to the supranational level. When entering into trade negotiations with third countries, they must first reach a common bargaining position among themselves and later defend that position with a “single voice” at the international table. How do the institutional rules, through which the fifteen different voices are aggregated into a single one, affect international outcomes? Differentiating between a “conservative” and a “reformist” negotiating context, I argue that voting rules and negotiating competence in the EU determine both the probability that the negotiating parties conclude an international agreement and the substantive outcome of the negotiations. The recent EU–U.S. trade negotiations on agriculture, public procurement, and open skies are all evidence that, for a given distribution of preferences, internal EU institutional mechanisms affect the outcomes of international trade agreements.
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Kuhn, Theresa, et Aaron Kamm. « The national boundaries of solidarity : a survey experiment on solidarity with unemployed people in the European Union ». European Political Science Review 11, no 2 (mai 2019) : 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000067.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAmidst the European sovereign debt crisis and soaring unemployment levels across the European Union, ambitions for European unemployment policies are high on the political agenda. However, it remains unclear what European taxpayers think about these plans and who is most supportive of European unemployment policies. To contribute to this debate, we conducted a survey experiment concerning solidarity towards European and domestic unemployed individuals in the Netherlands and Spain. Our results suggest that (1) Europeans are less inclined to show solidarity towards unemployed Europeans than towards unemployed co-nationals, (2) individuals with higher education, European attachment, and pro-immigration attitudes show more solidarity towards unemployed people from other European countries, but (3) even they discriminate against foreigners, and (4) finally, economic left-right orientations do not structure solidarity with unemployed people from abroad.
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Suzuki, Yutaka. « Centralization, Decentralization and Incentive Problems in Eurozone Financial Governance : A Contract Theory Analysis ». International Journal of Economics and Finance 10, no 3 (3 février 2018) : 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v10n3p93.
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This paper uses a contract theory framework to analyze the mechanisms of eurozone financial governance, with a focus on centralization vs. decentralization and incentive problems. By constructing a Stackelberg game model with n Ministries of Finance as the first movers and the European Central Bank as the second mover, we show that each government can create growth in its own country (self-benefit) by increasing government spending, but that this will increase inflation, resulting in a decrease in the value of the euro. As these effects are shared equally by eurozone countries (cost sharing), an incentive to free-ride at the expense of other countries is present. We then analyze a penalty-based solution to the free-rider problem and derive a second-best solution where a commitment not to renegotiate penalties ex-post is impossible. The optimal solution shows that “limited sovereignty,” that is, substantially constrained fiscal sovereignty, should be imposed as a high marginal cost for the issuance of public debt. Finally, we close the paper by discussing the possibility of Fiscal Integration (Fiscal Union).
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Kasumović, Merim, et Erna Heric. « Nominal and Real Convergence as a Determinant for Joining the European Monetary Union ». ECONOMICS 5, no 1 (1 juin 2017) : 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eoik-2017-0011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Summary The thematic framework of this work is the nominal and real convergence as a determinant for joining the European monetary union. The focus of the work is to prove that realising the criteria of the convergence affects the stability of the European monetary union, that is, that the cause of destabilisation is exactly the fact that certain member nations have not realised the assigned convergence criteria. The financial integration is an important question because it contributes to the economic growth affecting free exchange with the goal of a more efficient allocation of capital; it is the result of the economic theory and the empirical research. Introducing the Euro as a single payment method while losing the monetary sovereignty of the countries which have accepted it is the main reason for forming the European Central Bank. The mission of the European Central Bank is to define and conduct a single monetary policy within the Eurozone. Because of the already mentioned facts, the challenges of conducting the fiscal policy within the Eurozone as well as the key aspects of the monetary unification of Europe have been analysed. The results of this analysis should point out the stability of the EMU by the convergence degree of the member nations from a single monetary area.