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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Sovereignty – Denmark »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Sovereignty – Denmark"

Jacobsen, Marc. « Greenland’s Arctic advantage : Articulations, acts and appearances of sovereignty games ». Cooperation and Conflict 55, n^o 2 (23 octobre 2019) : 170–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836719882476.

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Greenland representatives successfully use the renewed international geostrategic interest in the Arctic to enhance Greenland’s foreign policy sovereignty. This is facilitated by Denmark’s dependence on Greenland’s geographic location and continuous membership of the Danish Realm for maintaining the status of an Arctic state, which recently has become one of the five most important security and foreign policy priorities. The dependency gives Greenland an ‘Arctic advantage’ in negotiations with Denmark, while turning circumpolar events into strategic arenas for sovereignty games in the aim to move the boundary of what Greenland may do internationally without Danish involvement. This article analyzes how these games unfold in the Arctic Council, at the high-level Ilulissat meetings and at circumpolar conferences where Greenland representatives articulate, act and appear more foreign policy sovereignty through outspoken discontent, tacit gestures and symbolic alterations. Altogether, this contributes to the expanding of Greenland’s foreign policy room for maneuver within the current legal frameworks, while enhancing Greenland’s international status and attracting external investments, important in their striving towards becoming a state with full formal Westphalian sovereignty.

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Knapp, Jeffrey. « Hamlet and the Sovereignty of Reasons ». Review of Politics 78, n^o 4 (2016) : 645–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051600053x.

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AbstractWhy does Shakespeare link the psychological disintegration of Hamlet with the political disintegration of Denmark? This essay answers that question by comparing Shakespeare's tragedy to his later history plays, which foreshadow the “antic” Prince Hamlet in the “frantic” King Richard II and the “madcap” Prince Hal. All of these plays insist that a monarch pays a heavy price for claiming that he represents and even embodies the people he rules: he comes to feel internally divided, multiplicitous, populous. But the plays also cast doubt on the ability of the people to achieve any greater coherence as a sovereign power. ThroughHenry VandHamletin particular, Shakespeare offers the theater as a model of powersharingamong diverse forces: not only the monarch and the people, but also the actors, the audience, and the author.

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Holten, Birgitte. « Brazil's Early Nineteenth-Century Policy Towards Denmark and Sweden, 1808–1831 ». Itinerario 20, n^o 1 (mars 1996) : 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021550.

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Brazil's active foreign policy tradition dates from the beginning of its existence as an independent state in the early nineteenth century. More than the former Spanish colonies in Latin America, Brazil considered the international recognition of its sovereignty an important goal. Therefore, Brazil demonstrated in the 1820s a great interest in the establishment of diplomatic relations and the negotiation of commercial treaties with the European nations and the United States.

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Xhelilaj, Ermal, et Kristofor Lapa. « Territorial Claims in North Polar Maritime Zone in View of International Security ». Transactions on Maritime Science 11, n^o 1 (20 avril 2022) : 278–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7225/toms.v11.n01.021.

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The main feature of the political relations, developed among the coastal states with strong interests over the North Pole region and the Arctic Ocean, have been the frequent interstate disputes over the last fifty years, as well as the efforts of these Arctic states during this period to cooperate in so that the sovereignty and sovereign rights of each coastal state over this region turn into a common benefit for the entire international community. Consequently, sovereignty and sovereign rights are considered fundamental factors for interstate relations in the Arctic Ocean region, for which coastal states have historically been willing to engage in political or military conflicts. The Arctic Ocean, including North Pole maritime region, is governed by customary international law and the law of the sea, which are largely represented by UNCLOS (1982) and the Geneva Conventions on the Law of the Sea (1958). Four Arctic coastal states, Canada, Norway, Denmark, and Russia have ratified these international conventions, while the US accepts its main provisions as norms of customary international law, but is also in the process of ratifying UNCLOS. The purpose of this article is to analyze and discuss the legal, practical, and political situation regarding the delimitation of maritime zones in the North Pole region and the Arctic Ocean, addressing interstate disputes over the major economic, strategic and geopolitical interests of this maritime area in the context of international security.

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Rebhan, Christian. « National identity politics and postcolonial sovereignty games : Greenland, Denmark, and the European Union ». Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, n^o 1 (2 janvier 2018) : 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2018.1429231.

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Svåsand, Lars. « Party Sovereignty and Citizen Control.Selecting Candidates for Parliamentary. Elections in Denmark, Finland, Iceland and Norway ». Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning 45, n^o 01 (24 février 2004) : 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-291x-2004-01-07.

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Gammeltoft-Hansen, Thomas, et Sune Klinge. « Arctic Asylum ». Nordic Journal of International Law 91, n^o 1 (22 février 2022) : 148–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-91010007.

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Abstract This article examines the regulation and rights of refugees and other foreigners in independent, overseas and other not fully sovereign territories. It analyses two Nordic cases, Greenland and Svalbard. Greenland is an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, and Svalbard an unincorporated area subject to Norwegian sovereignty through the 1920 Spitsbergen Treaty. Unlike their parent states, both territories remain outside the Schengen Area. As this article highlights, both territories are subject to distinct regulatory frameworks in respect to asylum-seekers and refugees. While the number of asylum-seekers or refugees in each place is so far very limited, the regulatory differences nonetheless raise principled questions both from a rights-based perspective and at the more theoretical level. As this article argues, Greenland and Svalbard both exemplify how international law and late sovereign constructions may themselves provide for an unmooring of asylum and refugee rights within the ordinary statist framework. The effects in each case are multi-directional. On the one hand, the legal frameworks pertaining to these arctic territories provide for significantly more liberal rules in terms of access to asylum and immigration control. On the other hand, these legal bifurcations serve to upend the ordinary Nordic social contract and welfare rights owed to refugees and other aliens.

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Dawes, Peter R., et Tapani Tukiainen. « Hans Ø, celebrated island of Nares Strait between Greenland and Canada : from dog-sledge to satellite mapping ». Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland (GEUS) Bulletin 15 (10 juillet 2008) : 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.34194/geusb.v15.5049.

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Hans Ø – or Tartupaluk to the indigenous population of North-West Greenland – is a small steeply sided island in Nares Strait at c. 80°50´N. Charted in 1871 and named after Greenlander Hans Hendrik, it is one of five limestone islands forming an integral part of the Greenland Silurian succession. Rising less than 170 m above normally ice-infested waters, the 1.25 km2 island is physiographically far oversha d owed by nearby Franklin Ø (Fig. 1). The island’s notoriety results from its placing more or less equidistant between the coasts of Kennedy Channel on the political boundary between Greenland and Canada. For 40 years the rocky patch has been the subject of a dispute be tween the Danish/Greenland and Canadian governments regarding sovereignty rights, an issue that remains unresolved. However, there is mutual understanding between Ca nada and Denmark that “since the question of sovereignty over the island has not yet been solved no action should be taken by either side which might prejudge the settlement of the issue” (Brückner 1984). Formally, this remains the position today.

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Kubiak, Krzysztof. « Ziemia Eryka Rudego. Duńsko-norweski spór o terytoria na wschodzie Grenlandii ». Studia Scandinavica 24, n^o 4 (2 décembre 2020) : 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2020.24.08.

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Eric The Red’s Land cannot be found on contemporary maps. There are not many older cartographic publications in which such an area would be marked either. They were published in only one country, Norway, and for a limited time. This was the result of the territorial claims that Norway reported to parts of eastern Greenland. To locate the area in geographical space, the name of Eric The Red’s Land was used (Norwegian: Eirik Raudes Land). Norwegian claims to East Greenland met the strong opposition of Denmark. In the interwar period, it seemed that the verdict of the Permanent International Court of Justice in The Hague, adopted in 1933 and recognizing Denmark’s sovereignty over all of Greenland, had ended the dispute. However, during World War II, Norway raised the issue of the possession of eastern Greenland again. This happened at a time when both Nordic countries were occupied by Germany. The cooperation with Germany undertaken by “Arctic expansionists” ultimately intersected with Norwegian ambitions in the eastern part of Greenland.

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Heymann, Matthias, Henrik Knudsen, Maiken L. Lolck, Henry Nielsen, Kristian H. Nielsen et Christopher J. Ries. « Exploring Greenland : Science and Technology in Cold War Settings ». Scientia Canadensis 33, n^o 2 (19 octobre 2011) : 11–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1006149ar.

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This paper explores a vacant spot in the Cold War history of science: the development of research activities in the physical environmental sciences and in nuclear science and technology in Greenland. In the post-war period, scientific exploration of the polar areas became a strategically important element in American and Soviet defence policy. Particularly geophysical fields like meteorology, geology, seismology, oceanography, and others profited greatly from military interest. While Denmark maintained formal sovereignty over Greenland, research activities were strongly dominated by U.S. military interests. This paper sets out to summarize the limited current state of knowledge about activities in the environmental physical sciences in Greenland and their entanglement with military, geopolitical, and colonial interests of both the USA and Denmark. We describe geophysical research in the Cold War in Greenland as a multidimensional colonial endeavour. In a period of decolonization after World War II, Greenland, being a Danish colony, became additionally colonized by the American military. Concurrently, in a period of emerging scientific internationalism, the U.S. military “colonized” geophysical research in the Arctic, which increasingly became subject to military directions, culture, and rules.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Sovereignty – Denmark"

Strand, Ida. « What does the Increased Fossil Fuel Scarcity mean for the Arctic Region ? A Quantitative and Qualitative Content Analysis of Canada, Denmark, Norway, the United States and Russia's Arctic Strategy ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21199.

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This bachelor thesis asks the question, what does the increased fossil fuel scarcity mean for the Arctic region? It further investigates the aim and motives by the five main Arctic states. With the use of structural realism, existing research on the parallels between resource scarcity and conflict and, the combination of two methodological approaches: quantitative and qualitative content analysis, I argue in this study that the five states will act in accordance with the structural realist way and exploit the Arctic due to the protection of their national interests and security. This thesis highlights that, firstly, there is a process of climate change enabling the accessibility to extracting fossil fuel. Secondly, there is an ongoing militarization of the region. With that being said, I argue that the race for fossil fuel will prevail and this will create a destabilizing Arctic region with environmental impacts and militarization that can lead to problematic disputes and even conflicts. Therefore, the Arctic is a vulnerable region with a questionable future due to its economic stakes and militarization.

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JAKOBSEN, Morten N. « The Danish concept of sovereignity from a European perspective : particularly in relation to the delegation of sovereign power to supranational authorities ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5529.

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Livres sur le sujet "Sovereignty – Denmark"

National Identity Politics and Postcolonial Sovereignty Games : Greenland, Denmark, and the European Union. Museum Tusculanum Press, 2016.

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(Editor), Henry Valen, Hanne Marthe Narud (Editor) et Mogens N. Pedersen (Editor), dir. Party Sovereignty and Citizen Control : Selecting Candidates for Parliamentary Elections in Denmark, Finland, Iceland and Norway (University of Southern Denmark Studies in History and Social). University Press of Southern Denmark, 2003.

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CLUB, Hawaii Book, et Maurice Rosete. 1846 DENMARK and HAWAIIAN KINGDOM NATION : Hawaiian Kingdom an Independent and Sovereign Nation. Independently Published, 2017.

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John Of Great Yarmouth Brown. Original Memoirs of the Sovereigns of Sweden and Denmark, from 1766 to 1818 ; Volume 2. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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Brown, John. The Northern Courts V1 : Containing Original Memoirs Of The Sovereigns Of Sweden And Denmark Since 1766. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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Brown, John. The Northern Courts V1 : Containing Original Memoirs Of The Sovereigns Of Sweden And Denmark Since 1766. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.

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Tourism, climate change and the geopolitics of arctic development : the critical case of Greenland. Wallingford : CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789246728.0000.

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Abstract This book focuses on the context, nature and role of tourism in Greenland, and is set within an overlapping geopolitical frame of: (a)the heightening climate crisis; (b)Greenland's trajectory towards political independence from Denmark; (c)its concept of economic 'self-sustainability' in supporting this trajectory; and (d)growing international interest in, and competition for, Greenland's natural resources and infrastructure projects. The last in its turn partly reflects improving land and sea accessibility afforded by climate change, which paradoxically both challenges and encourages Greenland's concepts of sustainable development, within which tourism plays an ambivalent role: while elements of global and local tourism have been seeking to create a more responsible sector, within Greenland's development trajectory tourism appears to be supporting a sustainability ideology that ignores, or at best camouflages, the climate crisis. The central themes of this book therefore employ the role of tourism and travel as a lens through which to examine climatic, societal, economic and geopolitical change in the Arctic as specifically articulated in the experience of Greenland. The 'critical' situations in which Greenland finds itself reflect external perceptions of the global climate crisis and geostrategic maneuvering over Arctic resources, and domestic considerations of socio-economic development and increased sovereignty. The volume thereby highlights the close and often critical interrelationships between the local, regional and global. A recurring observation is the paradox, one of several of a region hitherto regarded as peripheral but which is becoming increasingly central to global concerns, with tourism-related dynamics reflecting such centrality. In this way, this book aims to: (1) emphasise the critical role of change in the Arctic in general and in Greenland in particular; (2) highlight critical interrelationships between tourism, climate change and the geopolitics of Arctic development, where 'geopolitics' is interpreted as applying at a number of scales from the interpersonal and quotidian to the global geostrategic; and (3) provide a critical examination of Greenland's post-colonial tourism development path, as the territory becomes the focus of increasing global interest. This book is organised into three parts with a total of 13 chapters.

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Hansen, Magnus Paulsen. The Moral Economy of Activation. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447349969.001.0001.

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Activation policies which promote and enforce labour market participation continue to proliferate in Europe and constitute the reform blueprint from centre-left to centre-right, as well as for most international organizations. Rather than being disrupted the ‘active turn’ has consolidated by the recent financial and sovereign debt crises. Through an in-depth study of four major reforms in Denmark and France the book aims to answer how such reforms are legitimised by political actors. By mapping how co-existing ideas are mobilised to justify, criticise and reach activation compromises and how their morality sediment into the instruments governing the unemployed. Inspired by French pragmatic sociology it develops an innovative framework of analysis to study the role of ideas and morality in gradual but nonetheless radical social and employment policy changes. The book shows how a composite and heterogeneous set of ideas, the ‘moral economy of activation’, leads to a continuous behaviourist testing of the unemployed in public debate as well as in the local jobcentres. The moral economy of activation thus not only shapes the every-day life of the unemployment, it also has profound implications for the threshold between unemployment and work can be approached and criticised.

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John, Brown. Northern Courts : Containing Original Memoirs of the Sovereigns of Sweden and Denmark, since 1766, Including the Extraordinary Vicissitudes in the Lives of the Grand-Children of George the Second. HardPress, 2020.

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Company, Ogle Duncan and. Biography of the Principal Sovereigns of Europe Who Have Reigned since the French Revolution : Adorned with Portraits of Their Majesties the King of Great Britain, the Emperors and Empresses of Austria and Russia, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, France, Net. HardPress, 2020.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Sovereignty – Denmark"

Bertelsen, Rasmus Gjedssø. « Devolution and Withdrawal : Denmark and the North Atlantic, 1800–2100 ». Dans Security and Sovereignty in the North Atlantic, 9–27. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137470720_2.

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Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon. « Denmark and Greenland’s changing sovereignty and security challenges in the Arctic ». Dans Routledge Handbook of Arctic Security, 176–87. London ; New York : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315265797-15.

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Olsen, Niklas. « Sovereign Consumers Enter the Scandinavian Welfare State : The Case of Denmark ». Dans The Sovereign Consumer, 185–226. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89584-0_6.

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« Greenland projecting sovereignty – Denmark protecting sovereignty away ». Dans European Integration and Postcolonial Sovereignty Games, 237–54. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203076842-23.

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Marnersdóttir, Malan, Guðmundur Hálfdanarson, Ann-Sofie N. Gremaud et Kirsten Thisted. « Sovereignty, Constitutions and Natural Resources ». Dans Denmark and the New North Atlantic, 197–280. Aarhus University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv35r3t9v.12.

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« Anna of Denmark and the Performance of the Queen Consort’s Sovereignty ». Dans Performing the Renaissance Body, 247–72. De Gruyter, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110464818-013.

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« Chapter Two. Getting to Denmark ». Dans Sovereign Wealth Funds in Resource Economies, 32–58. Columbia University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/alsw18354-005.

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Sørensen, Vibeke. « Between interdependence and integration : Denmark’s shifting strategies ». Dans The Frontier of National Sovereignty, 88–116. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315086569-4.

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Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. « Informal Imperialism in Europe and the Ottoman Empire : The Consolidation of the Mythical Roots of the West ». Dans A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0012.

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‘Informal colonialism’ and ‘informal imperialism’ are relatively common terms in the specialized literature. The term ‘informal colonialism’ was coined—or at least sanctioned—by C. R. Fay (1940: (vol. 2) 399) meaning a situation in which a powerful nation manages to establish dominant control in a territory over which it does not have sovereignty. The term was popularized by the economic historians John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson (1953), who applied it to study informal British imperial expansion over portions of Africa. The difference between informal and formal colonialism is easy to establish: in the first instance, complete effective control is unfeasible, mainly due to the impossibility of applying direct military and political force in countries that, in fact, are politically independent. They have their own laws, make decisions on when and where to open museums and how to educate their own citizens. Yet, in order to survive in the international world they need to build alliances with the main powers, and that comes at a price. Many countries in the world were in this situation in the middle and last decades of the nineteenth century: Mediterranean Europe, the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and independent states in the Far East and in Central and South America. A simple classification of countries into imperial powers, informal empires and formal colonies is, however, only a helpful analytical tool that shows its flaws at closer look. Some of those that are being included as informal colonies in Part II of this book were empires in themselves, like the Ottoman Empire and, from the last years of the century, Italy (La Rosa 1986), and therefore had their own informal and formal colonies. The reason why they have been placed together here is that in all of them there was an acknowledgement of a need for modernization following Western-dominated models. They all had the (northern) European presence in their lands—at first primarily British and French, followed by Germans and individuals of other European states, mainly from other empires either alive such as that of Austria- Hungary or in decline like Sweden and Denmark.

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Scharff-Smith, Peter. « Dynamic Security or Corruption of Authority ? » Dans Power and Pain in the Modern Prison, 290–308. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859338.003.0016.

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“Dynamic security” and “normalization” are important principles in Scandinavian prison systems where they are supported in penal law and promoted in key policy papers and administrative guidelines. In a sense, this means that central aspects of what Sykes calls the “corruption of authority” – what he terms “defects of total power” in the form of friendship, reciprocity, transfer of duties, etc., – are to some extent legally based policy aims in Scandinavian prisons. In other words, running a cellblock with both the stick and the carrot (Sykes, 1956) is not necessarily “corruption of authority” and hence Scandinavian prison policy might challenge Sykes’s understanding of that term. In reality, dynamic security and normalization are difficult principles to put into practice; sometimes prisoners are not interested in contact with prison officers, which can cause them significant problems vis-à-vis the prisoner community. In addition, a recent surge of penal populism has narrowed the scope considerably for practicing dynamic security and normalization within the Danish penal estate. New prison policies address drugs, illegal mobile phones, and the use of punitive solitary confinement. Based on empirical data from Danish prisons and concerning penal policy in Denmark this chapter analyzes the “corruption of authority” in a contemporary Nordic penal context. It argues that what is currently “corrupted” in Danish Prison Law and penal practice are the legal principles of dynamic security and normalization rather than the traditional more or less sovereign penal power that Sykes associate with “authority”.

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