Bibliographies thématiques / South African Zionist Federation

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « South African Zionist Federation »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 27 juillet 2024
Mis à jour le 29 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "South African Zionist Federation"

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Flikke, Rune. « Writing ‘naturecultures’ in Zulu Zionist healing ». Nordic Journal of Science and Technology Studies 2, no 1 (1 décembre 2016) : 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/njsts.v2i1.2131.

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<div>In this article my primary aim is to argue for an ontological and phenomenological approach to studying healing rituals within the African Independent Churches in South Africa. Through ethnographic evidence I will argue that the healing rituals are misrepresented in more traditional epistemologically tuned studies, and suggest that a better understanding is to be achieved through a focus on Latour’s ‘natures-cultures’ or Haraway’s ‘naturecultures’, thus showing how health and well-being are achieved through a creative process which continuously strive to break down any distinction of nature and culture as separate entities. I conclude by arguing that the contemporary healing rituals, which surfaced in South Africa in the mid eighteen-seventies, were a sensible and experience based reactions to the colonial contact zones of a racist Colonial regime dependent on African labor.</div>
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Dr Kally Forrest. « New South African Federation Prioritises Marginalised ». International Union Rights 24, no 2 (2017) : 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14213/inteuniorigh.24.2.0022.

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Forrest, Dr Kally. « New South African Federation Prioritises Marginalised ». International Union Rights 24, no 2 (2017) : 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/iur.2017.a838348.

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Musiker, Naomi. « London Jewish Chronicle : South African abstracts 1859-1910 ». African Research & ; Documentation 100 (2006) : 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00019725.

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During the first two decades of the twentieth century, research documents into the historical development of the Jewish community in South Africa were largely the work of individuals. The most notable of these were those of Rabbi Dr J H Hertz, of the Witwatersrand Hebrew Congregation who presented an address on the Jews of South Africa to the first South African Zionist Congress (1905), various papers by the amateur historians S J Judelowitz and S A Rochlin, Louis Hermann's History of the Jews in South Africa, covering the period to 1890 and S A Rochlin and Muriel Alexander's researches into newspaper files, the former covering Transvaal papers from 1892 to 1924 and the latter, Cape papers until the end of 1918.
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Kenny, Bridget. « The South African labour movement ». Tempo Social 32, no 1 (15 avril 2020) : 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.166288.

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This paper reviews the state of the South African labour movement. It discusses trade unions within the context of national political dynamics, including the Tripartite Alliance and neoliberalism, as well as growing precarianization of work within South Africa. It examines splits within the major federation and explores debates around union renewal and new worker organizations. It argues that the political terrain is fragmented and shifting, but workers’ collective labour politics abides.
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Campbell, Peter N. « African Biochemists Plan More Collaboration ». Scientific World JOURNAL 1 (2000) : 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1100/tsw.2000.16.

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The Federation of European Biochemical Societies (FEBS) was the first regional organisation of biochemists, holding its first congress in London in 1964. There followed the creation of the Pan American Association of Biochemical Societies (PAABS) and then the Federation of Asian and Oceanian Biochemists (FAOB). An obvious development was the formation of a similar organisation to take care of Africa, but this proved impossible so long as apartheid survived in South Africa. With the removal of the latter, the way was clear for the foundation of the Federation of African Societies of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology (FASBMB). The first congress of the new federation was held in Nairobi in September 1996 under the Presidency of Prof. Dominic Makawiti of Nairobi University. Among the 300 participants were representatives from 19 countries in Africa. The second congress was held at Potchefstroom in South Africa in 1998 and the third was just held in Cairo.
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Tal, Nitzan, et Louise Bethlehem. « South African text ; Zionist palimpsest : Israeli critics read Alan Paton’s Cry, the Beloved Country ». Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 19, no 4 (27 novembre 2019) : 450–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2019.1693116.

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Cabrita, Joel. « AN INTRODUCTION TO THE LETTERS OF ISAIAH MOTEKA : THE CORRESPONDENCE OF A TWENTIETH-CENTURY SOUTH AFRICAN ZIONIST MINISTER ». Africa 84, no 2 (9 avril 2014) : 163–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000011.

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ABSTRACTSouth African Zionism, one of the most popular Christian movements in modern South Africa, has frequently been interpreted in narrowly indigenous terms, as a local, black appropriation of Christianity, heavily invested in orality and ritual performance. The correspondence of the twentieth-century Zionist minister Isaiah Moteka tells a different story. Moteka honed the craft of letter-writing in order to build and sustain his relationship with Zion, Illinois, the headquarters of the worldwide Zionist church. Through the exchange of letters across the Atlantic, Moteka affirmed his own and his congregants’ place within a multiracial Zion diaspora. And through their complex invocation of overlapping local and global affiliations, Moteka's writings proclaimed his standing both as a regional clergyman and as a cosmopolitan internationalist. In particular, these ambiguous missives became the platform for Moteka's engagement with apartheid-era state officials. Seeking to persuade state officials that his organization fell under ‘white’ supervision, Moteka's letters proclaimed his accreditation by Zion, Illinois, thereby casting himself as a deputy of the worldwide movement. But these documents’ citation of transatlantic loyalties also suggests Moteka's own conflicted loyalties. His letters asserted loyalty to the nation state while they simultaneously subordinated earthly power to the Kingdom of God.
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Houle, Robert. « Mbiya Kuzwayo's Christianity : Revival, Reformation and the Surprising Viability of Mainline Churches in South Africa ». Journal of Religion in Africa 38, no 2 (2008) : 141–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006608x289666.

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AbstractMuch of the credit for the vitality of Christianity in southern Africa has gone to the African Initiated Churches that date their birth to earlier 'Ethiopian' and 'Zionist' movements. Yet far from being compromised, as they are often portrayed, those African Christians remaining in the mission churches often played a critical role in the naturalization of the faith. In the churches of the American Zulu Mission, the largest mission body in colonial Natal, one of the most important moments in this process occurred at the end of the nineteenth century when participants in a revival, led in part by a young Zulu Christian named Mbiya Kuzwayo, employed the theology of Holiness to dramatically alter the nature of their lived Christianity and bring about an internal revolution that gave them effective control of their churches.
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Hasan, Dr Rumy. « THE UNITARY, DEMOCRATIC STATE AND THE STRUGGLE AGAINST APARTHEID IN PALESTINE–ISRAEL ». Holy Land Studies 7, no 1 (mai 2008) : 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947508000073.

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This paper utilises a comparison between Apartheid South Africa and Israel to argue that Israel, from its inception, has been an apartheid state, albeit different in form to the South African variety. The fundamental proposition is that only the dismantling of the Zionist legal code, the constitution and discriminatory state structures will ensure the end of apartheid in Palestine–Israel. The sine qua nonfor this is the creation of a single, unitary, democratic state. Accordingly, the goal of the Palestinian liberation struggle should decisively shift away from the 'two-state solution' in favour of a 'one-state solution'. To this end, six theses are presented.
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Thèses sur le sujet "South African Zionist Federation"

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Kegel, Terry. « Effect of the Zionist youth movement on South African Jewry negotiating a South African, Jewish, and Zionist identity in the mid-20th century / ». Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/670.

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Chavkin, Jonathan Samuel. « British intelligence and the Zionist, South African, and Australian intelligence communities during and after the Second World War ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252188.

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Sturman, Kathryn. « The Federation of South African Women and the Black Sash : constraining and contestatory discourses about women in politics, 1954-1958 ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18272.

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The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures of the Congress Alliance and of white party politics. This separate organisation from men was not carried out with an explicit feminist agenda or a developed awareness of women's oppression, however. Nevertheless, their existence constituted a challenge to the dominant patriarchal discourse that constructed women's role as domestic and exclusive to the private sphere. Newspaper representations of the two organisations by both their political allies and their political opponents, provide evidence of this dominant discourse on "women's place" and insight on the public perception of political activity by women at the time. Within the texts of FSAW and the Black Sash one finds tensions between accepted notions of women's primary role as wives and mothers, and an emerging self-conception of women as politically active in the public realm. To an extent, the self-representation of these texts mirrors the patriarchal representations of women found in the newspaper reports. However, there are also definite departures from the traditional formulations of womanhood that can be conceived of as "contestations" to the dominant discourse. The patriarchal discourse was, therefore, a discursive constraint, both external and internalised, on women's ability to become active and effective in South Africa politics in the 1950s. Paradoxically, through the practical process of women's mobilisation in FSAW and the Black Sash, new space was opened on the political terrain that allowed for the alteration of the dominent discourse on women's place in society, as well as for the emergence of contestatory feminist discourses in South Africa.
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Ndlovu, Caesar Maxwell Jeffrey. « Religion, tradition and custom in a Zulu male vocal idiom ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002315.

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The study is about a Zulu male vocal tradition called isicathamiya performed by 'migrants' in all night competitions called ingomabusuku. This is a performance style popularized by the award winning group Ladysmith Black Mambazo. Isicathamiya, both in its symbolic structure and in the social and culturalpractice of its proponents has much in common with the ritual practices of Zionists. And Zionists are worshippers who integrate traditional beliefs and Christianity. This study will reveal that isicathamiya performance and Zionists are linked in three major areas:in the sqcial bases and practice of its proponents, in the structural properties of their performances and tn the meanings attached to these practices. Firstly, Zionists, who are also called a Separatist or African Independent church, and isicathamiya performers have minimal education and are employed in low income jobs in the cities. Most groups are formed with 'homeboy networks'. Furthermore, performers, unlike their brothers in the city, cling tenaciously to usiko [custom and tradition]. Although they are Christians, they still worship Umvelinqangi [The One Who Came First], by giving oblations and other forms of offerings. Amadlozi [the ancestors] are still believed to be their mediators with God. Also commonplace in this category is the practice of ukuchatha, [cleansing the stomach with some prepared medicine]; and ukuphalaza [taking out bile by spewing, which is also done as a way of warding off evil spirits]. These are rural practices that have meaning in their present domiciles. The second area of similarity consists in the structure of the nocturnal gatherings that form the core of the ritual and performance practices among isicathamiya singers and Zionists. Thus, a core of the ritual of Zionists is umlindelo [night vigil] which takes place every weekend from about 8 at night until the following day. Likewise, isicathamiya performers have competitions every Saturday evening from 8 at night until about 11 am the following day. Although Zionists night vigils are liturgical and isicathamiya competitions secular, the structures of both isicathamiya choreography and Zionists body movements appear the same. These movements are both rooted in a variety of traditional styles called ingoma. Thirdly, the meanings attached to these symbolic correspondences must be looked for in the selective appropriation of practices and beliefs taken to be traditional. Using present day commentaries in song and movement, ingoma and other rural styles performed in competitions and Zionists night vigils reflect a reconstruction of the past. Isicathamiya performers and Zionists see themselves as custodians of Zulu tradition, keeping Zulu ethnicity alive in the urban environment. This is why in this study we are going to see rural styles like ingoma, isifekezeli [war drills], ukusina [solo dancing] that were performed on the fields, now performed, sort of feigned and 'held in' as they are p~rformed in dance halls with wooden stages.
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April, Thozama. « Theorising women : the intellectual contributions of Charlotte Maxeke to the struggle for liberation in South Africa ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3847_1360849448.

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The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women&rsquo
s studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke&rsquo
s legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women&rsquo
s Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history.

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Roberts-Lombard, Mornay. « Verhoudingsbemarking by reisagentskappe in die Wes-Kaap Provinsie / Mornay Roberts-Lombard ». Thesis, North-West University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/1731.

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Maboea, Sello Isaiah. « The influence of numinous power in the African traditional religion and the Zionist churches in Soweto - a comparative study ». Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/6824.

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Zwane, Mirriam Jeanette. « The federation of South African women and aspects of urban women's resistance to the policies of racial segregation, 1950-1970 ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7146.

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M.A.
The study purports to trace and analyse how African women used local structures in the 1950's and 1960's to seek redress against the policies of racial segregation. This study intends showing how African women have piloted local organisations during the period under review, how they resisted all attempts by the local municipal council to have women removed from the location and how women rejected the authority of the local boards. Protest movements and organisations, and the type of political activity women engaged in before the 1950's, have been largely ignored by the few writers who have considered the matter at all. This has resulted in the assumption that there were no women's activities prior to 1950. C. Kros wrote: "...(that) there is a general assumption that until the 1950's women were passive and took a back seat in all spheres except forone or two outbursts of activity, like for instance the resistance against the passes in the Free State in 1913." 3 The study purports to dispel the myth that African women were inactive prior to 1950: This study shows that the emergence of the squatter settlement in the late 1940's was spearheaded by African women who had nowhere to settle, except by pitching up shacks. By early 1940 urban workers found it increasingly difficult to obtain suitably priced residential accommodation as no new houses were built. The study will analyse how Sofasonke Mpanza, a member of the Orlando Advisory Board and the leader of the Sofasonke Mpanza Party, was able to win adherents to his party, the majority of whom were women and why African women in Orlando defied the Municipal Council's regulations and pitched up "shelters" which came to be known as the "Shanty Town".
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Wouters, Jacqueline Martha Francisca. « An anthropological study of healing practices in African Initiated Churches with specific reference to a Zionist Christian Church in Marabastad ». Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18867.

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This study encompasses an anthropological investigation of healing practices in the Zion Christian Church with reference to the Marabastad congregation in Pretoria (Tshwane), South Africa. The Zion Christian Church functions as an extremely successful healing ministry, and can thus be characterised as a spirit-type African Initiated Church, a type known to attract members through healing activities. The concepts of ill-health, health, healing and curing are crucial to understanding the church’s role, as all activities at the Zion Christian Church revolve around the attainment of absolute health. The embedded nature of healing in the church is explored through an analysis of the spatial and material aspects of the church’s healing practices, including codes of conduct, roles of participants, religious services, and intangible and tangible instruments of healing. The study is further contextualised against the broader history of the emergence and growth of African Initiated Churches from the late 19th century onwards
Anthropology & Archaeology
M.A. (Anthropology)
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Byrne, Sian Deborah. « "Building Tomorrow Today" : a re-examination of the character of the controversial "workerist" tendency associated with the Foundation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu) in South Africa, 1979-1985 ». Thesis, 2014.

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This report is concerned with unpacking the influential yet misunderstood “workerist” phenomenon that dominated the major independent (mostly black) trade unions born in the wake of the 1973 Durban strikes. “Workerism” is widely recognized as being concentrated in the Federation of South African Trade Unions (Fosatu). Workerism remains a source of much controversy in labour and left circles; this is due to the massive influence it commanded within the with black working class in its brief heyday, and the formidable challenge it presents to the legitimacy of nationalist movements and narratives attempting (then and now) to stake claims on the leadership of the liberation struggle. This controversy has yet to be resolved: both popular and scholarly attempts to theorise its politics are marked by demonstrable inconsistencies and inaccuracies, often reproducing existing polemical narratives that conceal more than they reveal. This paper contributes to that debate by deepening our understanding of the core politics of the important workerist phenomenon – through an examination of primary documents and interviews with key workerist leaders. I argue that workerism was a distinctive, mass-based and coherent multiracial current, hegemonic in the black trade unions but spilling into the broader anti-apartheid movement in the 1970s and 1980s. It stressed class struggle, non-racialism, anti-capitalism, worker selfactivity and union democracy, and was fundamentally concerned with the national liberation of the oppressed black majority. However, it distanced itself from the established traditions of mainstream Marxism and Congress nationalism – coming to a quasi-syndicalist1 position on many crucial questions, although this ran alongside a far more cautious “stream”, akin to social democracy. It fashioned a radical approach to national liberation that combined anticapitalism with anti-nationalism on a programme that placed trade unions (not parties) centrestage – a notable characteristic that made it the object of much suspicion and hostility. In the longer term, workerists developed a two-pronged strategy. This centred on, first, “building up a huge, strong movement in the factories” – strategically positioned at key loci of power in the economy (key sectors, plants and regions), with a view to “pushing back the frontiers of control”; second, it incorporated an extensive programme of popular education to ignite the growth of a “counter-hegemonic” working class politics, consciousness, identity and culture, thereby “ring-fencing workers from the broader nationalist history of our country” and continent. Right at the epicentre of this radical project was the creation of a conscious, accountable and active (in workplaces and communities) layer of worker leaders or “organic intellectuals”. I contend that a simple conflation of workerism with a form of Marxism, although prevalent in the literature, is misleading and inaccurate. Rather, workerism cannot be understood unless in relation to the far more eclectic and varied international New Left – through which it drew influence (direct and indirect) from a variety of sources, including revolutionary libertarian currents like anarchism, syndicalism and council communism, as well as others such as social democracy, and dissident forms of Marxism. But the unhappy co-existence of these contradictory tendencies (quasi-syndicalism and social democracy) interacted with a New Left-inspired, at times anti-theoretical, pragmatism to leave workerism weakened - hampered by inconsistencies and contradictions, expressed in ambivalent actions that were at once libertarian and more statist, revolutionary and reformist, spontaneous and premeditated, “boycottist” and “engagist”. This left a vacuum in the liberation struggle, paving a way for the resurgence of nationalism under ANC leadership. 1 Here I refer to the historical tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism, not the so-called “Leninist critique”.
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Livres sur le sujet "South African Zionist Federation"

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Federation, South African Zionist. One hundred years of South African Zionism. Johannesburg : South African Zionist Federation, 1998.

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University of the Witwatersrand. Library. Records of the Federation of South African Women. Johannesburg : The Library, University of the Witwatersrand, 1992.

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Egan, Anthony. The politics of a South African Catholic student movement, 1960-1987. [Cape Town] : Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, 1991.

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Draper, Alan. Conflict of interests : Organized labor and the civil rights movement in the South, 1954-1968. Ithaca, N.Y : ILR Press, 1994.

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South African Security Federation : A guide to the representative body for the security industry and security professions in South Africa. Thorold's Africana Books, distributor], 1994.

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South African Security Federation : A guide to the representative body for the security industry and security professions in South Africa. [Westville, South Africa : Security Publications S.A., 1994.

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Müller, Retief. African Pilgrimage : Ritual Travel in South Africa's Christianity of Zion. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Müller, Retief. African Pilgrimage. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.

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African pilgrimage : Ritual travel in South Africa's Christianity of Zion. Farnham, Surrey, England : Ashgate, 2011.

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Müller, Retief. African Pilgrimage : Ritual Travel in South Africa's Christianity of Zion. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "South African Zionist Federation"

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Parbhoo, N. « The South African Society of Anaesthesiologists and its Role in the WFSA ». Dans World Federation of Societies of Anaesthesiologists 50 Years, 185–91. Milano : Springer Milan, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-88-470-2133-4_14.

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Brink, Daniel, Llewelyn Roos, James Weller et Jean-Paul Van Belle. « Critical Success Factors for Migrating to OSS-on-the-Desktop : Common Themes across Three South African Case Studies ». Dans IFIP International Federation for Information Processing, 287–93. Boston, MA : Springer US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/0-387-34226-5_29.

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Bolnick, Joel. « 7. uTshani Buyakhuluma (The Grass Speaks) : People’s Dialogue and the South African Homeless People’s Federation ». Dans Urban Poverty in Africa, 83–90. Rugby, Warwickshire, United Kingdom : Practical Action Publishing, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9781780443720.007.

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Vinson, Robert Trent. « “African Redemption” ». Dans The Oxford Handbook of South African History, C10.S1—C10.N89. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190921767.013.10.

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Abstract This chapter surveys the politico-religious “prophesies of deliverance” in Ethiopian, Israelite, and Zionist Christian communities and in ostensibly secular Pan-Africanist, Garveyist, Marxist, and Africanist movements in segregationist South Africa (c.1890–1948). Black South Africans’ rich and varied interactions with African Americans and with overlapping Caribbean and continental African diasporic peoples were central to these transnational politico-religious movements. Following the intertwined lived historical experiences of these Africans and diasporic blacks, this chapter brings together often-separate African and African Diaspora histories within a “Global Africa” framework. Within the political context of segregationist South Africa, these black transnational religious movements had profound political implications. Transnational Black Christians viewed white supremacist claims that Africans were inferior, static, and primitive people outside of dynamic historical and contemporary processes, and were not fully equal in the Kingdom of God, as a political and theological evil. Transnational black Christians often saw themselves as modern-day Israelites, central actors in the divinely ordained movement of “African regeneration” to rescue humanity from the crisis of global white supremacy. For them, the Bible was not a closed historical record of a bygone and foreign people but a dynamic open book that prophesied imminent revelation and deliverance. Beyond their own close readings of the Bible, transnational Black Christians, reflecting their own sense of divinity, also wrote their own sacred texts, created their own black-led religious communities, educational institutions and entrepreneurial enterprises, claimed control of land and their labor, and infused ostensibly secular politics with fiery prophesies of imminent deliverance from the shackles of white supremacy.
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Simpson, Thula. « Red Peril ». Dans History of South Africa, 77–92. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197672020.003.0007.

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Abstract This chapter discusses South Africa's political realignment after the Rand Revolt, as the Nationalist and Labour parties concluded an electoral pact, and the South African and Unionist Parties merged. The realignment saw J.B.M. Hertzog become Prime Minister in 1924, while black South African politics moved left. Clements Kadalie initiated efforts to transform the ICU into a nationwide labor federation, while the CPSA--prodded by the Moscow-based Comintern--sought to build a popular base within existing black organizations. The communists gained important support from Josiah T. Gumede, the president from 1927 of the African National Congress (as the SANNC was re-named in 1923). The leftward shift in black politics was, however, fiercely resisted by the State, and by black conservative leaders within the said organizations, as the chapter narrates.
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Tshishonga, Ndwakhulu Stephen. « Housing Citizenship Through the Federation of Urban Poor in South Africa ». Dans Megacities and Rapid Urbanization, 413–32. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9276-1.ch021.

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This chapter explores the notion of housing citizenship through the Federation of Urban Poor (FEDUP) among the poor and homeless in South African townships. Through the Federation of Urban Poor, the poor people have been instrumental and pragmatic in promoting housing citizenship self-funded and with the help of the Department of Human Settlement both locally and nationally. The chapter makes use of human-capability development framework to draw lessons for active participation and empowerment in the delivery of services such as houses. The chapter found that the people involved in FEDUP managed to transform their dire situation from marginalization to empowerment and have managed to further outsource both government and private sector resources in the form of finances and human expertise. The data in this chapter are collected through face-to-face interviews, document analysis, and observations.
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Tshishonga, Ndwakhulu Stephen. « Housing Citizenship Through the Federation of Urban Poor in South Africa ». Dans Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 119–37. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-4165-3.ch007.

Texte intégral
Résumé :
This chapter explores the notion of housing citizenship through the Federation of Urban Poor (FEDUP) among the poor and homeless in South African townships. Through the Federation of Urban Poor, the poor people have been instrumental and pragmatic in promoting housing citizenship self-funded and with the help of the Department of Human Settlement both locally and nationally. The chapter makes use of human-capability development framework to draw lessons for active participation and empowerment in the delivery of services such as houses. The chapter found that the people involved in FEDUP managed to transform their dire situation from marginalization to empowerment and have managed to further outsource both government and private sector resources in the form of finances and human expertise. The data in this chapter are collected through face-to-face interviews, document analysis, and observations.
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Grant, Nicholas. « Political Prisoners ». Dans Winning Our Freedoms Together. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the gendered language political prisoners used to frame their experiences and the moral legitimacy of their struggles. In South Africa, prison was where this heroic vision of black masculinity could be forged. Black political prisoners used their carceral experiences to construct specific gender identities that affirmed their status as political leaders in the public sphere. In this configuration, the prison experiences of African women were often neglected. This led to black women often being cast as vulnerable figures in need of protection and denied their agency as political actors. Finally, the chapter traces how groups such as the Federation of South African Women (FSAW) and the ANC Women’s League engaged with and challenged this masculinist vison of black protest.
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Gerits, Frank. « Chapter 4 Redefining Decolonization in the Sahara, 1959–1960 ». Dans The Ideological Scramble for Africa, 84–102. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501767913.003.0005.

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This chapter looks into the redefinition of decolonization in the Sahara. It notes that negotiations about independence in Belgian Congo, British Central Africa, and French Algeria were profoundly shaped by Ghana's propaganda campaign and reconfigured diplomatic alliances in the North and South. The problem of African sovereignty was particularly urgent in 1959, following the atomic fallout on the African continent and the negotiations between colonial powers and African nationalists in the Belgian Congo and the Central African Federation. The chapter explains that the contested meaning of sovereignty was at the core of diplomatic debates following the explosion of the Sahara bombs. It highlights how the language of a Cold War arms race helped everyone avoid the real stakes of the debate, namely the future of African self-government.
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de Jong, Greta. « To Build Something, Where They Are ». Dans You Can't Eat Freedom. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469629308.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the efforts of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives to encourage cooperative enterprises and other economic development initiatives in rural southern communities. The services it provided to cooperatives ensured the survival of many black-owned businesses and encouraged African Americans to remain in the South instead of migrating away. The FSC’s activist staff continued the struggles for civil rights and social justice by working to increase black representation in economic development initiatives, encouraging black political participation, and organizing local communities to fight persistent racism. These efforts generated resistance from powerful white southerners. In 1979, accusations that the FSC was misusing government grants to fund political activities sparked an eighteen-month-long investigation that disrupted and weakened the organization, despite finding no evidence of wrongdoing.
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