Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Solidarietà. migrant women »

The chief aims of the Swedish municipality-based Facebook network SEM, ‘Solidarity with EU migrants’ [Solidaritet med EU migranter!] are to fight for better conditions and humane treatment of migrants primarily from Romania, who came to Sweden in hope of finding work and the ability to provide for their families. The site is to transmit relevant news, actions, organise money collections, political actions and alike. Those volunteers active in the group believe that ‘righteousness and solidarity’ should apply, even those who are in the grip of European Union bureaucracy. 1 Using theories of civil movements in the IT age, I elaborate on how the activists on the site respond to the challenges of the criminalisation of vulnerable European Union citizens, by balancing their engagement between the dimensions of ‘pragmatic voluntarism’ versus ‘subversive humanitarianism’. Furthermore, I explore how the site counteracts hegemonic master narratives on Roma as both idle and victims, who need to be saved from begging, by providing alternative narratives of subjectivities and identities to the Roma men and women they work with and for, seeing them as agents struggling to improve the lives of their families.

Four experiences of women´s migration from Recife to Europe are examined emphasizing sociability between generations, families and gender relations. The genealogical method is used as a tool to understand the logic of relatedness and mobility. Elder women's genealogies reveal the importance of kin relations and of Recife being a city of plural migrant destinations. Generational and gender hierarchies influence decisions about caretaking, cleaning, marriages and mobility. Women´s group solidarity is counterbalanced by male initiatives and patrilateral privileges in migration events. Redefinitions and reaffirmations of generational hierarchies are narrated in relation to migrant autonomy and subordination. Family references are seen as available mechanisms to circumvent national legal barriers to mobility. Informants' accounts of migrant experience relegate opinions about national and cultural differences as secondary to discourse about family and kin obligations. Migrants establish some autonomy and confront sociopolitical structures, even when facing double gender subordination and insertion in hierarchical kin networks.

In global labour markets, migrant workers are mainly found in precarious, low-status/low-wage occupations in undeclared work and the underground/informal sector of the economy which demands a low paid, uninsured, mobile, temporary and flexible workforce. This article argues that migrant women are mostly employed as domestic workers in various countries that demand precarious, low-status/low-wage service workers and personal services. Feminist scholarship on migration underlines, that social constructions of gender and racial stereotypes drive men and women into specific roles and therefore dictate their experiences. Social constructions of gender cannot be considered separate from social constructions of class, gender, race, ethnicity, and sexuality; female migrants are disassociated from family relationships, community associations, solidarity networks, and become susceptible to discrimination based on race and ethnicity, class and gender in the reception countries. This article provides an intersectional review of research on domestic work, healthcare and community networks in Greece (1990-2018). Intersectionality produces assumptions set in women’s race and ethnicity, projecting unequal labour rights among sexes in Greece. Gender, race and ethnicity subject women to obedience, susceptibility and exploitation, confining them to domestic work, and low-paid jobs without social rights. Last but not least, this article suggests that ethnic background and unstable legal residence status works as a mechanism of control and suppression, which in turn force female migrants to accept low wages, refrain from demanding healthcare services and from seeking support from migrant community associations. Employers confiscate their documents, monitor them and threaten to report them to the authorities, thus institutionalising exploitation, leading to forceful application of discipline, consent, subordination, obedience and dependency of domestic workers.

Evelyn is a community organiser and a PhD candidate at OISE of the University of Toronto. Her dissertation focuses on migrant work across rural Ontario and Rural Mexico. Born in Chile, raised in Canada, Evelyn has worked in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras with the Central American Network in Solidarity with Women Maquila Workers and with the Workers Support Centre in Puebla, Mexico. Evelyn is a founding member of Justice for Migrant Workers, a political collective that has fought for the rights of migrant farm workers in Canada since 2001

This research aims to find out how the media role of the Women solidarity Community in Sumbawa is in the campaign of protection and empowerment of women in Sumbawa District. This research uses qualitative methods and diffusion theory of innovations from Everett M.Rogers as a discussion analysis. This study was conducted on the media of Sumbawa women solidarity Community.Informan of the study is a follower of the media community of Sumbawa women solidarity.Data collection through observation, interviews, and documentation. Thus, the utility can find out how the media of the Women Solidarity Community Sumbawa in the campaign of protection and empowerment of women in Sumbawa district. The results of this study showed that the media of Sumbawa women's solidarity community campaigned for the protection of women by providing information, education, and portraying the story of the protection of migrant workers as well as the protection of violence in Sumbawa women.The Media of Sumbawa women's community is also instrumental in campaigning women's empowerment by providing socialization with the strengthening of women.This study analyzes the acceptance of audience innovation at the adoption rate against a community of Sumbawa women solidarity is acceptable and perceived in the life of Sumbawa community as a new matter or idea.And know the role of community media solidarity of Sumbawa women has been adopted to become information media and knowledge for the community in Sumbawa district. Keywords: Role of Media, Community, Protection, Empowerment, Women

This review examines Frontline Farmers: How the National Farmers Union Resists Agribusiness and Creates Our New Food Future, a new book about the activism of the National Farmers Union (NFU) over the past five decades. In this review I highlight the impact of the NFU in campaigns against the corporatization of the food system, their commitment to international and Indigenous solidarity, and the struggles faced by women within the organization. I also question the lack of discussion about solidarity with migrant farmworkers. Overall, this is an important book that is useful for food system activists, students and scholars.

There has been a change in the use of the au pair scheme in the past fifteen years that has created a shift from its original intention as a cultural exchange program. Socio- economic change in societies in the South and East has led to a new wave of female migrants seeking legal work opportunities in European countries, and change in the North has led to an increase in demand for domestic workers. The au pair program has become a means to cover these needs. Yet the use of the au pair institution as a temporary domestic work system creates challenges that not only contradict its intention, but also fail to offer labor rights and protection to the migrant women who enter the program to earn money. This article examines the au pair system in Norway, a country known for social and gender equality and a strongly developed welfare system based on social democratic ideals of solidarity. The article focuses in particular on how the au pair scheme is being misused as a temporary domestic work system by both the host families and the au pairs, and the exploitation and human trafficking cases that have emerged as a consequence in recent years.

Incorporating contemporary theories of Aliyah (Jewish migration to Israel) by English speakers and family intergenerational solidarity, this article compares the perspective of older women who immigrated to Israel accompanied by their families with representatives of organizational stakeholders: paid professionals as well as volunteers. The textual corpus of 14 episodic interviews conducted in two Israeli cities has been analyzed using the method of descending hierarchical clustering. The resulting four clusters focus on information, family, friends, and language-related challenges, in the opposition of public sphere (Clusters 1 and 4) versus private sphere (Clusters 2 and 3). The privileged condition of family solidarity contributes to the migrants’ abilities to overcome the difficulties, buffering them from migration-related stress. The findings are discussed in the light of a theoretical compass model of intergenerational Aliyah.

Abstract The article analyzes two novels of migration by Nigerian women authors in the context of Afropolitanism: Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Americanah (2013) and Sefi Atta’s A Bit of Difference (2013). It is argued that Afropolitanism obscures the reasons why migration from Africa to the West has been increasing in the decades since independence, rather than decreasing. In comparing the two novels, the article focuses on empathy towards and solidarity between fellow Nigerians, which has been seen by Nigerian philosopher Chielozona Eze as crucial for building African civil society and functional state.

This thesis project is an act of solidarity research with the Berlin based Latin American women’s organization Xochicuicatl. Along the idea that research should be based on the interests and needs of oppressed groups, the research design was developed in cooperation with the organization. The study centers on migration movements between Latin America and the Caribbean and Germany. Moreover, it investigates the dynamics of inner-outer interplay between the organization the beneficiaries and the overall migrant group. The main method isa qualitative content analysis of documents out of the organization’s archive. The organization’s response to transformations is thereby analyzed through action within invited (coping) and invented (resistance) spaces of citizenship. In this regard, the organization’s space is understoodas a subaltern counterpublic which enables a connection between coping and resistance.

Abstract italiano: La presenza crescente di donne migranti e appartenenti a minoranze etniche nei paesi occidentali pone una serie di sfide alle teorie e pratiche femministe. Le donne migranti ci aiutano a considerare come il genere non sia l’unico elemento attraverso cui analizzare la discriminazione delle donne. Questa necessità emerge con forza dalla critica al concetto di “sorellanza globale” operata dal femminismo postcoloniale. Tale critica genera una domanda fondamentale rispetto al se, come e in che misura sia possible costruire un progetto politico comune tra donne diverse principalmente sulla base della ‘razza’, etnia, status legale/cittadinanza, classe ed età. Questa tesi esplora tale domanda nell’ambito delle associazioni interculturali di donne in Italia. La ricerca si concentra sulle sfide legate allo sviluppo di pratiche femministe interculturali fondate su un concetto di “solidarietà femminista riflessiva” e analizza la possibilità di realizzare progetti per un impegno politico comune basati sui concetti di solidarietà e dialogo. L’approccio metologico utilizzato si basa su interviste in profondità con donne migranti e Italiane di nascita, nell’ambito delle 6 associazioni interculturali di donne analizzate, e su un’analisi documentaria di testi prodotti dalle stesse organizzazioni. Lo studio mostra come in questo ambito, mentre la costruzione di un progetto politico comune tra donne posizionate in maniera diversa e ineguale viene considerato un obiettivo importante da perseguire, una serie di ostacoli alla sua piena realizzazione sono identificati. In particolare, si esplora il ruolo che le politiche razzializzate svolgono nell’ambito delle pratiche femministe interculturali esaminando come le nozioni di identita’, ‘razza’, diseguaglianza e differenza culturale vengono affrontate nelle associazioni, anche attraverso l’approccio degli studi critici su “l’essere bianco/a”. La contestazione di rigide categorizzazioni delle donne e il riconoscimento della natura ibrida delle culture emergono come elementi utili a contrastare forme di razzismo, ma al tempo stesso possono anche essere utilizzati per nascondere differenze di potere. La ricerca analizza, inoltre, come le relazioni di potere e le pratiche organizzative condizionino la possibilità di ottenere forme di solidarietà femminista riflessiva. Un’attenzione specifica viene dedicata ai modi di contestare discorsi culturali dominanti, in particolare attraverso una comparazione interculturale tra pratiche dannose per le donne e attraverso lo sviluppo di politiche incentrate sul tema del lavoro domestico e di cura sia a livello individuale che statale. Queste emergono come questioni fondamentali al fine di far progredire l’agenda di un impegno femminista interculturale sia a livello associativo che a livello sociale più ampio. Abstract inglese: The increasing presence of women migrants and ethnic minorities in western countries poses a series of challenges to established feminist theories and practices. Migrant women force us to realise that gender cannot be the only ground on which to analyse women’s oppression. This necessity is highlighted in the feminist post-colonial critique of the notion of “global sisterhood”. Such a critique generates fundamental questions about whether, how, and to what extent, it is possible to have a common political project among women positioned differently in particular in terms of ‘race’, ethnicity, legal status/citizenship, class and age. The thesis explores these questions within the specific setting of women’s intercultural associations in Italy. It focuses on the challenges to the development of intercultural feminist practices based on a concept of reflexive solidarity. This research argues for the importance of identifying projects of common political engagement based on concepts of solidarity and dialogue. A mixed methods approach is adopted based on qualitative in-depth interviews with migrant and Italian-born women within six selected intercultural associations in Italy and on a documentary analysis of texts produced by the organisations. This study shows that within these settings, while having a common political engagement among women positioned differently and unequally is recognised as an important aim to pursue, a number of specific challenges and obstacles to its realisation are identified. In particular, it explores the potential role that racialised politics plays in the framework of intercultural feminist practices by investigating how notions of identity, ‘race’, inequality and cultural difference are addressed, taking into account also the approach of critical studies on whiteness. The research reveals that contesting rigid categorisations of women, and recognising the hybrid nature of cultures, may address aspects of racism but may also serve to conceal power differentials. The research further analyses how power relationships and organisational practices affect the possibility of achieving forms of feminist reflexive solidarity. Specific attention is devoted to ways of contesting and challenging dominant cultural discourses, in particular through cross-cultural comparisons of practices harmful to women, and by developing policies that focus on the issue of domestic and care work at both individual and State level. These emerge as crucial issues in order to progress the transformative agenda of feminist intercultural work at both an organisational and a wider societal level.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

AbstractThis chapter summarizes the interaction between integration and agency by comparing migrants’ encounters with labour markets through which their agency challenges existing discourses. The chapter investigates the complex relationship between policy discourse, gender, and class in the production of migrant agency across different countries. The gendered experiences of low labour in Denmark centre around the crucial moments of retraining for migrant women, through which they reconsider their adjustment to the labour market as ‘devoid integration’. The EU discourses of integration are further disrupted by humanitarian migrants in Scotland and Switzerland, whose encounters with the non-recognition of qualifications and inadequate social welfare contradict the ‘migrant-welcoming’ national facades. The Canadian grand discourse of ‘smooth transition’ is opposed by the analysis of aspirations that clash with outcomes such as the labour market entrance. In this connection, we can see the Italian ‘borderline’ space of the informal market, within which many legal economic migrants navigate a complex web of existing laws and informal opportunities. The comparison is amplified by a visually ‘successful’ portrait of entrepreneurial integration, which is nevertheless perceived by skilled migrants in Finland as a less desirable option. The quality of migrants’ agency thus becomes contested if they seek to progress in the labour market. An essential element in this contestation is the transnational migrants’ disagreement with official discourses of ethnic solidarity and national citizenship in the Czech Republic. The comparative analysis of these lived experiences leads toward a new understanding of ‘agency’ and ‘resilience’ in labour market integration.

This chapter examines the gendered dimensions of solidarity, carework and activism in multiple contexts along the migrant journey. It links together the highly visible labors of a caravan of mothers of disappeared migrants with the less visible yet no less important labors of local women who sustain migrant shelters on a daily basis. In doing so, I demonstrate the transnational feminist politics and forms of solidarity that undergird these local and transnational economies of compassion and social justice.

In this chapter, I discuss migrant community-based organizations (CBOs) operating in Thailand that work to combat labor exploitation in wholly different ways. Run by ethnic women and operating “below the radar” of the anti-trafficking movement, these organizations address the issue of trafficking from a unique perspective. Rather than pressuring sex workers to enter “rehabilitation” programs, these groups operate in solidarity with female migrants, fostering participatory, rather than top-down approaches to combating trafficking. As a result, these CBOs engage an ethic of “horizontalism”—an organizational approach to social change that is based on partnership, trust, and mutual understanding between the organization and its beneficiaries. I show how, through offering female migrant laborers positive alternatives to the tropes of victimization commonly used by anti-trafficking NGOs, their work is generating more productive results.

This chapter underscores the smuggling narratives of young female facilitators. Based on in-person and in-court testimonies of three young women investigated for migrant smuggling on the U.S.-Mexico border, it challenges the androcentric view of smuggling as solely performed by men and shows how the facilitation of irregular migration relies on the support, care work, and solidarity accomplished by women and young girls.

This chapter focuses on reproductive health among migrant women in Italy. The welfare crisis in Italy and southern Europe has not only had negative effects on women, but is also a sign of the siege mentality of the European social model. Populist political movements are using religion, especially Islam and Muslim women, as a scapegoat to avoid dealing with the underlying issues of social and economic solidarity in Europe and indeed beyond. Despite the fact that this study is based on reproductive health among Muslim women, it reveals broader tensions: between conservative and progressive Catholics in Italy, and between religious and secular values in the gendered and moral crisis of the Italian welfare system. The chapter also illustrates a novel form of research dissemination—that is, the production of a video in order to raise awareness of the social rights of migrant women.

Having summarised the underlying structural factors to be addressed, in the context of neo-liberal globalisation, this concluding chapter focuses upon the issues to be addressed within and between communities themselves. Communities can, and too often do, exacerbate the effects of displacement, becoming fragmented and divided in the process, blaming each other/ ‘the other’ for their frustrations and anxieties. But these are so far from being the only options, as previous chapters have amply demonstrated. The concluding chapter identifies the importance of common understandings as the basis for social solidarity, developing alliances across differences, taking account of the importance of community arts as a way of developing shared understandings and empathy in the pursuit of social justice agendas. The chapter ends with a collaborative poem, written by migrant, asylum-seeking and refugee women, expressing their solidarity in the face of displacement and dispossession.

We set out to find out how the sex-age structure of religion of internal migrants influences their integration in the socio-economic activities of Maroua. We used the exponential non-discriminative snowball sampling method to collect data in which each new referral provided us with more data for referral until we got enough number of subjects for the sample. We concluded that: if one is a Muslim, one will have a stable and progressing business because Muslims maintain a good relationship with their neighbors and they also practice a relationship of solidarity. However, the socio-economic activities of Catholics, Pentecostals and Protestants suffer because they lack the cultural capital that Muslims enjoy. However, age plays a major role: when they are 45–54 years old, the income of the internally migrated Muslims and Catholics drastically decline while that of Pentecostals and Protestants increases. Older Muslims and Catholics earn basically very low income unlike Protestants who earn very high salary. The income inequality among men is much higher than that among women. Generally, men have a more conflictual relationship with their neighbors than women and women diversify their relationship with the natives more than men.

This chapter moves beyond the St George’s societies that scholars portray as proof that the English principally indulged in elite civic activism rather than ethnic behaviour. A second tier of English association developed in the 1870s catering specifically for independent working class migrants. The Order of the Sons of St George (OSStG; 1870) and the Sons of England (1874) represented something different. Clearly, working-class Englishmen and women in the US and Canada felt the need for another type of organization—one whose fees they could afford, something that provided them with mutual aid. These English ethnic friendly societies drew upon homeland traditions. In the US, they also took shape with an American culture of associating. Such organizations were structured by the imperatives of class solidarity and ethnic togetherness. Indeed, ethnicity also sponsored (and was sponsored by) tension and competition with the Irish. This chapter traces these developments with a particular view to the context in which they were founded, and where they were set up. The OSStG, for instance, came about in part as a coordinated response to a heightened ethnic consciousness.