Articles de revues sur le sujet « Sociologia delle emergenze »

Il contributo si propone di analizzare sotto il profilo sociologico alcuni dei principali nodi problematici evidenziatisi in seguito alla diffusione delle tecniche di procreazione assistita. Il punto di partenza di questa analisi è costituito dal superamento della definizione strettamente medica della sterilità e della considerazione di tale fenomeno come "questione sociale totale", che coinvolge l'individuo nella sua interezza, vale a dire nella sua dimensione fisica, psichica, affettiva e relazionale. L'assunzione di tale prospettiva implica inevitabilmente un'attenta valutazione dell'impatto delle tecniche di procreazione assistita sulla specifica configurazione della famiglia e della coppia che a tali tecniche si rivolge; inoltre, la diffusione di queste procedure, che, come si può intuire, ha comportato un mutamento di segno problematico del significato della genitorialità, richiede, al fine di evitare un ripiegamento in senso puerocentrico e narcisistico della cultura familiare, la delineazione dei diritti di tutti i soggetti coinvolti nel procedimento di procreazione assistita - ed in primo luogo di quelli del bambino nato tramite queste tecniche - ed un leale confronto tra i diritti stessi.

Nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo il tema del gioco d'azzardo risulta essere uno degli argomenti più dibattuti. Gli sviluppi informatici con le nuove modalità di giochi online hanno permesso infatti di ampliare il fenomeno rendendolo sempre più diffuso all'interno dei tessuti sociali delle nostre città. La riflessione teorica sembra però non stare al passo con le implicazioni sociali aperte da questo fenomeno. È del 1949, grazie agli studi di Edward Devereux, la prima analisi esplicitamente sociologica del gioco d'azzardo. Nell'ambito della sociologia non era ancora emerso un filone di studi sulle implicazioni sociali del gioco d'azzardo. Nel presente contributo si ripercorrerà la storia del contributo che le teorie sociologiche hanno dato allo studio di questo fenomeno, dividendo le prospettive ed i temi di analisi in due grandi scuole di pensiero: gli approcci funzionalisti, da Devereux in poi, e gli approcci disfunzionalisti, che hanno avuto in Herbert Bloch (1951) il loro capostipite.

Da tempo il tema della mobilitŕ sociale e spaziale interessa discipline come la sociologia, la geografia e l'economia. I processi migratori, dall'altro, sono diventati un oggetto specifico della ricerca scientifica. Tuttavia entrambi si sono sviluppati all'interno delle societŕ industriali moderne e appare lecito dubitare del fatto che essi possano ancora rappresentare in modo adeguato la condizione di individui e di gruppi sociali post-moderni che devono organizzare la propria vita in contesti socio-spaziali altamente flessibili. L'Ufficio Federale per l'Edilizia e la Progettazione Regionale tedesco () ha recentemente dedicato un numero speciale della rivista "Informazioni sullo Sviluppo Spaziale" () al tema della multilocalitŕ. Il termine sta assumendo sempre piů importanza nel dibattito internazionale al fine di descrivere alcuni tratti specifici della vita quotidiana postmoderna. In questo saggio l'autore ripercorre i passaggi salienti del dibattito sul tema in corso nell'ambiente scientifico di lingua tedesca. In un primo momento, descrivendo il significato attribuito al concetto di multilocalitŕ e agli elementi che lo differenziano da quelli di mobilitŕ e di migrazione. In seguito, mostrandone i campi di applicazione di maggiore interesse per la ricerca scientifica.

Il contributo propone un'intervista a due antropologi: Frédéric Keck, direttore del Laboratorio di antropologia sociale (CNRS-Collège de France-ehess) e Andrew Lakoff, docente di sociologia e comunicazione (University of Southern California). Da tempo si sono interrogati sulle relazioni tra azione pubblica, emergenza e costruzione di dispositivi di biosicurezza, mettendo a fuoco la costruzione della ‘preparedness'.Sembra, questa, una prospettiva di grande interesse per comprendere limiti e possibilità dell'assunzione di un approccio ispirato al concetto di preparedness nel campo della pianificazione e delle politiche urbane.

- After describing the context in which the ‘quadrilateral'of Ardigň was conceived as an innovative gnoseological tool aimed to characterize the rising Italian Health Sociology in comparison with the much more well established tradition of the Northern American and British Medical Sociology, the essay tries to trace its cultural origins: which are found, at the level of scientific debate, in the ‘great coupure' or epistemological turning point of the Thirties, which Ardigň considers the framework from which to move; and, on the other side, in the micro-macro debate which characterized the sociological discipline during the Seventies and the Eighties with the opposition between the Sociologies of the subjective action versus the Sociologies of the social system, and the attempt to get over it by making a ‘paradigm of exit from the postmodern' which could deal in depth with the intrinsic double face and the ambivalence of the social stuff. In the last part, the developments of the ‘quadrilateral'are traced in the attempts of further elaboration by its critical application to different fields of the Sociology of Health (health care systems, health reforms, quality of health care services, health inequalities) which shape an emerging new paradigm of connectionist type.Keywords: "quadrilateral", Sociology of Health, Medical Sociology, ambivalence, connectionist paradigm, postmodern.Parole chiave: "quadrilatero", sociologia della salute, medical sociology, ambivalenza, paradigma connessionista, postmoderno.

Ricostruire a seguito di emergenze di diversa origine richiede oggi una comprensione dei fenomeni a scala globale e locale. Da un lato i riferimenti di scenario a modelli economici e azione universali e dall'altro la comprensione delle opportunità di ogni luogo e della comunità insediata costituiscono due poli entro cui i processi di ricostruzione gravitano. È centrale l'esigenza di iscrivere dentro processi che necessitano di un grado minimo di uniformità le diversità che emergono dal rapporto con il contesto geografico, le sue sedimentazioni storiche e la costruzione di traiettorie di sviluppo specifiche.

Le dinamiche della segregazione residenziale in Italia sono un tema emergente di discussione della coesistenza interetnica. Questo articolo presenta il contributo di Schelling su tale argomento. Nel XX secolo, diversi autori hanno elaborato un certo numero di indici di segregazione. Schelling ha proposto di studiare la segregazione residenziale utilizzando un modello lineare e un modello a scacchiera. La metafora della linea consente di avere una sequenza illimitata di simboli, mentre la metafora della scacchiera introduce restrizioni ai vicinati, con i suoi confini e i suoi angoli. La persistente vitalitŕ del pensiero di Schelling per lo studio della segregazione sociale nelle cittŕ dipende soprattutto dalle scoperte sulle relazioni inattese tra le scelte residenziali degli individui e la segregazione complessiva dei vicinati. Pertanto, una cittŕ integrata puň condurre alla segregazione anche qualora nessun attore individuale desiderasse la segregazione risultante. Tutto ciň solleva seri dubbi sulla reale possibilitŕ delle politiche pubbliche di perseguire l'integrazione residenziale promuovendo l'apertura e la tolleranza della diversitŕ.

Il presente contributo indaga il ruolo delle Citta Metropolitane nel campo della rigenerazione urbana e di come questo tema sia entrato nelle agende strategiche di questi Enti. L'obiettivo di questo studio comparativo e quello di evidenziare quali siano gli approcci comuni adottati e quali i temi emergenti, cosi da animare un dibattito sulle opportunita ed i limiti degli strumenti attuali e, piu in generale, di identificare il ruolo e le sfide per le Citta Metropolitane in questo campo.

L'evoluzione delle politiche di sviluppo urbano nel contesto europeo degli ultimi decenni č stata caratterizzata da modifiche strutturali nelle relazioni di potere: dal governo della cittŕ, incentrato sulla pianificazione urbanistica e il piano regolatore si č passati a forme piů o meno articolate e solo in parte pluraliste di governance urbana, grazie alle quali importanti gruppi immobiliari, immobiliaristi improvvisati e free-riders, importanti gruppi industriali alleati con le grandi centrali del credito e della finanza, hanno trovato maggiori consensi politico-culturali e minori difficoltŕ procedurali nel dirigere, imporre e realizzare grandi progetti di trasformazione urbana. La progressiva crescita del mercato immobiliare, sostenuto e drogato dal mercato finanziario, ha facilitato la proposizione e la realizzazione di GPU, almeno fino al 2007/2008, anno del crack finanziario occidentale, dal quale sono rimasti parzialmente immuni Paesi emergenti le cui economie non erano state ancora tanto profondamente modificate dal sistema finanziario di Stati Uniti ed Europa occidentale. Con differenze di scala e di magnitudo una folta schiera di cittŕ europee e nordamericane si sono impegnate nella realizzazione di GPU, seguite in questo processo dalle principali cittŕ di Paesi emergenti o di potenze in via di consolidamento (Pechino, Shangai, San Paolo, Cittŕ del Messico ecc.). Anche cittŕ piccole e medie si sono impegnate nella sfida di innovare e trasformare i propri tessuti, la propria economia e il proprio rango urbano, investendo in progetti affidati molto spesso alle cosiddette "archistar" internazionali o a societŕ di progettazione parti- colarmente avanzate sui temi della costruzione ecologica e del risparmio energetico. Il presente saggio propone un caso studio particolarmente interessante, caratterizzato da dinamiche precipue e non riscontrabili in molti altri contesti: le recenti trasformazioni urbane nella cittŕ di Dnipropetrovsk (Nipropetrovsk), capoluogo dell'omonima regione, una delle cittŕ principali dell'Ucraina dal punto di vista economico, politico e culturale.

Il saggio indaga le dinamiche di segregazione scolastica emergenti nel contesto urbano di Milano. A una bassa segregazione etnica a livello residenziale non corrisponde necessariamente un basso rischio di segregazione a livello scolastico, poiché le dinamiche di segregazione scolastica emergono dall'interazione di diversi processi: la crescita del numero di minori di origine straniera in etŕ scolare; l'esistenza di microconcentrazioni di immigrati in alcuni quartieri della cittŕ; le differenze nelle dinamiche demografiche tra popolazione italiana e straniera; il delinearsi di strategie attive delle famiglie italiane volte ad evitare scuole ritenute socialmente inadatte, alla ricerca di ambienti che offrono migliori opportunitŕ di riproduzione del capitale sociale famigliare.

- The article focuses the condition and the struggles of the intermittent workers of spectacle in France, who are supposed to be an example of the productive transformations and the processes of segmentation of the contemporary capitalism. Based on these changes, in which the cultural production has a central role, the author problematizes the classical sociological distinction between "artistic critics" and social critics, highlighting the emergence of new labor figures.

La sociologia della complessita aiuta a guardare a fenomeni propri della post-modernita, in cui la dimensione planetaria dell'economia e dei mercati finanziari e una crescente interconnessione tramite il web trasformano la condizione dell'uomo "costretto" a confrontarsi con multicause dagli effetti non prevedibili deterministicamente, non lineari, emergenti da processi di auto-organizzazione, in un mondo sempre piu ampio e accelerato dai progressi nelle conoscenze scientifiche. Anche la sanita va verso un approccio sempre piu tecnologico e data-driven. L'Autrice evidenzia che se si tratta di tecnologie intensive, che incorporano il ruolo e le scelte dell'essere umano, per cui poter predire non coincide necessariamente con il poter controllare, il ruolo del manager in Sanita diventa quello di facilitatore di processi flessibili, capaci di adattarsi a un ambiente incerto e mutevole, anche dotandosi di nuovi profili di competenza capaci di collegare saperi esperti.

Il saggio si occupa delle nuove forme di disuguaglianza nell'accesso alle risorse urbane emergenti nella cittŕ contemporanea. Inizialmente riferito ai luoghi di destinazione degli spostamenti e ai costi diretti e indiretti sostenuti per raggiungerli, il concetto di accessibilitŕ urbana ha allargato la sua valenza e riguarda oggi le differenziate abilitŕ/possibilitŕ che individui e gruppi sociali hanno di contrattare a proprio favore i tempi e gli spazi della vita quotidiana, in modo da compiere le pratiche e mantenere le relazioni che essi ritengono significative per la propria vita sociale. I vincoli all'accesso alle risorse urbane possono essere analizzati facendo riferimento ad un insieme composito di fattori e concause, che rimandano a forme di disuguaglianza sociale sia classiche (reddito, livello culturale, etŕ, genere...) che inedite (sovranitŕ nell'uso del tempo, capitale di mobilitŕ, residenzialitŕ...), come pure alle caratteristiche del sistema infrastrutturale e di trasporto e all'organizzazione e allocazione spazio-temporale delle attivitŕ. Il saggio č composto da una sezione teorica e da una sezione empirica. La sezione teorica č finalizzata a chiarire alcuni nodi problematici relativamente alla definizione del concetto di accessibilitŕ e al nesso mobilitŕ-accessibilitŕ-equitŕ sociale. La sezione empirica presenta i risultati di una ricerca sulle relazioni tra localizzazione residenziale, dotazione di servizi di prossimitŕ e accesso alleurbane realizzata tramite indagine campionaria a famiglie con figli residenti in quartieri centrali, periferici e periurbani di tre aree metropolitane italiane (Milano, Bologna e Torino).

Il saggio propone una riflessione critica sui criteri adottati dalla SNAI per la perimetrazione delle aree interne e la selezione di ambiti pilota. Il percorso metodologico, testato su Campania e Basilicata e replicabile sull'intero territorio nazionale, definisce criteri e indicatori in grado di disvelare, oltre alle ben note dinamiche di declino, il potenziale dei territori interni, a supporto di una più adeguata definizione degli ambiti di intervento e delle strategie di sviluppo.

Il presente contributo propone una riflessione teorico-metodologica sulla mobilitŕ di gruppi sociali emergenti a partire dalla lettura di alcuni dati concernenti l'aumento generalizzato degli spostamenti nel nostro paese. La mobilitŕ come esito e fonte di pratiche specifiche di vita riguarda, infatti, un numero crescente di persone e rappresenta un aspetto rilevante nella vita quotidiana di ciascuno. Ciň rende sempre piů necessario delineare, anche attraverso l'analisi sociologica, modelli interpretativi precisi, costruiti in base alle caratteristiche socio-economiche e culturali degli individui oltre che alle loro motivazioni agli spostamenti. La diffusione degli spostamenti quotidiani effettuati per ragioni diverse che per viaggi di lavoro o vacanza interessa vari tipi di popolazioni contribuendo peraltro a trasformare la mobilitŕ da esperienza eccezionale a momento di routine. Questa larga diffusione del fenomeno chiama in causa a maggior ragione proprio quei segmenti sociali che hanno fatto della mobilitŕ e della transitorietŕ residenziale i loro punti di forza nelle societŕ contemporanee. Tra questi troviamo sicuramente la cosiddettacostituita da soggetti altamente mobili e per i quali nell'articolo si cercherŕ di individuare le traiettorie possibili di mobilitŕ alla luce della concentrazione territoriale di forza lavoro e utenti riconducibili a determinati settori e servizi culturali.

Il saggio affronta il tema della circolarita economica e urbana intesa come sottoinsieme del paradigma della sostenibilita, evidenziando potenzialita e limiti di un nuovo modello in via di affermazione e diffusione a scala planetaria. Il ragionamento critico prende le mosse dalla recente produzione di documenti istituzionali e l'ancora ridotta produzione scientifica sull'argomento per proporre un'interpretazione non ortodossa sul rapporto fra circolarita e citta.

In this article, I offer a reading of the ‘creation’ offemminicidioand of its role in the emergence of a new women’s question in Italy. I concentrate on three central steps in the legitimation of the word and the worldsfemminicidio: Unione delle Donne Italiane (UDI)’s political use of the term in 2006, UDI’sStaffettain 2008/2009, and the birth of the movementSe Non Ora Quandoin 2011. By following Rancière’s understanding of politics as a ‘reconfiguration of the sensible’, I argue that the emergence offemminicidiofostered the emergence of a ‘community of sense’ of women as a new political subject. This community did not gather mainly aroundideasof who a woman is or should be, nor did it arise from a common acknowledgement of the nature of ‘violence’. Rather, it was structured around sharedfeelingsandaffects,triggered by women’s sense of being actual or potential objects of violence.

La formazione delle Scuole di Architettura è perlopiù mono-scalare, nel senso che tende a concentrarsi su una sola scala progettuale. L'abitare è invece inter-scalare. Questa asincronia tra agire progettuale e abitare genera una tensione tra gli esiti del costruito e i suoi destinatari. Qui si mette ciò in relazione con i problemi generati da emergenze sanitarie di tipo pandemico, valutando come la limitata socialità imposta dalle misure di prevenzione ha effetti su alcuni aspetti dell'abitare.

IntroduzioneLa caduta dei regimi comunisti in Europa nel 1989-1990 è stata in alcuni casi innescata, in altri sancita dallo svolgimento di libere elezioni. è stato l'imporsi del tema e della pratica della rappresentanza politica, unitamente all'estrema rapidità del processo, che ha spinto alcuni a parlare della transizione democratica in quest'area geopolitica come di una «rivoluzione». Per quei paesi almeno che fanno parte del bacino centro-orientale – esclusa dunque l'area balcanica – è oggi all'ordine del giorno l'obiettivo di completare l'instaurazione di istituzioni democratiche (quanto alla prospettiva di un loro rapido ed efficace consolidamento, non andrebbero invece trascurate le notevoli difficoltà che già stanno emergendo).

La teoria dello shock insegna come alcune scelte, seppur controverse in condizioni normali, possono sembrare una necessità per affrontare situazioni di emergenza come nel caso del terremoto del 6 aprile 2009 che ha colpito la città dell'Aquila. La necessità di edilizia "provvisoria" ha generato un forte stress urbanistico favorito dalle discutibili politiche terri-toriali adottate. Il lavoro presentato analizza gli effetti di queste scelte sul mercato immobiliare e sulla rendita urbana.

Il percorso partecipativo attivato per la realizzazione del piano strutturale in un piccolo comune della periferia toscana permette di sviluppare alcune riflessioni sulle opportunitŕ e i limiti dell'attivazione di processi partecipativi in realtŕ di piccole dimensioni. L'autrice evidenzia dilemmi e conflitti emergenti in contesti marginali rispetto al sistema socioeconomico, infrastrutturale e turistico dominante, dotati di un buon substrato di capitale sociale, ma di scarse risorse tecniche, finanziarie e culturali.

Benché da tempo utilizzato in letteratura e nella prassi d'impresa, il concetto di "cittadinanza d'impresa" rimane ancora relativamente indefinito e poco approfondito. Ispirandosi soprattutto a un recente filone del dibattito anglosassone, l'articolo propone di andare oltre la diffusa tendenza a usare questa espressione come semplice sinonimo di "responsabilitŕ sociale d'impresa". In particolare, si evidenziano tre ulteriori possibili declinazioni del concetto: cittadinanza d'impresa come pratica olistica della responsabilitŕ sociale; come interdipendenza nella comunitŕ locale di riferimento; e come ruolo di governo dei titoli di cittadinanza - tradizionali ma anche emergenti - dei soggetti individuali. Il quadro complessivo che ne scaturisce invita non solo a guardare sempre piů alle imprese come attori politici, ma, piů profondamente, a metterne in luce l'influenza nelle attuali dinamiche di trasformazione della cittadinanza stessa.

The 21st-century construction of a new Chinese political discourse faces the same dilemma that Chinese intellectuals first identified in the 19th century – how to make currently pre-eminent Eurocentric sociocultural, economic and political theory and praxis compatible with Sinocentric sociocultural, economic and political circumstances. At the same time, among Chinese thinkers and strategists, there is a growing self-confidence in China’s ability to play a pre-eminent role in a new post-Western world order. Euro-American faith in the convergence of all societies into a single economic, social and political model defined by the heritage of the European Enlightenment and by Euro-American history is challenged by the emergence of new economic powers outside the Euro-American sphere that resist this model. Eurocentric sociocultural, economic and political theory and praxis must adapt themselves to the emerging paradigms and praxis of an emerging multicultural world order. During a historical period when Afro-Eurasian connectivity was at its height and Ibn Battuta and Marco Polo traversed Eurasia, Ramon Llull (1232–1316) tried in his Ars Magna Generalis (ca. 1274) to develop a new common and consensual terminology and logic of key terms and beliefs that would facilitate mutual understanding among Christians, Jews and Muslims. Shortly thereafter, in his Muqaddimah, Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) elaborated a universal theory of history. Giambattista Vico (1668–1744) tried something similar in Principi di Scienza Nuova d’intorno alla Comune Natura delle Nazioni. The development of new cross-cultural paradigms on a common, multicultural and consensual basis is needed, based on better knowledge of the non-Euro-American languages and cultures involved and more collaborative international and multicultural efforts to promote and build better mutual knowledge and understanding. Mutual respect requires mutual knowledge in order to construct a common and consensual multicultural civic discourse that could lead to more innovative and productive paradigms and more meaningful cooperation.

Questo articolo pone al centro dell’attenzione il fenomeno dell’investimento da remoto in asset finanziari (trading online), ad oggi una delle macro-aree di maggiore successo dell’industria Fintech. L’obiettivo principale della ricerca è identificare i fattori di rilevanza sociologica che ne hanno catalizzato la crescita, con un focus particolare sul caso dell’Italia. In primo luogo, dal lato dell’offerta, l’espansione di tale pratica nel paese è stata alimentata dal progressivo consolidamento di un articolato ecosistema di servizi digitali per l’investimento. D’altra parte, anche dinamiche legate alla domanda hanno rivestito un ruolo di primo piano: per meglio comprenderle abbiamo condotto uno studio qualitativo su un campione di 25 investitori amatoriali italiani; la nostra indagine mostra che l’espansione del trading online si deve soprattutto ad una diffusa necessità di far fronte a questioni cruciali per gli individui, come la gestione della carriera personale o il reperimento delle risorse finanziarie necessarie alla riproduzione sociale. Il materiale raccolto evidenzia inoltre che, soprattutto per i soggetti più fragili, il legame tra finanza e sfera personale tende ulteriormente a intensificarsi nei momenti di crisi, e la rapida crescita registrata dal settore in occasione della recente emergenza pandemica rappresenta un chiaro esempio di questa dinamica.

The aim of the article is to demonstrate the potential of sociological concepts by Italian political scientist and sociologist Donatella Della Porta and American sociologist Drew Halfmann, to analyze political participation and motivation for it, to determine a new perspective for understanding the essence of political participation, the factors by which political involvement can be transformed. Within the framework of the analysis of D. Della Porta’s concept, the features of the organization of social movements and the mobilization of their participants in the information society are outlined, based on the emergence of horizontal ties between the participants of social movements based on the formation of identity, solidarity, collective actions and democratic innovations. The features of citizens’ political participation and the process of opinion formation in connection with the functioning of communicative spaces with high discursive quality are described. Attention is drawn to the D. Della Porta’s concept of political consumerism, which defines heuristic possibilities for studying political participation through the lens of political consumption and demonstrative behavior, as well as identifying factors influencing political participation (belonging to a group, hedonism, demonstration of a certain way of life, etc.). Within the framework of the analysis of the concept of D. Halfmann, the specificity of the implementation of social policy and its influence on citizens, the success of social movements depending on the political context are considered. D. Halfmann’s argument regarding the conceptual advantages of using the term “political context” to identify institutional conditions and factors conducive to political participation is outlined, and the author’s position on the expediency of using the term “political opportunity” is indicated, taking into account the institutional, structural and dynamic factors of the political system. The tools that can facilitate the mobilization of social movement participants, in particular the grotesque proposed by D. Halfmann and meme as its counterpart in modern society, are considered.

The geopolitical upheavals affecting the Middle East and North Africa at the beginning of the 21st century have created an arc of instability around the Balkan Peninsula, causing serious consequences for all the countries in the area as regards migration flows. Due to its peculiar geographical position, Greece has thus found itself at the forefront of the so-called migratory emergency, which has involved the European Union (UE) in the last few years. The Dublin Regulation first and then the closure of the borders, following the agreement on migrants between the UE and Turkey in March 2016, have made Greece a sort of first reception hotspot for the whole Eastern Mediterranean, giving rise at the same time to new Balkan migration routes managed by human traffickers. Historically a hinge between East and West, today’s Greece constitutes the ideal starting point to interpret in a multi-scalar perspective both the weaknesses of the paradigm on which the so-called ‘Fortress Europe’ is based, and the geographical variety of problematic ‘living spaces’ that recent migratory phenomena have contributed to build over time.

The purpose of this article is to explore the expressive aspects of the self. Three main assumptions underlying our notion of the expressive self are it is innate, experiential, and holistic. The expressive self is by nature a dynamic inner imperative that both creates and uses energy. Our primary focus is to propose and explain four innate central tendencies of the expressive self: eudaimonia, self-determination, flow, and biophilia. We first describe the essence of each of these innate potentialities with an overview of how they interrelate to form a coherent expressive self. Then, we delve into how our present cultural system (market society) is thwarting the development of this naturally expressive self that is longing for release. This thwarting process of the expressive self has led to the emergence of a restrictive self with myriad negative physical, psychological, social, and behavioral health and well-being consequences. We conclude with research possibilities and ideas for future exploration of the expressive self.

Scheduled Caste (SC) is an administrative term comprising touchable and untouchable groups of people. SCs are defined as ‘homogeneous’ classes under Article 341 for all constitutional purposes. It emerged as an official term for the recognition of groups to have preferential treatment in the form of compensatory measurements in the educational, governmental and legislative sectors. The emergence of the term ‘Scheduled Castes’ ignores the viable differentiation among them, existing on the basis of their status and identity. On the other hand, the problem of nomenclature among SCs is indirectly related to their social identification at the societal and community levels. The article will delve into the discourses of naming and renaming of SCs/Dalits/untouchables and various other terminologies that emerged as an imperative to represent them. Therefore, it is significant to understand the dilemma of homogeneity versus the heterogeneous nature of the identity of SCs.

One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoing nationalistic agenda, which included paying schools to raise the Australian flag (“PM Unfurls Flag”), its imposition seems a timely reminder of the challenge of understanding citizenship today. For as the demographic structures around us continue to change, so must our understandings of ‘citizenship’. More importantly, this fluid understanding of citizenship is not limited to academics, and policy-makers, but new technologies, the processes of globalisation including a globalised media, changing demographic patterns including migration, as well as environmental challenges that place pressure on limited resources is altering the citizens understanding of their own role as well as those around them. This paper aims to sketch out a proposed new research agenda that seeks to investigate this fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. The focus of the research has so far been Sydney and is enveloped by a broader aim of promoting an increased level of citizen engagement both within formal and informal political structures. I begin by sketching the complex nature of Sydney before presenting some initial research findings. Sydney – A Complex City The so-called ‘emerald city’ of Sydney has been described in many ways: from a ‘global’ city (Fagan, Dowling and Longdale 1) to an ‘angry’ city (Price 16). Sarah Price’s investigative article included research from the University of Western Sydney’s Centre of Culture Research, the Bureau of Crime Statistics and interviews with Tony Grabs, the director of trauma at St Vincent’s Hospital in inner city Darlinghurst. Price found that both injuries from alcohol and drug-related violence had risen dramatically over the last few years and seemed to be driven by increasing frustrations of a city that is perceived to be lacking appropriate infrastructure and rising levels of personal and household debt. Sydney’s famous harbour and postcard landmarks are surrounded by places of controversy and poverty, with residents of very backgrounds living in close proximity: often harmoniously and sometimes less so. According to recent research by Griffith University’s Urban Research Program, the city is becoming increasingly polarised, with the wealthiest enjoying high levels of access to amenities while other sections of the population experiencing increasing deprivation (Frew 7). Sydney is often segmented into different regions: the growth corridors of the western suburbs which include the ‘Aspirational class’; the affluent eastern suburb; the southern beachside suburbs surrounding Cronulla affectionately known by local residents as ‘the Shire’, and so on. This, however, hides that fact that these areas are themselves complex and heterogenous in character (Frew 7). As a result, the many clichés associated with such segments lead to an over simplification of regional characteristics. The ‘growth corridors’ of Western Sydney, for example, have, in recent times, become a focal point of political and social commentary. From the rise of the ‘Aspirational’ voter (Anderson), seen to be a key ‘powerbroker’ in federal and state politics, to growing levels of disenfranchised young people, this region is multifaceted and should not be simplified. These areas often see large-scale, private housing estates; what Brendan Gleeson describes as ‘privatopias’, situated next to rising levels of homelessness (“What’s Driving”): a powerful and concerning image that should not escape our attention. (Chamberlain and Mackenzie pay due attention to the issue in Homeless Careers.) It is also home to a growing immigrant population who often arrive as business migrants and as well as a rising refugee population traumatised by war and displacement (Collins 1). These growth corridors then, seem to simultaneously capture both the ambitions and the fears of Sydney. That is, they are seen as both areas of potential economic boom as well as social stress and potential conflict (Gleeson 89). One way to comprehend the complexity associated with such diversity and change is to reflect on the proximity of the twin suburbs of Macquarie Links and Macquarie Fields situated in Sydney’s south-western suburbs. Separated by the clichéd ‘railway tracks’, one is home to the growing Aspirational class while the other continues to be plagued by the stigma of being, what David Burchell describes as, a ‘dysfunctional dumping ground’ whose plight became national headlines during the riots in 2005. The riots were sparked after a police chase involving a stolen car led to a crash and the death of a 17 year-old and 19 year-old passengers. Residents blamed police for the deaths and the subsequent riots lasted for four nights – involving 150 teenagers clashing with New South Wales Police. The dysfunction, Burchell notes is seen in crime statistics that include 114 stolen cars, 227 burglaries, 457 cases of property damage and 279 assaults – all in 2005 alone. Interestingly, both these populations are surrounded by exclusionary boundaries: one because of the financial demands to enter the ‘Links’ estate, and the other because of the self-imposed exclusion. Such disparities not only provide challenges for policy makers generally, but also have important implications on the attitudes that citizens’ experience towards their relationship with each other as well as the civic institutions that are meant to represent them. This is particular the case if civic institutions are seen to either neglect or favour certain groups. This, in part, has given rise to what I describe here as a ‘citizenship surplus’ as well as a ‘citizenship deficit’. Research Agenda: Investigating Citizenship Surpluses and Deficits This changing city has meant that there has also been a change in the way that different groups interact with, and perceive, civic bodies. As noted, my initial research shows that this has led to the emergence of both citizenship surpluses and deficits. Though the concept of a ‘citizen deficits and surpluses’ have not emerged within the broader literature, there is a wide range of literature that discusses how some sections of the population lack of access to democratic processes. There are three broad areas of research that have emerged relevant here: citizenship and young people (see Arvanitakis; Dee); citizenship and globalisation (see Della Porta; Pusey); and citizenship and immigration (see Baldassar et al.; Gow). While a discussion of each of these research areas is beyond the scope of this paper, a regular theme is the emergence of a ‘democratic deficit’ (Chari et al. 422). Dee, for example, looks at how there exist unequal relationships between local and central governments, young people, communities and property developers in relation to space. Dee argues that this shapes social policy in a range of settings and contexts including their relationship with broader civic institutions and understandings of citizenship. Dee finds that claims for land use that involve young people rarely succeed and there is limited, if any, recourse to civic institutions. As such, we see a democratic deficit emerge because the various civic institutions involved fail in meeting their obligations to citizens. In addition, a great deal of work has emerged that investigates attempts to re-engage citizens through mechanisms to promote citizenship education and a more active citizenship which has also been accompanied by government programs with the same goals (See for example the Western Australian government’s ‘Citizenscape’ program ). For example Hahn (231) undertakes a comparative study of civic education in six countries (including Australia) and the policies and practices with respect to citizenship education and how to promote citizen activism. The results are positive, though the research was undertaken before the tumultuous events of the terrorist attacks in New York, the emergence of the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of ‘Muslim-phobia’. A gap rises, however, within the Australian literature when we consider both the fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. That is, how do we understand the relationship between these diverse groups living within such proximity to each other overlayed by changing migration patterns, ongoing globalised processes and changing political environments as well as their relations to civic institutions? Further, how does this influence the way individuals perceive their rights, expectations and responsibilities to the state? Given this, I believe that there is a need to understand citizenship as a fluid and heterogenous phenomenon that can be in surplus, deficit, progressive and reactionary. When discussing citizenship I am interested in how people perceive both their rights and responsibilities to civic institutions as well as to the residents around them. A second, obviously related, area of interest is ‘civic engagement’: that is, “the activities of people in the various organisations and associations that make up what scholars call ‘civil society’” (Portney and Leary 4). Before describing these categories in more detail, I would like to briefly outline the methodological processes employed thus far. Much of the research to this point is based on a combination of established literature, my informal discussions with citizen groups and my observations as ‘an activist.’ That is, over the last few years I have worked with a broad cross section of community-based organisations as well as specific individuals that have attempted to confront perceived injustices. I have undertaken this work as both an activist – with organisations such as Aid/Watch and Oxfam Australia – as well as an academic invited to share my research. This work has involved designing and implementing policy and advocacy strategies including media and public education programs. All interactions begin with a detailed discussion of the aims, resources, abilities and knowledge of the groups involved, followed by workshopping campaigning strategies. This has led to the publication of an ‘activist handbook’ titled ‘From Sitting on the Couch to Changing the World’, which is used to both draft the campaign aims as well as design a systematic strategy. (The booklet, which is currently being re-drafted, is published by Oxfam Australia and registered under a creative commons licence. For those interested, copies are available by emailing j.arvanitakis (at) uws.edu.au.) Much research is also sourced from direct feedback given by participants in reviewing the workshops and strategies The aim of tis paper then, is to sketch out the initial findings as well as an agenda for more formalised research. The initial findings have identified the heterogenous nature of citizenship that I have separated into four ‘citizenship spaces.’ The term space is used because these are not stable groupings as many quickly move between the areas identified as both the structures and personal situations change. 1. Marginalisation and Citizenship Deficit The first category is a citizenship deficit brought on by a sense of marginalisation. This is determined by a belief that it is pointless to interact with civic institutions, as the result is always the same: people’s opinions and needs will be ignored. Or in the case of residents from areas such as Macquarie Fields, the relationship with civic institutions, including police, is antagonistic and best avoided (White par. 21). This means that there is no connection between the population and the civic institutions around them – there is no loyalty or belief that efforts to be involved in political and civic processes will be rewarded. Here groups sense that they do not have access to political avenues to be heard, represented or demand change. This is leading to an experience of disconnection from political processes. The result is both a sense of disengagement and disempowerment. One example here emerged in discussions with protesters around the proposed development of the former Australian Defence Industry (ADI) site in St Marys, an outer-western suburb of Sydney. The development, which was largely approved, was for a large-scale housing estate proposed on sensitive bushlands in a locality that resident’s note is under-serviced in terms of public space. (For details of these discussions, see http://www.adisite.org/.) Residents often took the attitude that whatever the desire of the local community, the development would go ahead regardless. Those who worked at information booths during the resident protests informed me that the attitude was one best summarised by: “Why bother, we always get stuffed around any way.” This was confirmed by my own discussions with local residents – even those who joined the resident action group. 2. Privatisation and Citizenship Deficit This citizenship deficit not only applies to the marginalised, however, for there are also much wealthier populations who also appear to experience a deficit that results from a lack of access to civic institutions. This tends to leads to a privatisation of decision-making and withdrawal from the public arena as well as democratic processes. Consequently, the residents in the pockets of wealth may not be acting as citizens but more like consumers – asserting themselves in terms of Castells’s ‘collective consumption’ (par. 25). This citizenship deficit is brought on by ongoing privatisation. That is, there is a belief that civic institutions (including government bodies) are unable or at least unwilling to service the local community. As a result there is a tendency to turn to private suppliers and believe that individualisation is the best way to manage the community. The result is that citizens feel no connection to the civic institutions around them, not because there is no desire, but there are no services. This group of citizens has often been described as the ‘Aspirationals’ and are most often found in the growth corridors of Sydney. There is no reason to believe that this group is this way because of choice – but rather a failure by government authorities to service their needs. This is confirmed by research undertaken as early as 1990 which found that the residents now labelled Aspirational, were demanding access to public infrastructure services including public schools, but have been neglected by different levels of government. (This was clearly stated by NSW Labor MP for Liverpool, Paul Lynch, who argued for such services as a way to ensure a functioning community particularly for Western Sydney; NSWPD 2001.) As a result there is a reliance on private schools, neighbourhoods, transport and so on. Any ‘why bother’ attitude is thus driven by a lack of evidence that civic institutions can or are not willing to meet their needs. There is a strong sense of local community – but this localisation limited to others in the same geographical location and similar lifestyle. 3. Citizenship Surplus – Empowered Not Engaged The third space of citizenship is based on a ‘surplus’ even if there is limited or no political engagement. This group has quite a lot in common with the ‘Aspirationals’ but may come from areas that are higher serviced by civic institutions: the choice not to engage is therefore voluntary. There is a strong push for self-sufficiency – believing that their social capital, wealth and status mean that they do not require the services of civic institutions. While not antagonistic towards such institutions, there is often a belief is that the services provided by the private sector are ultimately superior to public ones. Consequently, they feel empowered through their social background but are not engaged with civic institutions or the political process. Despite this, my initial research findings show that this group has a strong connection to decision-makers – both politicians and bureaucrats. This lack of engagement changes if there is a perceived injustice to their quality of life or their values system – and hence should not be dismissed as NIMBYs (not in my backyard). They believe they have the resources to mobilise and demand change. I believe that we see this group materialise in mobilisations around proposed developments that threaten the perceived quality of life of the local environment. One example brought to my attention was the rapid response of local residents to the proposed White City development near Sydney’s eastern suburbs that was to see tennis courts and public space replaced by residential and commercial buildings (Nicholls). As one resident informed me, she had never seen any political engagement by local residents previously – an engagement that was accompanied by a belief that the development would be stopped as well as a mobilisation of some impressive resources. Such mobilisations also occur when there is a perceived injustice. Examples of this group can be found in what Hugh Mackay (13) describes as ‘doctor’s wives’ (a term that I am not wholly comfortable with). Here we see the emergence of ‘Chilout’: Children out of Detention. This was an organisation whose membership was described to me as ‘north shore professionals’, drew heavily on those who believed the forced incarceration of young refugee children was an affront to their values system. 4. Insurgent Citizenship – Empowered and Engaged The final space is the insurgent citizen: that is, the citizen who is both engaged and empowered. This is a term borrowed from South Africa and the USA (Holston 1) – and it should be seen as having two, almost diametrically opposed, sides: progressive and reactionary. This group may not have access to a great deal of financial resources, but has high social capital and both a willingness and ability to engage in political processes. Consequently, there is a sense of empowerment and engagement with civic institutions. There is also a strong push for self-sufficiency – but this is encased in a belief that civic institutions have a responsibility to provide services to the public, and that some services are naturally better provided by the public sector. Despite this, there is often an antagonistic relationship with such institutions. From the progressive perspective, we see ‘activists’ promoting social justice issues (including students, academics, unionists and so on). Organisations such as A Just Australia are strongly supported by various student organisations, unions and other social justice and activist groups. From a reactionary perspective, we see the emergence of groups that take an anti-immigration stance (such as ‘anti-immigration’ groups including Australia First that draw both activists and have an established political party). (Information regarding ‘anti-refugee activists’ can be found at http://ausfirst.alphalink.com.au/ while the official website for the Australia First political part is at http://www.australiafirstparty.com.au/cms/.) One way to understand the relationship between these groups is through the engagement/empowered typology below. While a detailed discussion of the limitations of typologies is beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to acknowledge that any typology is a simplification and generalisation of the arguments presented. Likewise, it is unlikely that any typology has the ability to cover all cases and situations. This typology can, however, be used to underscore the relational nature of citizenship. The purpose here is to highlight that there are relationships between the different citizenship spaces and individuals can move between groups and each cluster has significant internal variation. Key here is that this can frame future studies. Conclusion and Next Steps There is little doubt there is a relationship between attitudes to citizenship and the health of a democracy. In Australia, democracy is robust in some ways, but many feel disempowered, disengaged and some feel both – often believing they are remote from the workings of civic institutions. It would appear that for many, interest in the process of (formal) government is at an all-time low as reflected in declining membership of political parties (Jaensch et al. 58). Democracy is not a ‘once for ever’ achievement – it needs to be protected and promoted. To do this, we must ensure that there are avenues for representation for all. This point also highlights one of the fundamental flaws of the aforementioned citizenship test. According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, the test is designed to: help migrants integrate and maximise the opportunities available to them in Australia, and enable their full participation in the Australian community as citizens. (par. 4) Those designing the test have assumed that citizenship is both stable and, once achieved, automatically ensures representation. This paper directly challenges these assumptions and offers an alternative research agenda with the ultimate aim of promoting high levels of engagement and empowerment. References Anderson, A. “The Liberals Have Not Betrayed the Menzies Legacy.” Online Opinion 25 Oct. 2004. < http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=2679 >. Arvanitakis, J. “Highly Affected, Rarely Considered: The International Youth Parliament Commission’s Report on the Impacts of Globalisation on Young People.” Sydney: Oxfam Australia, 2003. Baldassar, L., Z. Kamalkhani, and C. Lange. “Afghan Hazara Refugees in Australia: Constructing Australian Citizens.” Social Identities 13.1 (2007): 31-50. Burchell, D. “Dysfunctional Dumping Grounds.” The Australian 10 Feb. 2007. < http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,21199266-28737,00.html >. Burnley, I.H. The Impact of Immigration in Australia: A Demographic Approach. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 2001. Castells, M. “European Cities, the Informational Society, and the Global Economy.” New Left Review I/204 (March-April 1994): 46-57. Chamberlain, C., and D. Mackenzie. Homeless Careers: Pathways in and out of Homelessness. Melbourne: RMIT University, 2002. Chari, R., J. Hogan, and G. Murphy. “Regulating Lobbyists: A Comparative Analysis of the United States, Canada, Germany and the European Union.” The Political Quarterly 78.3 (2007): 423-438. Collins, J. “Chinese Entrepreneurs: The Chinese Diaspora in Australia.” International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behaviour & Research 8.1/2 (2002): 113-133. Dee, M. “Young People, Citizenship and Public Space.” International Sociological Association Conference Paper, Brisbane, 2002. Della Porta, D. “Globalisations and Democracy.” Democratizations 12.5 (2005): 668-685. Fagan, B., R. Dowling, and J. Longdale. “Suburbs in the ‘Global City’: Sydney since the Mid 1990s.” State of Australian cities conference. Parramatta, 2003. Frew, W. “And the Most Polarised City Is…” Sydney Morning Herald 16-17 Feb. 2008: 7. Gleeson, B. Australian Heartlands: Making Space for Hope in the Suburbs. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2006. Gleeson, B. “What’s Driving Suburban Australia?” Australian Policy Online 15 Jan. 2004. < http://www.apo.org.au/webboard/results.chtml?filename_num=00558 >. Gow, G. “Rubbing Shoulders in the Global City: Refugees, Citizenship and Multicultural Alliances in Fairfield, Sydney.” Ethnicities 5.3 (2005): 386-405. Hahn, C. L. “Citizenship Education: An Empirical Study of Policy, Practices and Outcomes.” Oxford Review of Education 25.1/2 (1999): 231-250. Hawley, S. “Sir Donald Bradman Likely to Be Dumped from Citizenship Test.” ABC Local Radio Online. 29 Jan. 2008. < http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2007/s2148383.htm >. Hoare, D. “Bradman’s Spot in Citizenship Test under Scrutiny.” ABC Local Radio online. 29 Jan. 2008. < http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2008/s2149325.htm >. Holston, J. Insurgent Citizenship: Disjunctions of Democracy and Modernity in Brazil. California: Cloth, 2007. Jaensch, D., P. Brent, and B. Bowden. “Australian Political Parties in the Spotlight.” Democratic Audit of Australia Report 4. Australian National University, 2004. Mackay, H. “Sleepers Awoke from Slumber of Indifference.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Nov. 2007: 13. NSWPD – New South Wales Parliamentary Debates. “South Western Sydney Banking Services.” Legislative Assembly Hansard, 52nd NSW Parliament, 19 Sep. 2001. Portney, K.E., and L. O’Leary. Civic and Political Engagement of America’s Youth: National Survey of Civic and Political Engagement of Young People. Medford, MA: Tisch College, Tufts University, 2007. Price, S. “Stress and Debt Make Sydney a Violent City.” Sydney Morning Herald 13 Jan. 2008: 16. Pusey, M. The Experience of Middle Australia: The Dark Side of Economic Reform. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2003. White, R. “Swarming and the Social Dynamics of Group Violence.” Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice 326 (Oct. 2006). < http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/tandi2/tandi326t.html >. Wolfe, P. “Race and Citizenship.” Magazine of History 18.5 (2004): 66-72.

Introduction One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoing nationalistic agenda, which included paying schools to raise the Australian flag (“PM Unfurls Flag”), its imposition seems a timely reminder of the challenge of understanding citizenship today. For as the demographic structures around us continue to change, so must our understandings of ‘citizenship’. More importantly, this fluid understanding of citizenship is not limited to academics, and policy-makers, but new technologies, the processes of globalisation including a globalised media, changing demographic patterns including migration, as well as environmental challenges that place pressure on limited resources is altering the citizens understanding of their own role as well as those around them. This paper aims to sketch out a proposed new research agenda that seeks to investigate this fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. The focus of the research has so far been Sydney and is enveloped by a broader aim of promoting an increased level of citizen engagement both within formal and informal political structures. I begin by sketching the complex nature of Sydney before presenting some initial research findings. Sydney – A Complex City The so-called ‘emerald city’ of Sydney has been described in many ways: from a ‘global’ city (Fagan, Dowling and Longdale 1) to an ‘angry’ city (Price 16). Sarah Price’s investigative article included research from the University of Western Sydney’s Centre of Culture Research, the Bureau of Crime Statistics and interviews with Tony Grabs, the director of trauma at St Vincent’s Hospital in inner city Darlinghurst. Price found that both injuries from alcohol and drug-related violence had risen dramatically over the last few years and seemed to be driven by increasing frustrations of a city that is perceived to be lacking appropriate infrastructure and rising levels of personal and household debt. Sydney’s famous harbour and postcard landmarks are surrounded by places of controversy and poverty, with residents of very backgrounds living in close proximity: often harmoniously and sometimes less so. According to recent research by Griffith University’s Urban Research Program, the city is becoming increasingly polarised, with the wealthiest enjoying high levels of access to amenities while other sections of the population experiencing increasing deprivation (Frew 7). Sydney, is often segmented into different regions: the growth corridors of the western suburbs which include the ‘Aspirational class’; the affluent eastern suburb; the southern beachside suburbs surrounding Cronulla affectionately known by local residents as ‘the Shire’, and so on. This, however, hides that fact that these areas are themselves complex and heterogenous in character (Frew 7). As a result, the many clichés associated with such segments lead to an over simplification of regional characteristics. The ‘growth corridors’ of Western Sydney, for example, have, in recent times, become a focal point of political and social commentary. From the rise of the ‘Aspirational’ voter (Anderson), seen to be a key ‘powerbroker’ in federal and state politics, to growing levels of disenfranchised young people, this region is multifaceted and should not be simplified. These areas often see large-scale, private housing estates; what Brendan Gleeson describes as ‘privatopias’, situated next to rising levels of homelessness (“What’s Driving”): a powerful and concerning image that should not escape our attention. (Chamberlain and Mackenzie pay due attention to the issue in Homeless Careers.) It is also home to a growing immigrant population who often arrive as business migrants and as well as a rising refugee population traumatised by war and displacement (Collins 1). These growth corridors then, seem to simultaneously capture both the ambitions and the fears of Sydney. That is, they are seen as both areas of potential economic boom as well as social stress and potential conflict (Gleeson 89). One way to comprehend the complexity associated with such diversity and change is to reflect on the proximity of the twin suburbs of Macquarie Links and Macquarie Fields situated in Sydney’s south-western suburbs. Separated by the clichéd ‘railway tracks’, one is home to the growing Aspirational class while the other continues to be plagued by the stigma of being, what David Burchell describes as, a ‘dysfunctional dumping ground’ whose plight became national headlines during the riots in 2005. The riots were sparked after a police chase involving a stolen car led to a crash and the death of a 17 year-old and 19 year-old passengers. Residents blamed police for the deaths and the subsequent riots lasted for four nights – involving 150 teenagers clashing with New South Wales Police. The dysfunction, Burchell notes is seen in crime statistics that include 114 stolen cars, 227 burglaries, 457 cases of property damage and 279 assaults – all in 2005 alone. Interestingly, both these populations are surrounded by exclusionary boundaries: one because of the financial demands to enter the ‘Links’ estate, and the other because of the self-imposed exclusion. Such disparities not only provide challenges for policy makers generally, but also have important implications on the attitudes that citizens’ experience towards their relationship with each other as well as the civic institutions that are meant to represent them. This is particular the case if civic institutions are seen to either neglect or favour certain groups. This, in part, has given rise to what I describe here as a ‘citizenship surplus’ as well as a ‘citizenship deficit’. Research Agenda: Investigating Citizenship Surpluses and Deficits This changing city has meant that there has also been a change in the way that different groups interact with, and perceive, civic bodies. As noted, my initial research shows that this has led to the emergence of both citizenship surpluses and deficits. Though the concept of a ‘citizen deficits and surpluses’ have not emerged within the broader literature, there is a wide range of literature that discusses how some sections of the population lack of access to democratic processes. There are three broad areas of research that have emerged relevant here: citizenship and young people (see Arvanitakis; Dee); citizenship and globalisation (see Della Porta; Pusey); and citizenship and immigration (see Baldassar et al.; Gow). While a discussion of each of these research areas is beyond the scope of this paper, a regular theme is the emergence of a ‘democratic deficit’ (Chari et al. 422). Dee, for example, looks at how there exist unequal relationships between local and central governments, young people, communities and property developers in relation to space. Dee argues that this shapes social policy in a range of settings and contexts including their relationship with broader civic institutions and understandings of citizenship. Dee finds that claims for land use that involve young people rarely succeed and there is limited, if any, recourse to civic institutions. As such, we see a democratic deficit emerge because the various civic institutions involved fail in meeting their obligations to citizens. In addition, a great deal of work has emerged that investigates attempts to re-engage citizens through mechanisms to promote citizenship education and a more active citizenship which has also been accompanied by government programs with the same goals (See for example the Western Australian government’s ‘Citizenscape’ program ). For example Hahn (231) undertakes a comparative study of civic education in six countries (including Australia) and the policies and practices with respect to citizenship education and how to promote citizen activism. The results are positive, though the research was undertaken before the tumultuous events of the terrorist attacks in New York, the emergence of the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of ‘Muslim-phobia’. A gap rises, however, within the Australian literature when we consider both the fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. That is, how do we understand the relationship between these diverse groups living within such proximity to each other overlayed by changing migration patterns, ongoing globalised processes and changing political environments as well as their relations to civic institutions? Further, how does this influence the way individuals perceive their rights, expectations and responsibilities to the state? Given this, I believe that there is a need to understand citizenship as a fluid and heterogenous phenomenon that can be in surplus, deficit, progressive and reactionary. When discussing citizenship I am interested in how people perceive both their rights and responsibilities to civic institutions as well as to the residents around them. A second, obviously related, area of interest is ‘civic engagement’: that is, “the activities of people in the various organisations and associations that make up what scholars call ‘civil society’” (Portney and Leary 4). Before describing these categories in more detail, I would like to briefly outline the methodological processes employed thus far. Much of the research to this point is based on a combination of established literature, my informal discussions with citizen groups and my observations as ‘an activist.’ That is, over the last few years I have worked with a broad cross section of community-based organisations as well as specific individuals that have attempted to confront perceived injustices. I have undertaken this work as both an activist – with organisations such as Aid/Watch and Oxfam Australia – as well as an academic invited to share my research. This work has involved designing and implementing policy and advocacy strategies including media and public education programs. All interactions begin with a detailed discussion of the aims, resources, abilities and knowledge of the groups involved, followed by workshopping campaigning strategies. This has led to the publication of an ‘activist handbook’ titled ‘From Sitting on the Couch to Changing the World’, which is used to both draft the campaign aims as well as design a systematic strategy. (The booklet, which is currently being re-drafted, is published by Oxfam Australia and registered under a creative commons licence. For those interested, copies are available by emailing j.arvanitakis (at) uws.edu.au.) Much research is also sourced from direct feedback given by participants in reviewing the workshops and strategies The aim of tis paper then, is to sketch out the initial findings as well as an agenda for more formalised research. The initial findings have identified the heterogenous nature of citizenship that I have separated into four ‘citizenship spaces.’ The term space is used because these are not stable groupings as many quickly move between the areas identified as both the structures and personal situations change. 1. Marginalisation and Citizenship Deficit The first category is a citizenship deficit brought on by a sense of marginalisation. This is determined by a belief that it is pointless to interact with civic institutions, as the result is always the same: people’s opinions and needs will be ignored. Or in the case of residents from areas such as Macquarie Fields, the relationship with civic institutions, including police, is antagonistic and best avoided (White par. 21). This means that there is no connection between the population and the civic institutions around them – there is no loyalty or belief that efforts to be involved in political and civic processes will be rewarded. Here groups sense that they do not have access to political avenues to be heard, represented or demand change. This is leading to an experience of disconnection from political processes. The result is both a sense of disengagement and disempowerment. One example here emerged in discussions with protesters around the proposed development of the former Australian Defence Industry (ADI) site in St Marys, an outer-western suburb of Sydney. The development, which was largely approved, was for a large-scale housing estate proposed on sensitive bushlands in a locality that resident’s note is under-serviced in terms of public space. (For details of these discussions, see http://www.adisite.org/.) Residents often took the attitude that whatever the desire of the local community, the development would go ahead regardless. Those who worked at information booths during the resident protests informed me that the attitude was one best summarised by: “Why bother, we always get stuffed around any way.” This was confirmed by my own discussions with local residents – even those who joined the resident action group. 2. Privatisation and Citizenship Deficit This citizenship deficit not only applies to the marginalised, however, for there are also much wealthier populations who also appear to experience a deficit that results from a lack of access to civic institutions. This tends to leads to a privatisation of decision-making and withdrawal from the public arena as well as democratic processes. Consequently, the residents in the pockets of wealth may not be acting as citizens but more like consumers – asserting themselves in terms of Castells’s ‘collective consumption’ (par. 25). This citizenship deficit is brought on by ongoing privatisation. That is, there is a belief that civic institutions (including government bodies) are unable or at least unwilling to service the local community. As a result there is a tendency to turn to private suppliers and believe that individualisation is the best way to manage the community. The result is that citizens feel no connection to the civic institutions around them, not because there is no desire, but there are no services. This group of citizens has often been described as the ‘Aspirationals’ and are most often found in the growth corridors of Sydney. There is no reason to believe that this group is this way because of choice – but rather a failure by government authorities to service their needs. This is confirmed by research undertaken as early as 1990 which found that the residents now labelled Aspirational, were demanding access to public infrastructure services including public schools, but have been neglected by different levels of government. (This was clearly stated by NSW Labor MP for Liverpool, Paul Lynch, who argued for such services as a way to ensure a functioning community particularly for Western Sydney; NSWPD 2001.) As a result there is a reliance on private schools, neighbourhoods, transport and so on. Any ‘why bother’ attitude is thus driven by a lack of evidence that civic institutions can or are not willing to meet their needs. There is a strong sense of local community – but this localisation limited to others in the same geographical location and similar lifestyle. 3. Citizenship Surplus – Empowered Not Engaged The third space of citizenship is based on a ‘surplus’ even if there is limited or no political engagement. This group has quite a lot in common with the ‘Aspirationals’ but may come from areas that are higher serviced by civic institutions: the choice not to engage is therefore voluntary. There is a strong push for self-sufficiency – believing that their social capital, wealth and status mean that they do not require the services of civic institutions. While not antagonistic towards such institutions, there is often a belief is that the services provided by the private sector are ultimately superior to public ones. Consequently, they feel empowered through their social background but are not engaged with civic institutions or the political process. Despite this, my initial research findings show that this group has a strong connection to decision-makers – both politicians and bureaucrats. This lack of engagement changes if there is a perceived injustice to their quality of life or their values system – and hence should not be dismissed as NIMBYs (not in my backyard). They believe they have the resources to mobilise and demand change. I believe that we see this group materialise in mobilisations around proposed developments that threaten the perceived quality of life of the local environment. One example brought to my attention was the rapid response of local residents to the proposed White City development near Sydney’s eastern suburbs that was to see tennis courts and public space replaced by residential and commercial buildings (Nicholls). As one resident informed me, she had never seen any political engagement by local residents previously – an engagement that was accompanied by a belief that the development would be stopped as well as a mobilisation of some impressive resources. Such mobilisations also occur when there is a perceived injustice. Examples of this group can be found in what Hugh Mackay (13) describes as ‘doctor’s wives’ (a term that I am not wholly comfortable with). Here we see the emergence of ‘Chilout’: Children out of Detention. This was an organisation whose membership was described to me as ‘north shore professionals’, drew heavily on those who believed the forced incarceration of young refugee children was an affront to their values system. 4. Insurgent Citizenship – Empowered and Engaged The final space is the insurgent citizen: that is, the citizen who is both engaged and empowered. This is a term borrowed from South Africa and the USA (Holston 1) – and it should be seen as having two, almost diametrically opposed, sides: progressive and reactionary. This group may not have access to a great deal of financial resources, but has high social capital and both a willingness and ability to engage in political processes. Consequently, there is a sense of empowerment and engagement with civic institutions. There is also a strong push for self-sufficiency – but this is encased in a belief that civic institutions have a responsibility to provide services to the public, and that some services are naturally better provided by the public sector. Despite this, there is often an antagonistic relationship with such institutions. From the progressive perspective, we see ‘activists’ promoting social justice issues (including students, academics, unionists and so on). Organisations such as A Just Australia are strongly supported by various student organisations, unions and other social justice and activist groups. From a reactionary perspective, we see the emergence of groups that take an anti-immigration stance (such as ‘anti-immigration’ groups including Australia First that draw both activists and have an established political party). (Information regarding ‘anti-refugee activists’ can be found at http://ausfirst.alphalink.com.au/ while the official website for the Australia First political part is at http://www.australiafirstparty.com.au/cms/.) One way to understand the relationship between these groups is through the engagement/empowered typology below. While a detailed discussion of the limitations of typologies is beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to acknowledge that any typology is a simplification and generalisation of the arguments presented. Likewise, it is unlikely that any typology has the ability to cover all cases and situations. This typology can, however, be used to underscore the relational nature of citizenship. The purpose here is to highlight that there are relationships between the different citizenship spaces and individuals can move between groups and each cluster has significant internal variation. Key here is that this can frame future studies. Conclusion and Next Steps There is little doubt there is a relationship between attitudes to citizenship and the health of a democracy. In Australia, democracy is robust in some ways, but many feel disempowered, disengaged and some feel both – often believing they are remote from the workings of civic institutions. It would appear that for many, interest in the process of (formal) government is at an all-time low as reflected in declining membership of political parties (Jaensch et al. 58). Democracy is not a ‘once for ever’ achievement – it needs to be protected and promoted. To do this, we must ensure that there are avenues for representation for all. This point also highlights one of the fundamental flaws of the aforementioned citizenship test. 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(Apr. 2008) "The Heterogenous Citizen: How Many of Us Care about Don Bradman’s Average?," M/C Journal, 10(6)/11(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0804/07-arvanitakis.php>.