Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Socialization of prejudice »

The aim of this study was to determine the respective impact of group socialization and social projection to explain prejudice among newly recruited police officers (N = 301). The first approach predicts that both right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), two fundamental determinants of prejudice, should be driven by specific norms. The second approach predicts that the perceived norms of the reference group reflect the social projection of our own attitudes and norms. These two models were tested with structural equation modeling. Emphasizing the determinant role of social norms and social influence, the results provide stronger support for the group socialization model (GSM) than the social projection model (SPM).

Abstract The theme of racial relations presented in this article is based on the results of a sociological observation which occurred in two groups of children, from distinct socioeconomic backgrounds, studying at two public schools in the city of Belo Horizonte, Brazil. This study adopts the methodological perspective of the discovery of grounded theory formulated by Glaser & Strauss (1970). The analysis of the empirical data intended to sociologically reconstruct the constitution of a prejudiced reality that emerges from the inter-subjective relationships established by children. While experimenting with a set of values, attitudes, behavior, beliefs and racial notions learned in other settings in their relationships, children learn what it means to be of one racial category or another, creating and re-creating the meaning of race and of prejudice. This article makes some concluding remarks highlighting the implications of the findings for an anti-racist policy in Brazil.

The correlates of sexual prejudice –negative attitudes toward gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals– are well-known in the literature, but the relevance of the social-political environment in which these correlates insert has received less attention. This study examines trends and correlates of sexual prejudice in El Salvador, a country frequently ranked as one of the most homophobic in the Americas. Using a representative sample from national-level surveys conducted between 2008 and 2016, it was found that the Salvadorian population displayed high levels of sexual prejudice in this period, although these levels varied significantly over time. Analysis with 2016 data showed that socially precarious conditions, religion, and traditionally gendered worldviews, were positively associated with sexual prejudice. Sexual prejudice also correlated with political and social beliefs that encompass authoritarian and misogynistic tendencies. Three clusters of predictors of sexual prejudice were identified: Religious conventionalism, unsophisticated masculinity background, and deficient democratic socialization. This study supports previous findings about correlates of sexual prejudice while highlighting the lesser-studied role of the social-political environment, and oscillations in a democratic culture, in perpetuating sexual prejudice.

Using a representative sample of Belgian adolescents (N = 1530) and both their parents, we investigated the parent–child similarity in prejudice towards different out–groups and ideological attitudes (right–wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation). Contrary to previous studies, first, we distinguished between common and specific components of prejudice to test whether the parent–child similarity in one specific type of prejudice was symptomatic of parent–child similarity in prejudice towards out–groups in general. Second, we evaluated whether the parent–child similarity in common and specific components of prejudice was related to the parent–child similarity in ideological attitudes. Third, we investigated the moderating role of political discussion in the intergenerational framework of ideology and prejudice. Results indicated that parent–child similarity was particularly pronounced for the common rather than the specific component of prejudice and that the similarity in ideological attitudes was partly related to the similarity in the common component of prejudice. Finally, adolescents who discuss social and political issues more (versus less) frequently with their parents more strongly resembled their parents in the common component of prejudice and levels of authoritarianism. These results suggest that generalized prejudice runs in families and highlight politicization of the family as an important socialization mechanism. Copyright © 2015 European Association of Personality Psychology

The positive role of religion in reducing prejudice has remained a neglected theme in Psychology of religion, concerning itself mostly with prejudice and fundamentalism. Recently, noting the absence of a positive antithesis to prejudice and fundamentalism, faith development theory presents xenosophia as going beyond mere tolerance to a creative engagement with other religious faiths to develop new insights and broaden one’s own worldview. The current research undertakes a study of Muslim faith contents to get insights into how these beliefs shape construction of self in relation to other faith communities. Conducting inductive thematic analysis of faith development interviews from 12 Muslim participants from three major religious affiliations in Pakistan (equally divided for gender and ages ranging from 31 to 76 years) in an earlier research, the research analyzes a range of xenological patterns from xenophobia to xenosophia with associated potentials for inter-faith dialogue. Focusing on residents of a country with a dense Muslim population, the study carries implications for religious socialization and religious education in a globalized world.

En France, les analyses du modèle républicain d’intégration en histoire ou en philosophie politique ont très bien décrit les principes politiques et les valeurs qui sont au cœur de ce modèle, mais elles ont rarement débouché sur des analyses empiriques concrètes permettant de dépasser la réflexion théorique. Ainsi, nous disposons de très peu d’informations concernant les aspects psychologiques du modèle républicain. Cette thèse est structurée en trois chapitres composés au total de sept études empiriques distinctes. Elle cherche à répondre à deux questions fondamentales: 1) Quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent la forte adhésion des individus aux principes républicains d’égalité et de laïcité? et 2) quelles sont les incidences de cette adhésion pour le vivre ensemble? Dans le premier chapitre, deux études examinent la nature et la signification des principes républicains dans l’esprit des individus. Les résultats confirment la très forte adhésion des individus au modèle républicain, qu’il s’agisse d’enseignants de collèges et de lycées (N = 82, étude 1), ou d’étudiants à l’université dans des facultés aussi différentes que la psychologie (N = 72) ou le droit (N = 234, étude 2). En utilisant une mesure de l’attachement à la laïcité, distincte d’une mesure de l’adhésion à des principes qui caractérisent théoriquement la laïcité, l’étude 2 met en évidence, pour la première fois à notre connaissance, l’importance de distinguer deux conceptions de la laïcité: la laïcité historique égalitaire axée sur la liberté de conscience et l’égalité de respect à l’égard de toutes les croyances, rejoignant ainsi le principe d’égalité citoyenne, et la nouvelle laïcité qui valorise la relégation des pratiques religieuses à l’espace privé et l'interdiction du port de signes religieux ostensibles dans les espaces publics. Dans le deuxième chapitre, trois études examinent les facteurs psychologiques sous-jacents à l’attachement aux principes républicains (études 1, 2 et 3, chapitre 2). Comme prévu, les résultats montrent, auprès d’un échantillon représentatif de la population française (N = 1001) que l’égalité républicaine et la nouvelle laïcité sont des variables qui expliquent une part significative des préjugés anti-immigrés au delà des facteurs considérés habituellement en sociologie ou en psychologie sociale. De plus, alors que les personnes égalitaires adhérent normalement davantage à ces principes républicains que les personnes inégalitaires, les résultats montrent aussi que les personnes qui cherchent à maintenir les inégalités et la hiérarchie sociale entre les groupes se disent très attachées à la laïcité lorsqu’elles se sentent menacées culturellement (étude 1, chapitre 2), lorsqu’elles sont dans une situation potentiellement menaçante (étude 2, chapitre 2) ou lorsqu’on induit expérimentalement une menace culturelle ou symbolique (étude 3, chapitre 2). Ces résultats confirment l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’adhésion à la laïcité est malléable et peut servir de moyen socialement acceptable de parvenir à certains objectifs socialement indésirables. Le troisième et dernier chapitre porte sur le rôle de l’école dans la transmission des principes républicains. Deux études (étude 1 auprès de 300 collégiens et lycéens; étude 2 impliquant plus de 1000 élèves) valident un modèle théorique proposant que l’école publique en France a des effets importants sur l’adhésion aux principes d’égalité républicaine et de nouvelle laïcité et que les effets de l’école sur les préjugés anti-immigrés sont médiatisés par l’adhésion à ces principes. On note cependant une évolution à travers le temps, avec un déclin de l’influence du principe de l’égalité républicaine et une augmentation du rôle joué par la nouvelle laïcité. La discussion souligne les implications théoriques et pédagogiques de ces résultats
In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based inequality and the social hierarchy becomes strong supporters of laïcité when they perceive an intergroup threat of a symbolic nature (Study 1, chapter two), when they are in a situation of intergroup threat (Study 2, chapter two), or when an intergroup threat of a symbolic type is experimentally induced (Study 3, chapter 2). These results confirm the hypothesis that laïcité is a malleable ideology that can be used as a socially accepted mean of defending a socially undesirable agenda. The third and last chapter of the thesis examined the role of the school in the process of cultural transmission. Study 1 of chapter three (N = 300 pupils) and Study 2 of chapter three (N = more than 1000 pupils) supported a theoretical model proposing that public schools in France lead to a stronger support for republican principles and that this process of cultural transmission mediates the effects of schooling on anti-immigrant prejudice. A decline in the impact of republican equality and a corresponding increase in the impact of new laïcité was however observed. The discussion outlines the theoretical and pedagogical implications of these results

Il bullismo discriminatorio etnico è un fenomeno diffuso nel contesto italiano ed europeo. Comprendere i meccanismi e i fattori di rischio associati a questo fenomeno può essere utile per sviluppare interventi di prevenzione e contrasto. Lo scopo di questa tesi di dottorato è quello di indagare e aumentare la conoscenza in merito ai fattori di rischio contestuali che possono incrementare la presenza di bullismo discriminatorio etnico. La scelta di focalizzarci sui fattori contestuali deriva dalla letteratura scientifica in merito al bullismo, che descrive come maggiormente efficaci gli interventi che lavorano a livello di gruppo classe e contesto. Il primo studio è una scoping review e ha lo scopo di descrivere quali sono i meccanismi diadici, di gruppo e contestuali associati al bullismo etnico. Attraverso la scoping review è stato possibile verificare se vi fossero dei gap nella letteratura. Il secondo studio ha lo scopo di verificare se le norme di prestigio di disimpegno morale a livello di gruppo classe moderassero la relazione tra tolleranza e i ruoli nel bullismo entnico. Infine, il terzo studio ha lo scopo di verificare se la percezione di pregiudizio nella propria famiglia moderi la relazione tra pregiudizio individuale e comportamenti di difesa nel bullismo etnico.
Ethnic discriminatory bullying is a widespread phenomenon in the Italian and European context. Understanding the mechanisms and risk factors associated with this phenomenon can be useful to develop prevention and contrast interventions. The purpose of this doctoral thesis is to investigate and increase knowledge about contextual risk factors that can increase the presence of ethnic discriminatory bullying. The choice to focus on contextual factors comes from the scientific literature about bullying, which describes how the interventions that work at the class and context level are most effective. The first study is a scoping review and aims to describe what are the dyadic, group and contextual mechanisms associated with ethnic bullying. Through the scoping review it was possible to verify if there were gaps in the literature. The second study aims to verify whether the prestige norms of moral disengagement at the class group level moderated the relationship between tolerance and ethnic bullying, outsider behaviours and defending behaviours. Finally, the third study aims to verify whether the perception of prejudice in one’s family moderates the relationship between individual prejudice and defending behavior in ethnic bullying.

En 1952 les femmes libanaises acquirent leur droit de vote. A l’époque ce fut un triomphe par rapport à leurs semblables des pays voisins. Mais par contre, le parlement libanais va attendre l’année 1963 pour que la première femme y accède. Et la participation des femmes en politique libanaise ne présente en 2008 que 4,7 % du total du parlement. Malgré l’accroissement du nombre des organisations non gouvernementales, des mouvements féministes et des efforts particuliers concernant la participation féminine en politique : la présence des femmes dans le champ politique reste restreinte.Une étude, à ce propos, a été effectuée en 1997 et a prouvé que les femmes étaient satisfaites de leur représentation dans le champ politique. Aujourd’hui on se demande si les étudiantes en 2008 auront développé une attitude différente de celle des femmes en 1997 ? On se demande si les nouvelles générations de niveau d'instruction universitaire et des futures femmes libanaises confrontent elles un état de consonance cognitive en ce qui concerne leur participation à la vie politique? Et par suite, si elles sont satisfaites, si elles vivent un équilibre psychique et elles évitent les changements d'attitudes ou de comportements susceptibles d'introduire de la dissonance? On se demande aussi si au contraire, les nouvelles générations de niveau d'instruction universitaire et des futures femmes libanaises confrontent plutôt un état de dissonance cognitive susceptible à un changement probable dans leur participation à la vie politique? En d’autres termes, les étudiantes seront-elles tiraillées entre leurs acquis traditionnels favorables à leur absentéisme de la vie politique d’une part et entre leurs acquis des formations universitaires favorables à leur promotion dans tous les domaines de la vie sociale, et entre autre la vie politique, d’autre part ? On a supposé que les nouvelles générations féminines qui poursuivent des études universitaires vivent un état de dissonance entre deux cognitions dissonantes: il s'agit d'une part des cognitions de socialisation, de stéréotypes, des préjugées, de l'habitus et des représentations et d'autre part, des cognitions de l'éducation et d'instruction. Et l'hypothèse de la thèse a proposé que la situation de dissonance probablement vécue par les jeunes étudiantes les motive aux changements d'attitudes et par suite les incite à réduire cette dissonance en supprimant ou réduisant l'importance des cognitions dissonantes.La technique utilisée pour détecter la véracité de l’hypothèse était l’entretien non directif auprès de 51 étudiantes universitaires.Les résultats de l’étude ont confirmé la vraisemblance de l’hypothèse c'est-à-dire que les étudiantes ont presque toutes annoncé leur insatisfaction vis-à-vis de la participation féminine en politique. Mais par contre l’investissement des femmes dans le champ politique a diminué dans les élections législatives en juin 2009 de 6 femmes parlementaires à 4 femmes. Une réflexion sur les obstacles devant l’engagement des femmes dans le travail politique a déduit que le déséquilibre démographique ainsi que la socialisation genrée sont tous deux responsables de l’absence féminine du champ politique. Une proposition du quota féminin au sein du parlement reste un choix parmi d’autres qui doit faire preuve de validité
In 1952 the lebanese women acquired their right to vote. In the time, it was a triumph relatively to their fellow men of the nearby countries. But on the other hand, the Lebanese parliament is going to wait for 1963, so that the first woman reaches it. And the participation of the women in lebanese politics presents in 2008 only 4,7 % of the total of the parliament.In spite of the increase of the number of non-governmental organizations, women's movements and particular efforts concerning the feminine participation in politics: the presence of the women in the political field remains restricted.A study, on this matter, was made in 1997 and proved that the women were satisfied by their representation in the political field.Today we wonder if the students in 2008 will have developed an attitude different from that of the women in 1997? We wonder if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront a state of cognitive consonance concerning their participation with the political life? And as a consequence, if they are satisfied, if they live a psychic balance and they avoid the changes of attitudes or behavior susceptible to introduce some dissonance?We wonder, on the contrary, if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront rather a state of susceptible cognitive dissonance with a likely change in their participation in the political life? In other words, the students will be pulled between their traditional experiences favorable to their absenteeism of the political life on one hand and between their experiences of university education favorable to their promotion in all the domains of the social life, and among others the political life, on the other hand? We supposed that the new feminine generations which pursue university studies live a state of dissonance between two dissonant cognitions: it is on one hand about cognitions of socialization, about stereotypes, about prejudged, about the habit and the representations and on the other hand, the cognitions of the education and about instruction. And the hypothesis of the thesis proposed that the situation of dissonance probably lived by the young students motivates them to change their attitudes and as a consequence incites them to reduce this dissonance by eliminating or by reducing the importance of the dissonant cognitions.The technique used to detect the truthfulness of the hypothesis was the non directive interview with 51 university students.The results of the study confirmed the credibility of the hypothesis. Almost all the students announced their dissatisfaction towards the feminine participation in politics. But on the other hand the investment of the women in the political field decreased in the general election in June 2009, from 6 parliamentary women to 4 women. A reflection on the obstacles in front of the commitment of the women in the political work deducted that the demographic imbalance as well as the gendered socialization are both responsible of the feminine absence of the political arena. A proposition of the feminine quota within the parliament stays a choice among the others whom has to show validity

The increasing cultural and social diversity of South African society necessitates a study of the formation of harmonious social relationships amongst students at multicultural tertiary institutions. Desegregation at educational institutions is still in its embryonic stage and the minimal changes at college campuses are tokenistic. Educators have to make a concerted effort to review the dynamics and complexities of institutional change and to deviate from the straitjacket of upholding only ethnocentric views. A lack of communication and understanding between the different racial and ethnic groups on South African campuses has resulted in conflict and tension. This study takes an in-depth look at the psychology of prejudice, issues of ethnicity, racism and discrimination. A literature study and an empirical research project are used to gain an overview of the ramifications of racism on the formation of friendships in a multicultural milieu. The results of this study indicate the need to create a diversified campus environment which will promote genuine cross-cultural exchange. Working with culturally different students is a challenge that requires an acceptance and appreciation of diversity; flexibility, and improved contact and communication. Structured multicultural models and procedural frameworks have been designed implementation at institutions of specifically for higher learning to enhance social cohesion. are made: The following recommendations * Transitions models such as the contact hypothesis and the co-operative learning models promote the need for an interracial contact of people with equal status in co-operative situations. *Prejudice-Reduction Workshops will enable participants to learn about prejudice and to develop a positive mind-set towards all racial groups. *Specialized Programmes such as intercultural simulation games are ideal for discussions on culture shock, ethnocentrism and enculturation. * Mentoring Programmes ought to be designed to meet the needs of diverse students by providing wise and friendly counsel. * Academic Support Programmes or Affirmative Action * Strategies are necessary to assist succeed by providing language and students to study skills programmes, additional tutorials and content-based instruction for specialized courses. Special trainiog courses for educators ought to be initiated to · shape significant aspects of . an intercultural campus environment. * Preparatory Programmes which will improve interpersonal relationships, should be held prior to college entrance.
Psychology of Education
D.Ed. (Psychology of Education)

Early childhood socialization is particularly important in the formation of personality. Usually, through socialization, children learn to make important future choices in all spheres of life. This can be in terms of political, social, economic, and physical decision making. Recently, children have been reported to use inappropriate language on adults and their mates; fighting teachers, parents, and adults; burning schools; abusing drugs; engaging in premarital sex; even trafficking drugs; among other social vices. Moreover, children have been seen to value ethnic and religious pessimism. The pessimism has led to the retention of negative ethnicity leading to prejudice and stereotyping. Studies have pointed out poor parenting as the main cause for this disturbing trend. The study was guided by the social learning theory and cognitive development theory. The study adopted a simple analytical framework—the search, appraisal, synthesis, and analysis (SALSA)—to examine the main review types. Data were analyzed using discourse and content analysis.

This chapter presents a critical overview of theory and research on culture and morality. The authors address both classic and contemporary models of morality, with consideration given to empirical findings that support the claims of these models as well as to how the claims of the models are supported or challenged by cultural approaches. The authors examine models of justice morality, including the classic cognitive developmental framework of Kohlberg and the contemporary distinct domain perspective of Turiel, work on moralities of caring, and moral ethics frameworks that dominate current work on morality in social psychology. They identify valuable directions for future research, including studies of culture and morality that go beyond taxonomic approaches to moral content and that examine such concerns as intergroup relations and prejudice, power dynamics in school and family relations, and cultural influences on the course, outcomes, and processes of moral socialization.

The chapter on culture and identity defines the current use of these terms and discusses how culture influences identity formation from a developmental perspective, starting in early childhood and throughout the life span. It also introduces new neurobiological findings related to theory of mind, neural mapping, object representation, and emotional reactivity and how these exert an influence on culture and identity formation. It covers a historical perspective that includes the contributions of pioneers such as Freud, Vigotsky, Montessori, Bandura, Mead, and Erikson. It also discusses ethnicity and race and the social and biological origins of prejudice and explains the meaning of ethnic-racial socialization messages, the dynamics of biracial identities, the importance of language in the development of the American identity and the role of culture and identity in psycho-social functioning and resiliency, including such variables as religion and spirituality. It also describes the influences of globalization and the diminishing importance of national boundaries on cultural identity for both minority and majority group members. Some of the concepts are illustrated and explained with clinical cases.

Delinquency rates among first-generation Latina youth are significantly lower than those among later generations, which may be associated with strong parental racial/ethnic socialization (RES). Due to pressures of immigration and assimilation, later generations have been found to be at greater risk for weak RES contributing to the development of a negative ethnic identity. A negative sense of ethnic identity among Latina youth increases their likelihood of internalizing negative stimuli such as discrimination and prejudice and increases their propensity for delinquency. Current data sources are inadequate for conducting meaningful research on generational differences and crime. This chapter addresses the gap by exploring the lived experiences of Latina girls and their mothers in a city in the Southwest. Qualitative data were gathered from a series of interviews exploring the relationship between mother/daughter assimilation strategies in relation to ethnic identity, parental bonds, and youth criminogenic propensities. Findings suggest a need for a systemic infusion of approaches that promote positive ethnic identity to function as a protective factor against negative stimuli that can result in deviant behaviors.

How was neoliberalization accomplished, and by whom? The answer in countries such as Chile and Argentina in the 1970s was as simple as it was swift, brutal, and sure: a military coup backed by the traditional upper classes (as well as by the US government), followed by the fierce repression of all solidarities created within the labour and urban social movements which had so threatened their power. But the neoliberal revolution usually attributed to Thatcher and Reagan after 1979 had to be accomplished by democratic means. For a shift of this magnitude to occur required the prior construction of political consent across a sufficiently large spectrum of the population to win elections. What Gramsci calls ‘common sense’ (defined as ‘the sense held in common’) typically grounds consent. Common sense is constructed out of longstanding practices of cultural socialization often rooted deep in regional or national traditions. It is not the same as the ‘good sense’ that can be constructed out of critical engagement with the issues of the day. Common sense can, therefore, be profoundly misleading, obfuscating or disguising real problems under cultural prejudices. Cultural and traditional values (such as belief in God and country or views on the position of women in society) and fears (of communists, immigrants, strangers, or ‘others’) can be mobilized to mask other realities. Political slogans can be invoked that mask specific strategies beneath vague rhetorical devices. The word ‘freedom’ resonates so widely within the common-sense understanding of Americans that it becomes ‘a button that elites can press to open the door to the masses’ to justify almost anything. Thus could Bush retrospectively justify the Iraq war. Gramsci therefore concluded that political questions become ‘insoluble’ when ‘disguised as cultural ones’. In seeking to understand the construction of political consent, we must learn to extract political meanings from their cultural integuments. So how, then, was sufficient popular consent generated to legitimize the neoliberal turn? The channels through which this was done were diverse. Powerful ideological influences circulated through the corporations, the media, and the numerous institutions that constitute civil society––such as the universities, schools, churches, and professional associations.

This paper points to the relations of influence and key aspects of the use of different media during studies among students, future teachers, at the College of Professional Studies in Education of Teachers in Kikinda and the State University of Novi Pazar, which largely affect the culture of speech but also the expansion of general and professional competencies of students. The paper analyzes the influence of television and new media in the development of speech culture, where we highlight the importance of complementarity between books as media and new media, as well as their potential that can take advantage of the development of speech culture of students - future teachers. The research was conducted during the period from September to November 2015. The questionnaire, with coverage of 300 students from first to third year of the University College of Professional Studies in Education of Teachers in Kikinda and 100 students from first to fourth year of the State University of Novi Pazar. The conclusion is that young people are preoccupied with the modern media (internet, social networks) that the brevity of expression in e-mails, and text messages significantly affects the research, as waste of time in so-called social media. Students - future educators, are using modern media in the process of informal learning and entertainment, which to a large extent forms the negative attitude towards printed media - the book and leads to the impoverishment of the lexis and to the low level of speech culture and speech which represents the basis of all educators. The paper confirms that the essential ways of using the media, as well as the expressive power of modern media have a strong influence on the speech culture of students - future teachers, but also to their education and general culture. The paper confirms that the ways of using the media are of essential value, as well as that the expressive power of modern media has a strong influence on the speech culture of students - future teachers, but also to their education and general culture. Using modern media confirms the hypothesis that the media negatively affects speech culture of students - future teachers, with the possibility of appearance of pseudo communication and socialization, and confirms the influence of modern media in the creation of prejudices and stereotypes, but also to creates a distorted image of reality.